The Philippine-American War claimed the lives of one million Filipinos and nearly wiped out the country’s carabaos (we had to import water buffaloes from Indonesia after the war). In Balangiga, Samar Province, no adults were allowed to survive. Those who died in the anti-colonial struggle were veterans of the 1896 Revolution. They were young and brave Filipinos who fought and defeated the Spanish colonizers. They belonged to a generation that was ready to fight for the dignity, honor, and independence of the new nation. This lost generation, unfortunately, was replaced by sons and daughters of ilustrados whose preferred political tactic was to peacefully collaborate with the American colonial masters. So instead of building a nation based on the blueprint designed by the revolutionary leaders of Katipunan, the prominent Filipinos leaders in the 1920s and 1930s were scions of landlord politicians whose idea of radical politics was to beg for bureaucratic reforms in the American civil government.

Another war, the Second World War, led to one million deaths in the Philippines. In Bataan peninsula alone, the adult population was almost wiped out during the Japanese invasion. Those who survived the war are known as the country’s war veterans but we should also remember those who perished in the war especially members of the communist-led Huk army. These young idealist Filipinos could have provided an alternative politics after the war – politics that embodies the yearning of Filipinos for genuine emancipation from colonial bondage. But this generation, the generation of Huk fighters, was again replaced by ilustrados who were loyal subjects of the American and even Japanese masters. The revolutionary project was torpedoed once more by pro-US dynasties and oligarchs.

The next flashpoint in Philippine mainstream history was the 20-year Marcos dictatorship. During the Martial Law years, thousands of freedom-loving young Filipinos joined the anti-Marcos struggle. Some of them came from affluent families but have decided to risk everything, even their lives, to fight the fascist dictator. This generation produced the country’s new heroes in the postwar era. The loss is immense; these martyrs could have succeeded in parliamentary politics and could have provided a more patriotic type of leadership after the downfall of Marcos. Sadly, the vacuum was filled by showbiz politicians like Erap, trapos like Arroyo, and returning oligarchs like Noy.

The Marcos years hastened the maturity of young Filipinos in the 1970s. Activist teenagers were forced to act as adults to avoid incarceration or death. For example, the duties and tasks performed by college undergrads for the revolutionary movement were difficult and extensive like building organs of red power in provinces throughout the country. On the other hand, those who were imprisoned and tortured were deprived of the chance to interact with the rest of society. It is interesting to probe if the Martial Law political prisoners became older or younger during those years. Case in point: Satur Ocampo is 71 years old today but he was in prison for 9 years during the Marcos regime. Does this mean he is only 62 years old? But the torture marks on his body have also weakened him. Satur’s mind and willpower may be younger and stronger but his body could be older than 71.

In Japan, the concept of lost generation is related to the economic crisis in the 1990s which produced a generation of young Japanese with no full-time employment. Using the economy as a yardstick, we can describe migrant Filipinos (from OCW to OFW) as belonging to the lost generation. They are talented Filipinos who are forced to wander in other countries to pursue their dreams. Can the dollar remittances compensate for the loss of our skilled human resources?

The labor export policy also created another lost generation – the children of OFWs. They grew up while their parents are far away. Parenting in these modern times is accomplished through letters, telephone conversations, and internet chat. Often, OFW parents shower their children with consumer goods to ease the guilt of leaving their families. What is worse is that children of OFWs will grow old thinking that earning money and fulfilling a dream can only be realized by migrating to distant shores. Isn’t it tragic that a generation of Filipinos is holding on to a believable fiction that life is always better in other countries?

It is not only wars and economic difficulties that destroy the future of a generation. Today there is a real danger of “losing” the attention and support of young Filipino internet users. It is alarming to see young people who are withdrawing from the social because they are too enamored with their virtual lives. It is even more distressing to read and hear impassioned statements that young Filipinos are ready to fight for justice and democracy in the safety of their online communities. They want to change the world by blogging and tweeting about it. They are satisfied with facebook debates. Are we the lost generation of the early 21st century Philippines?

Apat na araw sa lansangan: mga tala ng isang estudyante

Myerkules, 17 Enero 2001 - Sa loob lamang ng isang araw ay nakapagpalabas tayo ng mahigit sa 3,000 myembro ng komunidad ng UP upang tumungo sa EDSA at igiit ang madaliang pagpapatalsik kay Erap. Ilang oras matapos ang walk-out ng mga public prosecutor sa Senate ay madaling nagpunta ang USC at ang Estrada Resign Youth Movement sa mga dorm upang hikayatin ang mga estudyante na lumabas ng campus at sumama sa indignation rally sa EDSA. Tinatantyang 800-1000 na dormers mula sa Molave, Yakal, Narra, Kamia ang lumabas sa kanilang mga kuwarto at kahit ala-una na ng madaling araw ay nagmartsa mula UP papuntang Ortigas (dalawang oras nagmartsa) upang ipakita lamang ang galit sa nangyari sa impeachment trial. Marami ang tumakas sa dorms kahit ipinagbawal ng dorm heads ang paglabas. Pagdating sa EDSA Shrine, sinalubong ang delegasyon ng UP ng iba’t ibang grupo na tumugon sa panawagan ni Cardinal Sin na magdasal para sa demokrasya. Kaninang umaga naman, may 2,000 estudyante, guro at kawani ng UP ang sumama sa rali (kahit Myerkules at kakaunti lamang ang mga klase) at nakibahagi sa people power hanggang mapatalsik si Erap. Spontanyo ang pagkilos na ginawa kanina dahil sa Enero 26 pa ang inaasahan nating people’s strike. Pinakamalaking delegasyon ang nagmula sa College of Law (na may balitang magboboykot daw ang buong kolehiyo ng kanilang klase hanggang sa Sabado), Masscom, CSSP at Science. UP pa rin ang may pinakamalaking bilang ng dumalo sa mga eskuwelahang lumahok sa rali. Nakapaskil din sa isang fly-over ang banner ng UP CURE na nagsasabing “We say Guilty!” Inaasahan na lalo pang lalaki ang bilang ng mga estuyanteng sasama sa rali. Bukas, sama-sama tayong bumalik sa EDSA. Mag-imbita pa tayo ng ating mga kaibigan. Tuluy-tuloy na ito. Wala nang atrasan. Walk-out ng mga klase. Gabi-gabi ay vigil. Palagiang maglalabas ang konseho ng mga updates sa mga nangyayari. Ngayong tapos na ang sarswela sa Senado, simula na ang labanan sa lansangan. Dahil bago pa man magsimula ang trial noong Dis. 7, malinaw na ang hatol ng sambayanan kay Erap: Guilty! kaya dapat nang pabagsakin. Na-onse tayo ng 11 Senador; tiyakin natin na nasa atin pa rin ang tagumpay sa huli.

Huwebes, 18 Enero 2001 - Totoong palaki ang bilang ng mga estudyante at fakulti ng UP na sumasama sa mga pagkilos na pawang nananawagan sa pagpapatalsik kay Estrada. Kung kahapon ay halos 3,000 ang ating napalabas ng kampus simula nung madaling araw, ngayon ay mahigit sa 5,000 myembro ng UP community ang tumungo sa EDSA at nakiisa sa mamamayang naninindigan laban kay Erap. Nagsimula ang walk-out sa mga kolehiyo bandang alas diyes ng umaga. Unang dumating sa Quezon Hall ang isang klase mula sa Eng’g, sumunod ang delegasyon mula sa CSWCD. Nagkulumpon muna si Sir Edru ng mga estudyante at nagbigay ng kaunting diskusyon tungkol sa isyu ngayon. Bandang alas-onse nang dumating ang mga estudyanteng galing sa maliliit na kolehiyo. Nagbigay ng pahayag si VP Endriga. Binasa ang bagong tula ni Prof. Joi Barrios. Alas-onse medya nang dumating na ang malaking bulto na galing sa CSSP, CAL, CBA, Econ, Eng’g at Science. Napuno ang harapan ng Quezon Hall. Sa mga oras na iyon, ramdam na ramdam ang diwa ng isang pagiging myembro ng isang nagkakaisang komunidad. Nagsalita rin si Pres. Nemenzo at nagbigay ng pagpupugay sa patuloy na pagkilos ng UP sa harap ng matinding krisis na kinakaharap natin ngayon. Sinundan ito ng mapanlabang pahayag ni Dean Manalili. Si Prof. Randy David ang nagtapos ng programa bago inawit ng buong madla ang UP Naming Mahal. Nilakad ng halos 4,000 estudyante ang ruta mula UP hanggang EDSA Shrine.

Sa mga panahong ito, hindi mahirap magpaliwanag sa mga estudyante kung bakit kailangang pumunta sa EDSA, bakit kailangang magbigay ng malalaking sakripisyo at bakit kailangang lakarin ang pupuntahang rali kahit pwede namang umarkila ng sasakyan. Sa daan, maraming estudyante ng UP ang naghihintay pala sa rali at sumisingit na lang sa bulto ng kani-kanilang kolehiyo. Dito dumami ang kabuuang bilang ng mga nagrali na galing sa UP. Kahit ang mga bystanders at mga naghihintay lang ng sasakyan sa kahabaan ng EDSA ay nahikayat ng malaking pagkilos ng UP at sumama sa rali. Sinasabi nila na umabot daw sa 10-15 libo ang kabuuang bilang ng ating hanay. Naglunsad tayo ng ala-people power sa EDSA. Ito na ang pinakamalaking rali ng UP pagkatapos ng malaki nating pagkilos nung panahon ng kampanya sa pagpapatalsik ng base militar ng kano noong 1991. Pagdating sa Ortigas ay napakaiinit at malugod ang pagtanggap ng mga tao. Ang mga naunang estudyante ng UP sa EDSA Shrine ay mabilis na pumaloob sa ating hanay. Napakaespesyal ng pagdating ng UP at hindi maikakaila ang mataas na pagpapahalaga ng mga tao sa presensya ng mga Iskolar ng Bayan. Iisa ang ating hangarin. Lahat tayo ay nagkakaisa sa ating ipinaglalaban. Sinundan tayo ng malaking bilang ng mga estudyante mula sa PUP na nagwalk-out din sa kanilang mga klase. Dumaan sila sa San Juan at pinagbabato raw sila ng bote ng mga tao dun. Nauna sa atin ang mga estudyante ng St. Scho, Miriam, Adamson, FEU, Don Bosco, Ateneo. Sa hanay ng mga kabataan ay nandoon din ang Estrada Resign Youth Movement. Araw-araw ay sa kalsada na gaganapin ang ating mga klase. Handa tayong tapusin ang semestre sa lansangan hanggang hindi bumababa si Erap sa puwesto. Kung nasaan ang laban, nandoon tayo. Umasa kayo sa paninindigang ito ng mga Iskolar ng Bayan.

Byernes, 19 Enero 2001 - Marami ang nagsasabing pinakamalaki sa kasaysayan nito ang rali ng UP kahapon. Binanggit ni Prof. Karina David sa publiko kahapon na may 30,000 na mga UP estudyante at fakulti ang nagmartsa mula Diliman papuntang EDSA Shrine. Nagbunga na ang ating determinasyon dahil malapit nang mawala sa Malacanang si Erap. Tagumpay ang ating people power. Masasabing malaki ang papel na ginampanan ng UP sa people power sa EDSA. Isa tayo sa mga unang grupo na pumunta sa EDSA nung Miyerkules ng madaling araw at nanawagan sa pagpapabagsak kay Erap. Araw-araw tayong pumupunta sa EDSA at araw-araw ding palaki nang palaki ang ating bilang. Isang pagpapakita sa lakas ng UP at ang militanteng tradisyon ng mga Iskolar ng Bayan. Ituloy natin ang laban hanggang mawala na talaga si Erap. Hamunin natin ang bagong presidente na magtalaga ng mahahalagang reporma sa pamahalaan lalo na yung mga hinihiling ng mga kabataan na bigyan ng kaukulang prayoridad ang sektor ng edukasyon. Samantala, sapat na sigurong magpugay muna sa lahat ng makabayang organisasyon at inidibidwal na walang pagod na lumahok sa lahat ng pagkilos sa pagpapatalsik kay Erap. Mabuhay ang Iskolar ng Bayan! Mabuhay ang mamamayang Pilipino! Mabuhay ang Demokrasya!

Sabado, 20 Enero 2001 - Sa lahat ng myembro ng UP Community: Pumunta po tayo sa Mendiola – ngayon na – at igiit ang madaliang pagbibitiw ni Estrada. Ang mga estudyante ay nagmamartsa na ngayon papuntang Mendiola at buong-buo ang paninindigan na kailangang tapusin na ang panunugkulan ni Erap. Sa lahat ng mga dormers, sumama na tayo. An estimated 50,000 – 75,000 anti-Erap protesters are now marching in the streets papunta sa Malacanang. Dun tayo sa Mendiola. Mabuhay ang mga Iskolar ng Bayan!

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In 2001 I was part of the historic Edsa Dos uprising which toppled the Estrada regime in the Philippines. Aside from mobilizing students and youth groups in Edsa, we also launched information brigades on the Internet. We sent rally updates through e-mail and e-groups. For the first time, texting became an important tool in organizing protest activities. Text jokes were used to undermine the credibility of the president.

Today, rallies are virtual, mobile and real. Street rallies are announced through various social networking sites. Photos of protest actions are instantly uploaded on the web through mobile phones. Blogging and microblogging allow ordinary citizens to express dissidence in the comfort of their homes.

Despite the limited Internet penetration rate in the Philippines, web activists have proven that cyberspace can be the terrain of political struggle. In the past decade, activist groups have been successful in maximizing new technologies to advance their advocacy. These tools are essential in reaching a broader audience.

Activists have learned that campaign strategies are more effective if offline activities are linked to online solidarity actions. On the other hand, cyber activism becomes a potent force only if it is fused with grassroots activism.

The majority of Internet activists recognize the limitations of online campaigning. But there are individuals who worship the amazing power of virtual rallies without acknowledging the disadvantages of Internet activism. This is quite disturbing since it distorts the meaning of activism: activism that truly empowers the oppressed.

Virtual activism can discourage people from participating in collective actions. Today we have students and idealist young citizens who believe that they can change the world by adding causes on Facebook or if they sign online petitions. There is a new breed of activists who spend their productive time sitting in front of a computer. Instead of organizing communities, they build virtual communities.

Online activism minus the essential offline component is impressive and creative but politically impotent. It gives a false impression that change is possible by being aggressive and passionate only in the virtual world. It prevents the educated segment of the population from developing a genuine link with the working masses.

This kind of activism does not frighten the evildoers in society. Politicians in the Philippines don’t read blogs. They don’t open their e-mail. They hire people to handle their social media accounts. They can tolerate a virtual revolution.

Activism demands sacrifice. Struggling for change is difficult because its aim is to dismantle the exploitative structures of the status quo. Those who wield power would not easily surrender their hegemony. It is important for change crusaders to learn these “inconvenient truths” about activism.

Activists who prefer traditional modes of campaigning should not worry if they are perceived as uncool and unfashionable. Their priority should be to come up with a magic formula that effectively combines elements of online and offline activism.

Activists should not be asked how many members they recruited on Facebook or Friendster. They must be more concerned about the number of people they are able to recruit in the real world.

Activists must continue to use their mobile phones, mp3 players and laptops if they want their campaigns to succeed. But to achieve their long-term goals, activists must turn off their gadgets from time to time and concentrate on the rigorous task of talking to people about the need to support and join popular and even unpopular campaigns.

Activism in the 21st century features new action words like texting, retweeting, clicking, chatting and social networking. But 20th century action words are still more persuasive and powerful – like talking, organizing, marching, pushing and rallying.

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Discussions on how to stop the proliferation of pornographic materials were also initiated. In particular, a strong lobby was launched for the enactment of a law which would give the government more power to combat child pornography.

Child pornography is both a domestic and international problem. The Philippines’ first case of child pornography was reported in the late 1960s. Since then, there have been many sensational cases of child pornography in the country, indicating the continuing victimization of Filipino children.

According to official statistics, the majority of child pornography perpetrators are foreigners. Many of them pretend to be good-hearted individuals who provide gifts and donations to poor families. Their charity work is their cover as they scout for young boys and girls for their illegal activities.

Pedophiles proliferate not just in poor urban communities; they also operate in tourist resorts in the provinces. Most of the shocking media-reported incidences of child pornography have taken place at popular vacation resorts. It seems tourism attracts not just investors and philanthropists; tourism also makes it possible for child pornography syndicates to expand their nefarious activities in the various islands of the Philippines.

Child pornography and child prostitution are underreported. In 2003 there were only 13 reported victims of child pornography and 247 victims of child prostitution. These are very low numbers which do not reflect the observed reality on the ground.

Many parents are not aware that pornographers and pimps are victimizing their children. There are also parents who see nothing wrong with pornography, believing it only involves the innocent taking of photographs. When foreign pedophiles were arrested in a small town south of Manila local residents defended the foreigners, whom they described as generous and benevolent tourists.

Digital and mobile technologies are also tools which benefit child pornographers. Mobile phones are increasingly used to take pictures and shoot videos of nude children. Editing of pornographic films can now be done almost anywhere because of digital technology. Even innocent-looking pictures of children can be instantly transformed into porn images.

The distribution and exchange of pornographic materials is done through the worldwide web. The Internet makes it possible for pornographers to quickly and secretly share their materials with prospective clients around the world. Cyberspace continues to be an ever-expanding repository of porn pictures and videos, including those produced decades ago.

There are many initiatives to defeat child pornography in the Philippines. Various groups have come up with a legal battle plan to punish child pornography syndicates. They have also pinpointed a few gaps in the laws on the subject. For instance, they believe there is a need to expand the definition of child pornography. Today there is a bit of confusion, even among judges, on the accurate and standard definition of pornography.

Certain artists and children’s groups are feuding over the meaning of child pornography. The latter insist that movies and pictures involving adults portrayed as children in sexual scenes should be considered pornography. They oppose anything that depicts children as objects of sexual desire.

Artists reject this assertion by arguing that it violates their freedom of expression. If Congress criminalizes the portrayal of children by adults in sex scenes, artists will be forced to find other creative ways to describe child rape, child abuse and child prostitution. Other artists might choose not to tackle these socially sensitive topics in order not to attract legal prosecution.

Most of the laws on child pornography were enacted prior to the popularity of the Internet. Hence, there is need to draft laws to address Internet-mediated pornography. According to children’s rights advocates, current laws on pornography only mention information technology in general terms, thus empowering smart lawyers to circumvent the laws and allowing pedophiles to escape punishment. There are also some judges who are not knowledgeable about how the Internet works, which prevents them from handling cybercrime cases competently.

The campaign against child pornography will be given a boost if greater international cooperation is fostered among governments. Since this is a transnational phenomenon, it is necessary to forge links among police and judicial authorities of several countries to weaken global sex syndicates.

National governments should seriously probe the nexus between child pornography, sex tourism and poverty. Corrective legislation is not enough. A holistic approach is needed to protect children from sex predators and pedophiles. Aside from providing immediate aid to vulnerable sectors, national and local governments should launch an information and education drive about the various dimensions of child pornography. Rich and poor families need accurate information about sex crimes.

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