Politicians die young. There are rebellious children who are quite ashamed of their family legacy. They are desperate to shed the trapo image. They try to be different by espousing popular advocacies while some are publicly contradicting their relatives. But their idealism is often defeated by the unbearable weight of the old system. How could they fight the trapo old guards in the parliamentary political arena and expect to emerge unscathed? How could they succeed in creating history if they are unable and unwilling to imagine the possibility of political reforms through non-electoral politics? Humbled by their powerlessness and overwhelmed by the sheer complexity of the system, they surrender to the seductive appeal of the status quo. They become reborn reactionaries guided by this mantra: ‘Stop fighting, start compromising. The system is imperfect but we can still make it work. I want to fight but I want to retain my privileges.’ In short, they want their pork and eat it too while the leftover is given to charity. Convinced that fighting the system is a losing battle, they turn their attention to the next elections. And so everyday we see their smiling faces plastered all over the town, we hear and read their awkward one-liners on TV or radio and even on the internet, and we are helpless to their aggressive use of PR magic and media manipulation. Their fulltime day job is to deceive the people through the most sophisticated and even ruthless means. The promising young politician has mutated into a trapo walking dead monster. It’s the worst kind of death.

Youth without youth. The curious case of Juan Ponce Enrile or the rehabilitation of his image from a hated Marcos crony to being the third most important statesman in the country is simply unbelievable. It’s a very disturbing, frightening political phenomenon. His life story teaches the youth that a person can still manage to become respectable in mainstream politics after being loyal to a fascist dictator for many years and despite participating in the bloody mutilation of democratic ideals in society (military dictatorship, human rights violations, coup, dagdag-bawas). It’s scary to see the rise of closet Enrile fans who are impressed with his legal brilliance while seeking to replicate his staying power in politics. Are we then doomed to a future dominated by Enrile zombies? Fortunately, we have the shining example of senior citizen activists as a viable alternative to the figure of Enrile. The 1960s radicals and the First Quarter Storm generation have remained politically relevant despite shunning electoral politics for many decades. Despite their age, they continue to battle the three evils of society (imperialism, bureaucratic capitalism, feudalism). They revived the mass movement and the revolution in their youth and they are still at it. They are the political Harry Potter, the boys and girls who lived (and survived Voldemort/Marcos). They are the political Peter Pan, the boys and girls who refused to grow old. Forget Enrile, who keeps reinventing himself as a fake and pathetic champion of the masses. (Forget Belo too). The secret to eternal youth is to take the road of revolution.

Pero ano dapat ang maging paksa kapag Araw ng Kabataan? Hindi lamang edad ang espesyal sa kabataan; mahalaga din ang pagiging bahagi niya ng iba’t ibang sektor at uri sa lipunan. Walang kabataang ang tanging pagkakakilanlan niya ay ang pagiging kabataan lamang. Halimbawa, maraming batang manggagawa, mayroon tayong mga IP youth, at malaking bilang ng kababaihan ay kabataan. Sa madaling salita, hindi hiwalay ang isyu ng komunidad sa partikular na usaping kasangkot ang kabataan. Ang pasanin ng bayan ay pasanin din ng kabataan.

Kung gayon, ang pagtataguyod sa interes ng kabataan ay pagkilos din upang umangat ang kapakanan ng lahat. Hindi pwedeng magtagumpay ang kabataan nang hindi niya napapawi ang mga mali sa paligid. Paano magdidiwang ang kabataan kung gapos sa kahirapan ang masa? Kaya sa minimum, kaisa ng kabataan ang mamamayang lumalaban para sa kanilang karapatan. Sa maksimum, handa ang kabataang tumindig para sa pagbabago. Pagbabago ng lipunan. Pagbabago ng lumang mundo.

Kaya hindi maiiwasang banggitin ang likas na radikalismong taglay ng kabataan tuwing Araw ng Kabataan. Hindi mapipigilang tukuyin muli ang dakilang misyon ng kabataan na maging aktibong ahente at boses ng rebolusyon. Mapanlaban ang diwa nito: Pag-asa, Pakikibaka, Pagbabago. Bilang pag-asa ng bayan, nakikibaka ang kabataan kasama ang bayan upang likhain ang isang bagong bukas. Ito ang dahilan kung bakit ang Araw ng Kabataan ay sadyang napakapulitikal.

Araw din ito ng pagkilala sa mga nauna sa atin; sa mga kabataan noon na nagturo sa atin kung paano lumaban – Sa henerasyon nina Bonifacio, Rizal, Aguinaldo, at Jacinto; sa mga lumaban noong Philippine-American War; sa mga kabataang martir ng World War II; sa mga humamon sa Batas Militar. Matayog ang kanilang pangarap para sa atin. Mangarap din tayo para sa susunod na henerasyon.

Bawat isa sa atin ay may bitbit na usapin: edukasyon para sa lahat, reproductive health, climate change, decent employment, volunteerism. Mainam kung may kumprehensibo din tayong tanaw sa ating sitwasyon upang kumprehensibo din ang ating pagkilos. Hindi lalaya ang Pilipinas kung lahat tayo ay nakapokus sa ating maliliit at hiwa-hiwalay na laban habang ang kaaway natin ay nagdudulot ng malawakang pinsala sa bayan.

Hindi rin tayo dapat malunod sa pagbaha ng impormasyon, at maanod ng iba’t ibang libangang pinagkakaloob sa atin ng modernong teknolohiya. Wala sa twitter trending topics ang katotohanan ng ating mga suliranin; wala sa social media timeline ang sagot sa kahirapan. Nasa offline na mundo ang kalutasan; sa ating sama-samang pagkilos napapanday ang mabisang sandata para sa pagbabago.

Patunayan natin na kaya nating maging inspirasyon para sa iba pang kabataan ng mundo tulad ng ipinakita ng mga kabataan ng maraming bansa sa Middle East. Gamit ang teknolohiya sa mobilisasyon, sila ay tumungo sa lansangan upang ipaglaban ang kanilang demokrasya.

Hindi nagtapos ang pakikilahok ng kabataan sa kasaysayan noong Edsa 1986. Kung tila mahirap ulitin ang kasaysayan, lumikha tayo ng bagong kasaysayan. Pero huwag sabihing tapos na ang panahong makisangkot. Hindi nalalaos ang pagiging makabayan.

Dapat tutulan natin ang pagmamaliit sa atin. Hindi tayo voting block. Hindi tayo consumer market. Hindi tayo audience profile. Hindi tayo mga kinder na ang kayang gawin lamang ay sumunod sa matatanda’t kumilos batay sa kagustuhan ng matatanda.

Maraming taguri sa bagong henerasyon: Post Edsa generation, digital natives, networked generation, Arroyo Babies, Strawberry Generation. The muggles who grew up with Harry Potter. Mamili na lang kayo. Pero ngayong Araw ng mga Kabataan, pwede bang gamitin natin itong pagkakataon upang pag-isipan, pag-usapan, pagdesisyunan kung ano ang direksiyon na ating tatahakin upang matiyak ang isang mas magandang kinabukasan para sa lahat.

Bilang beterano ng Edsa Dos, ako ay humihingi ng paumanhin at hinayaan naming mamuno si Gloria Arroyo ng halos isang dekada. Huwag ninyong tularan ang aming mga kahinaan.

1. I learned that you are siding with the Sangguniang Kabataan Federation in this issue and is against its abolition. Please explain your position/stand on this issue and why you are supporting them.

The support is incidental. Our group recognizes the weaknesses of the SK system which is the reason why we filed House Bill 1963.

But the proposed abolition is somewhat an exaggeration. After 30 years of political innovation, is abolishing the SK the only option that the government can think of?

The reasons put forward by the SK abolitionists are legitimate but not substantial enough to convince me that it is the best solution to address the problems besetting the youth institution.

2. DILG Sec. Robredo and former Sen. Pimentel, among others are accusing the SK of being a breeding ground for corruption and for failing to be functional and effective in the delivery of public service while PPCRV chair Henrietta de Villa says it only encourages political dynasties. Do you think that to a certain extent these allegations are true? Why or why not?

These accusations are not without basis. Indeed, there is corruption in the bureaucracy from the national to the local levels. Unfortunately, even some SK leaders are involved. Political dynasties are also extending their nefarious sphere of influence down to the SK level. (Trapo for adults and Bimbo for young politicians – Batang Itinulak ng Magulang sa Pulitika). The idealism of the youth is wasted when SK leaders mutate into young trapo monsters.

These negative features of the SK reflect the bankrupt character of Philippine politics. We have been bad role models for SK leaders. Instead of teaching them the principles of good governance, we have only exposed them to the worst features of politics. The weaknesses of SK point to the failure of the government to empower young people since the institution which is supposed to harness the leadership potential of the youth had been corrupted over the decades. It is shameful that dynasties are even using the SK to strengthen their monopolistic control of local political power.

If the SK is ineffective, it means we didn’t guide them correctly. We didn’t introduce creative types of projects and other services which the SK can implement in the grassroots.

If corruption is present in the SK level, other LGUs are implicated as well. SK officials can’t access local funds without the approval of barangay officials. Why single out the SK as a breeding ground for corruption?

If corruption, ineffectiveness, and promotion of political dynasties are cited as the reasons to abolish the SK, there are equally deserving government agencies, both local and national, which should be abolished as well.

3. Is the alternative option of having a youth representative in the barangay council a feasible idea? Are you and your group willing to settle for this option? Why or why not?

It is a non-solution. It doesn’t solve anything. The single youth representative, who is now not accountable to a youth council, can be more easily seduced by corruption practices because he/she is now alone; and most likely he/she could still belong to a dynasty.

Since the youth representative will be voted at large by barangay residents, we will force that kid to adopt the campaign tactics of adults in order to garner enough votes to win in the election.

Having a youth council is better than electing a single representative because programs, decisions, and ideas are collectively decided in a council.

At present, the SK is composed of a chairperson and 7 kagawads. The kagawads do not receive any payment from the government yet they are mandated by law to serve the community for three years. We have more than 300,000 volunteers through the SK system. The government wants to eliminate this unique institution which encourages youth participation and volunteerism in community affairs.

4. What do you think is the real problem in the SK system? What should the government do to solve it?
5. How can SK officials help in nation building?

The problem is the system itself. We cannot successfully reform the SK if the political system remains corrupt and elitist. The youth draws inspiration from the actions and behavior of adults. Whether it’s SK or single youth representative, it will continue to be ineffective as long as the current disappointing system is in place.

Maybe we should transform SK into an activist institution. Encourage SK leaders to be anti-corruption advocates. Inspire them to expose the wrongdoings in government agencies.

6. In the past, what do you think are the significant contributions of SK to most communities?

Providing opportunities for young people, in-school and out-of-school youth, to participate in the governance process. It gave young people the chance to articulate their ideas and sentiments in barangay councils and LGU councils. It allowed youth leaders to form a municipal, city and provincial networks.

7. What is your group doing to prevent it from being enacted?

Will push for reforms. Will convince lawmakers to rethink the abolition proposal and encourage them to draft a measure that will strengthen or reform the SK. I am even open to the idea of forming a new youth formation in barangays. A new youth body with a different orientation. A stronger and more responsive body that will harness youth idealism

Malaki ang papel ng kabataan sa pagbabago sa lipunan. Sa katunayan, tampok ang naging ambag ng kabataan sa pagtatayo ng ating Republika. Si Rizal ay 25 taong gulang lamang nang isinulat niya ang Noli Me Tangere; si Bonifacio, 28, nang itinatag niya ang Katipunan; si Jacinto, 20, nang maging ‘utak’ ng Rebolusyon.

Maraming kabataan at estudyante ang nagbuwis ng buhay para sa kalayaan ng bansa, mula sa paglaban sa pananakop ng mga dayuhan hanggang sa paghamon sa Batas Militar. Ang kinikilala nating mga beterano ng World War II ngayon ay mga teenager lamang noong 1940s. Karamihan sa mga martir ng pakikibaka laban sa diktaturyang Marcos ay mga mag-aaral.

Mahalaga din ang pagkilos ng kabataan noong Edsa 1986. Sinundan ito ng sama-samang pagbabasura sa US Bases Treaty noong 1991. Tumindig laban sa korupsyon ang maraming kabataan noong Edsa 2001.

Nitong nakaraang dekada ay naging saksi tayo sa mga mapanlikhang pagkilos ng mga estudyante’t kabataan. Ginamit ang texting noong People Power, naging tanyag ang ‘Hello Garci’ ringtone noong 2005, at naging daluyan ang cyberspace upang ipalaganap ang kritikal na boses ng kabataan sa iba’t ibang isyung panlipunan.

Napatunayan na natin ang mabisang pagkilos ng kabataan upang baguhin ang kasaysayan. Nananatiling buhay ang aral na ito sa kasalukuyan. Kailangan ang talino, lakas, giting, at kasanayan ng kabataan sa pag-unlad ng komunidad. Kailangan ang aktibong pakikilahok ng kabataan sa pagpapanday ng isang mas maaliwalas na kinabukasan. Upang maisakatuparan ito, mahalagang batid ng kabataan ang kanyang tungkulin bilang isang makabayang mamamayan ng lipunan na may malasakit sa kapwa. Kasama dito ang kanyang dakilang misyon na maging kritiko ng mali sa lipunan at ahente ng tunay na pagbabago.

Ano ang lugar ng Sangguniang Kabataan sa mga usaping ito?

Inaamin natin na itinatag ang SK upang ilayo ang kabataan sa radikalismo. At para sa ilan na kaaway ng reporma, ito pa rin ang kanilang motibo sa pagsusulong ng mga gawain ng SK. Totoong may kontradiksiyon ang paglalagay ng SK bilang ekstensiyon ng pamahalaan. Likas sa kabataan ang maging mapanuri’t mapanghamon sa sistema tulad ng itinuturo ng kasaysayan kung kaya’t tama ang pagtingin na tila isang anomalya na ang kabataan ay nasa loob ng isang konserbatibong burukrasya.

Bukod sa nalilimita ang pananaw ng ilang SK kung ano ang pwedeng maging ambag ng kabataan sa pagbabago sa lipunan, may panganib na sila’y ‘lamunin’ ng sistemang tradisyunal. Sa halip na magpalaganap ng bagong perspektiba sa pulitika, baka sila ang mabiktima ng bulok na pulitika.

Kung may bantang lubhang pahinain ang kritikal na kaisipan at pagkilos ng kabataan, dapat na bang buwagin ang SK?

Nasa panig ang Kabataan Partylist na makakatulong sa SK kung babaguhin ang oryentasyon nito mula sa pagiging pandayan lamang ng mga susunod na pulitiko tungo sa pagsusulong ng mga makabuluhang reporma sa lipunan. Sila ay maaaring magsilbing mata at tainga ng bayan sa mga nagaganap na katiwalian sa lokal at pambansang pamahalaan. Nasa bentahe ng SK kung bibitbitin at ipagpapatuloy nito ang prinsipyadong uri ng paglilingkod sa bayan.

Kasama sila sa panawagan para sa tunay na pagbabago sa sistemang pulitikal sa bansa. Kaisa sila ng mas malawak na kabataang Pilipino na ang hangarin ay isang malinis na pamahalaan, mapayapang komunidad, at maunlad na bayan.

Bawat henerasyon ay may kongkretong ambag sa kasaysayan. Ang hamon sa bagong SK ay maging sandigan ng mamamayan, lalo na ng mahihirap, sa pakikibaka para sa isang bagong Pilipinas.

Sulong SK! Sulong kabataan!

2. In the 1990s, writer Jessica Zafra introduced her theory of world domination which recognized the role of Overseas Filipino Workers, particularly our domestic helpers, in ‘subverting’ the global system. Zafra imagined our Pinoy nannies as ‘secret agents’ around the world indoctrinating the next generation of state leaders and big business moguls. Recently, she updated her theory by assigning a greater role to nannies working for celebrities and finance executives. The world will be our hostage once we order our supermaids to stage a household strike. What will happen if our world-class yayas stop working for a day? Scholar Neferti Tadiar (The Noranian Imaginary) described the scene in a local plush village when maids suddenly abandoned their duties to watch the film shooting of superstar Nora Aunor: “Chaos and crisis suddenly erupt in the peaceful homes of the rich – children are crying, housewives are helplessly stranded, pots are boiling over.” Can the world’s richest and most powerful families survive without their Filipino maids?

3. Zafra’s theory is useful to ‘expose’ imperialism. Our maids can be our whistleblowers against war criminals, gangsters, banksters, fraudsters, and cheating prime ministers. The Filipino nation can blackmail the political and financial gatekeepers of the world order. But we can slightly improve Zafra’s theory by deploying more agents to spy on the activities of the royal families and privileged institutions of the global superpowers. Who will compose this new army? My proposal is to designate our call center agents as our new secret weapon to dominate the world.

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The Philippines has recently dislodged India as the Business Process Outsourcing powerhouse in the world. The country’s advantage, compared to our neighbors in the region, is the large supply of skilled and English-speaking workers. Foreign companies also like the cheap labor cost in the country and the obsession of many Filipinos to mimic American culture (which partly explains why the US is still the local BPO’s biggest market).

More than 600,000 young Filipinos are employed in this sector and most of them are college educated. However, they are unaware of their collective strength since they have no unions or associations. And like many young workers in other industries, they have no job security which makes them the country’s glamorized endos and flashy temp workers.

But they are actually our sophisticated and key link inside the imperialist behemoth. They have convenient access to the best-kept secrets of the developed world. They are guardians and collectors of sensitive bits and bytes of information which the most enterprising journalists and even Wikileaks cannot easily discover.

Our BPO voice agents, whose daily (oops, nightly) duty includes the accepting of calls from clueless and arrogant American consumers, can testify to the disturbing idiotization of American society. (Hey Joe, can’t you read that damn manual?)

And if talking to incredibly racist callers is not torturous enough, our agents also have the thankless job of collecting overdue payments from credit cardholders; and they have to market and sell superfluous products and services to naïve consumers.

BPO work, in many instances, saps the creative, physical, and mental energies of our talented young generation. It threatens to redirect the inherent passion and idealism of the youth in the service of Capital. It isolates the graveyard shift workers from society; it prevents them from developing meaningful ties with public and social institutions. It can reinforce a false and dangerous attitude among the youth that what really matters in the world is their purchasing power, and not their power to change the world.

But what is most infuriating is that after drawing superprofits from the labor of our young workers, BPO companies can always decide to transfer their operations to other places. Like speculative capital investments, BPO firms can instantly abandon the Philippines in search of higher profit returns. If that happens, what will we offer to our ‘nightwalker’ workers, the ‘walking wounded’ of service sector capitalism?

We should prepare for a preemptive strike.

Our agents possess the trade secrets of consumer companies and they have the blueprint of operations of big multinational corporations. Can’t we use them to demand some political and financial gain? Concretely, can’t we ask for better wage and non-wage benefits for our workers?

Our medical transcriptionists can reveal the real state of health of the Western world. They can identify the leaders who are suffering from terminal illnesses. The questionable financial transactions of greedy banks and companies can be divulged to the media. The legal services can threaten to publish some damning documents about their clients. Our animators can embed Filipino symbolisms in their work.

Back-up the servers. Store the data in a safe place. Reset the codes and passwords. We are more powerful than the banks in Cayman Islands and Switzerland. If access to information is the key to rule the world in a Knowledge Economy, then technically speaking the Western world is under our remote control. If our agents refuse to work for one day or if they collectively decide to give wrong tips to consumers, the world as we know it will ground to a halt.

Learn how China, the world’s manufacturing giant, is churning out Chinese versions of Western consumer products. Can’t we build local versions of business products, processes, and services based on the information that our BPO firms currently possess?

Today, privacy trumps innovation in the BPO sector. Our call center agents are bombarded with daily scriptures about efficiency and confidentiality. How about making them conscious agents of innovation, always seeking for opportunities and valuable information which the Philippine nation can use for its leapfrogging development plan?

The Philippines is not a global superpower. We don’t have nuclear arms, Wall Street, Hollywood, and a billion population. But we have our nannies. And we also have our call center workers. Behind every lord of the throne is a loyal servant attending to the needs of the master. Long live the slave workers of the world!

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Garcia was candid to admit that there are many troubling issues besetting the sports sector. On the part of the government, he identified the lack of funds, lack of coordination between agencies, and bureaucracy (problema ng lahat ng ahensiya ito).

He complained that sports bodies are too dependent on PSC funds. He blamed this on the poor support from private sector. In fact, only 5 percent of the Top 1,000 corporations in the country are into sports sponsorships. The PSC chairman added that private support exists when there is vested interest.

Another problem is the weak sports culture among the youth. The PSC has already asked the Department of Education to revive the country’s Physical Education program.

Hopefully, this would also cure the obsession of Filipinos with basketball. According to a survey cited by PSC, basketball (22%) is the most popular game in the Philippines followed by volleyball (9%), jogging (5%), and badminton (3%).

Basketball (45%) is the most watched sports on TV followed by mixed martial arts (23%) and boxing (10%).

Sports and history are top sources of Filipino pride (not true if you ask the Central Bank which recently unveiled new currency designs).

Recognizing the impact of sports on nationalism, the government should address the shortage of sports facilities in the country. In Mindanao, sports centers are accessible only in South Cotabato, Davao, Cagayan de Oro, and Tubod in Lanao del Norte. In the National Capital Region, sports centers are located in RMSC, PhilSports, UMAK, Rosario Sports Complex, Amoranto, Ynares, and in private sports clubs.

Outside the Rizal Sports Complex, the country’s premier training center, athletes are seduced by drugs, and prostitutes. Some become victims of petty crimes.

Tarlac City has a sports center but it is ten kilometers away from the city center.

The state of Philippine sports is indicated by the poor performance of our athletes in international competitions. What are some lessons to be learned from our experience in the Asian Games in the past 20 years?

We won seven gold medals in boxing, four silver medals in taekwondo, and one silver for equestrian and athletics. For non-olympic sports, we won a gold in wushu, three gold prizes for cue sports, and two gold medals for bowling.

The Philippines has yet to win a medal in badminton, bodybuilding, sailing, sepak, archery, table tennis, volleyball, and fencing, among others.

The PSC believes we could win more medals in judo and weightlifting. It wants to concentrate on weight categories rather on sports that require height advantage like basketball.

The Rugby national team didn’t receive government funding but it gave us a silver medal in the Southeast Asian Games. The cost of supporting the dancesport team which gave us two bronze medals in the Asian Games is only 88,000 pesos per medal. On the other hand, we spent 11.4 million pesos on our dragonboat team but unfortunately, the game was not included in the 2009 SEA games.

How big is the cash problem of the PSC? Its fund sources come from Pagcor (65 percent), customs, horse racing, PCSO and the national budget (25 percent). It is supposed to get 5 percent of PAGCOR earnings but its actual share every year is only 2.4 percent. It needs 120 million pesos a year just to pay the allowances and support services required by our 643 elite athletes and 143 elite coaches.

The government sports budget is very low compared to what our neighbors in the region are allocating for the sports sector. In 2009, Thailand’s sports budget was 3.4 billion pesos while Malaysia allocated 924 million pesos. Meanwhile, the Philippines sports sector received only 213.4 million pesos.

But lack of funds is not the problem alone. The new PSC leadership has vowed to correct the inefficient use of public funds by sports agencies. In 2009, the government spent 266 million pesos on our athletes but it spent 324 million pesos on administration services. Only 53 million pesos was given for sports infrastructure.

The new PSC chairman said that starting this year, more funds will be devoted to the training and support of our athletes instead of bloating the PSC bureaucracy.

Sports revival

The PSC identified four stages of Philippine sports development: grassroots, talent pool, elite, and professional. I learned that professional leagues are available only for basketball, boxing, billiards, and golf. Aside from having no elite training centers in the country, there is also no integrated talent identification program.

What is the sports plan of the PSC and POC? The highlights of the National Sports Development Plan 2011-2013:

- Combine and consolidate Palarong Pambansa and Batang P-Noy (magkakaroon kaya ng target shooting?)
- Palarong Pambansa games are to be held in 5 areas in the country.
- Games should be open to all students; not just public school students
- Medal winners are to be considered for possible recruitment to the national pool
- Retired medal winners are to be given additional training for possible coaching jobs to assist LGUs in their sports activities
- The books of National Sports Associations will be audited by SGV which has offered to do it for free
- Closer monitoring is required for national pool athletes
- Special elite athletes are required to be quartered and away from all distraction (like Facebook?). Special nutrition and psychological assistance to be given according to specific sport
- Sports officials must have had experience and involvement in sports

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The Philippine-American War claimed the lives of one million Filipinos and nearly wiped out the country’s carabaos (we had to import water buffaloes from Indonesia after the war). In Balangiga, Samar Province, no adults were allowed to survive. Those who died in the anti-colonial struggle were veterans of the 1896 Revolution. They were young and brave Filipinos who fought and defeated the Spanish colonizers. They belonged to a generation that was ready to fight for the dignity, honor, and independence of the new nation. This lost generation, unfortunately, was replaced by sons and daughters of ilustrados whose preferred political tactic was to peacefully collaborate with the American colonial masters. So instead of building a nation based on the blueprint designed by the revolutionary leaders of Katipunan, the prominent Filipinos leaders in the 1920s and 1930s were scions of landlord politicians whose idea of radical politics was to beg for bureaucratic reforms in the American civil government.

Another war, the Second World War, led to one million deaths in the Philippines. In Bataan peninsula alone, the adult population was almost wiped out during the Japanese invasion. Those who survived the war are known as the country’s war veterans but we should also remember those who perished in the war especially members of the communist-led Huk army. These young idealist Filipinos could have provided an alternative politics after the war – politics that embodies the yearning of Filipinos for genuine emancipation from colonial bondage. But this generation, the generation of Huk fighters, was again replaced by ilustrados who were loyal subjects of the American and even Japanese masters. The revolutionary project was torpedoed once more by pro-US dynasties and oligarchs.

The next flashpoint in Philippine mainstream history was the 20-year Marcos dictatorship. During the Martial Law years, thousands of freedom-loving young Filipinos joined the anti-Marcos struggle. Some of them came from affluent families but have decided to risk everything, even their lives, to fight the fascist dictator. This generation produced the country’s new heroes in the postwar era. The loss is immense; these martyrs could have succeeded in parliamentary politics and could have provided a more patriotic type of leadership after the downfall of Marcos. Sadly, the vacuum was filled by showbiz politicians like Erap, trapos like Arroyo, and returning oligarchs like Noy.

The Marcos years hastened the maturity of young Filipinos in the 1970s. Activist teenagers were forced to act as adults to avoid incarceration or death. For example, the duties and tasks performed by college undergrads for the revolutionary movement were difficult and extensive like building organs of red power in provinces throughout the country. On the other hand, those who were imprisoned and tortured were deprived of the chance to interact with the rest of society. It is interesting to probe if the Martial Law political prisoners became older or younger during those years. Case in point: Satur Ocampo is 71 years old today but he was in prison for 9 years during the Marcos regime. Does this mean he is only 62 years old? But the torture marks on his body have also weakened him. Satur’s mind and willpower may be younger and stronger but his body could be older than 71.

In Japan, the concept of lost generation is related to the economic crisis in the 1990s which produced a generation of young Japanese with no full-time employment. Using the economy as a yardstick, we can describe migrant Filipinos (from OCW to OFW) as belonging to the lost generation. They are talented Filipinos who are forced to wander in other countries to pursue their dreams. Can the dollar remittances compensate for the loss of our skilled human resources?

The labor export policy also created another lost generation – the children of OFWs. They grew up while their parents are far away. Parenting in these modern times is accomplished through letters, telephone conversations, and internet chat. Often, OFW parents shower their children with consumer goods to ease the guilt of leaving their families. What is worse is that children of OFWs will grow old thinking that earning money and fulfilling a dream can only be realized by migrating to distant shores. Isn’t it tragic that a generation of Filipinos is holding on to a believable fiction that life is always better in other countries?

It is not only wars and economic difficulties that destroy the future of a generation. Today there is a real danger of “losing” the attention and support of young Filipino internet users. It is alarming to see young people who are withdrawing from the social because they are too enamored with their virtual lives. It is even more distressing to read and hear impassioned statements that young Filipinos are ready to fight for justice and democracy in the safety of their online communities. They want to change the world by blogging and tweeting about it. They are satisfied with facebook debates. Are we the lost generation of the early 21st century Philippines?

Apat na araw sa lansangan: mga tala ng isang estudyante

Myerkules, 17 Enero 2001 - Sa loob lamang ng isang araw ay nakapagpalabas tayo ng mahigit sa 3,000 myembro ng komunidad ng UP upang tumungo sa EDSA at igiit ang madaliang pagpapatalsik kay Erap. Ilang oras matapos ang walk-out ng mga public prosecutor sa Senate ay madaling nagpunta ang USC at ang Estrada Resign Youth Movement sa mga dorm upang hikayatin ang mga estudyante na lumabas ng campus at sumama sa indignation rally sa EDSA. Tinatantyang 800-1000 na dormers mula sa Molave, Yakal, Narra, Kamia ang lumabas sa kanilang mga kuwarto at kahit ala-una na ng madaling araw ay nagmartsa mula UP papuntang Ortigas (dalawang oras nagmartsa) upang ipakita lamang ang galit sa nangyari sa impeachment trial. Marami ang tumakas sa dorms kahit ipinagbawal ng dorm heads ang paglabas. Pagdating sa EDSA Shrine, sinalubong ang delegasyon ng UP ng iba’t ibang grupo na tumugon sa panawagan ni Cardinal Sin na magdasal para sa demokrasya. Kaninang umaga naman, may 2,000 estudyante, guro at kawani ng UP ang sumama sa rali (kahit Myerkules at kakaunti lamang ang mga klase) at nakibahagi sa people power hanggang mapatalsik si Erap. Spontanyo ang pagkilos na ginawa kanina dahil sa Enero 26 pa ang inaasahan nating people’s strike. Pinakamalaking delegasyon ang nagmula sa College of Law (na may balitang magboboykot daw ang buong kolehiyo ng kanilang klase hanggang sa Sabado), Masscom, CSSP at Science. UP pa rin ang may pinakamalaking bilang ng dumalo sa mga eskuwelahang lumahok sa rali. Nakapaskil din sa isang fly-over ang banner ng UP CURE na nagsasabing “We say Guilty!” Inaasahan na lalo pang lalaki ang bilang ng mga estuyanteng sasama sa rali. Bukas, sama-sama tayong bumalik sa EDSA. Mag-imbita pa tayo ng ating mga kaibigan. Tuluy-tuloy na ito. Wala nang atrasan. Walk-out ng mga klase. Gabi-gabi ay vigil. Palagiang maglalabas ang konseho ng mga updates sa mga nangyayari. Ngayong tapos na ang sarswela sa Senado, simula na ang labanan sa lansangan. Dahil bago pa man magsimula ang trial noong Dis. 7, malinaw na ang hatol ng sambayanan kay Erap: Guilty! kaya dapat nang pabagsakin. Na-onse tayo ng 11 Senador; tiyakin natin na nasa atin pa rin ang tagumpay sa huli.

Huwebes, 18 Enero 2001 - Totoong palaki ang bilang ng mga estudyante at fakulti ng UP na sumasama sa mga pagkilos na pawang nananawagan sa pagpapatalsik kay Estrada. Kung kahapon ay halos 3,000 ang ating napalabas ng kampus simula nung madaling araw, ngayon ay mahigit sa 5,000 myembro ng UP community ang tumungo sa EDSA at nakiisa sa mamamayang naninindigan laban kay Erap. Nagsimula ang walk-out sa mga kolehiyo bandang alas diyes ng umaga. Unang dumating sa Quezon Hall ang isang klase mula sa Eng’g, sumunod ang delegasyon mula sa CSWCD. Nagkulumpon muna si Sir Edru ng mga estudyante at nagbigay ng kaunting diskusyon tungkol sa isyu ngayon. Bandang alas-onse nang dumating ang mga estudyanteng galing sa maliliit na kolehiyo. Nagbigay ng pahayag si VP Endriga. Binasa ang bagong tula ni Prof. Joi Barrios. Alas-onse medya nang dumating na ang malaking bulto na galing sa CSSP, CAL, CBA, Econ, Eng’g at Science. Napuno ang harapan ng Quezon Hall. Sa mga oras na iyon, ramdam na ramdam ang diwa ng isang pagiging myembro ng isang nagkakaisang komunidad. Nagsalita rin si Pres. Nemenzo at nagbigay ng pagpupugay sa patuloy na pagkilos ng UP sa harap ng matinding krisis na kinakaharap natin ngayon. Sinundan ito ng mapanlabang pahayag ni Dean Manalili. Si Prof. Randy David ang nagtapos ng programa bago inawit ng buong madla ang UP Naming Mahal. Nilakad ng halos 4,000 estudyante ang ruta mula UP hanggang EDSA Shrine.

Sa mga panahong ito, hindi mahirap magpaliwanag sa mga estudyante kung bakit kailangang pumunta sa EDSA, bakit kailangang magbigay ng malalaking sakripisyo at bakit kailangang lakarin ang pupuntahang rali kahit pwede namang umarkila ng sasakyan. Sa daan, maraming estudyante ng UP ang naghihintay pala sa rali at sumisingit na lang sa bulto ng kani-kanilang kolehiyo. Dito dumami ang kabuuang bilang ng mga nagrali na galing sa UP. Kahit ang mga bystanders at mga naghihintay lang ng sasakyan sa kahabaan ng EDSA ay nahikayat ng malaking pagkilos ng UP at sumama sa rali. Sinasabi nila na umabot daw sa 10-15 libo ang kabuuang bilang ng ating hanay. Naglunsad tayo ng ala-people power sa EDSA. Ito na ang pinakamalaking rali ng UP pagkatapos ng malaki nating pagkilos nung panahon ng kampanya sa pagpapatalsik ng base militar ng kano noong 1991. Pagdating sa Ortigas ay napakaiinit at malugod ang pagtanggap ng mga tao. Ang mga naunang estudyante ng UP sa EDSA Shrine ay mabilis na pumaloob sa ating hanay. Napakaespesyal ng pagdating ng UP at hindi maikakaila ang mataas na pagpapahalaga ng mga tao sa presensya ng mga Iskolar ng Bayan. Iisa ang ating hangarin. Lahat tayo ay nagkakaisa sa ating ipinaglalaban. Sinundan tayo ng malaking bilang ng mga estudyante mula sa PUP na nagwalk-out din sa kanilang mga klase. Dumaan sila sa San Juan at pinagbabato raw sila ng bote ng mga tao dun. Nauna sa atin ang mga estudyante ng St. Scho, Miriam, Adamson, FEU, Don Bosco, Ateneo. Sa hanay ng mga kabataan ay nandoon din ang Estrada Resign Youth Movement. Araw-araw ay sa kalsada na gaganapin ang ating mga klase. Handa tayong tapusin ang semestre sa lansangan hanggang hindi bumababa si Erap sa puwesto. Kung nasaan ang laban, nandoon tayo. Umasa kayo sa paninindigang ito ng mga Iskolar ng Bayan.

Byernes, 19 Enero 2001 - Marami ang nagsasabing pinakamalaki sa kasaysayan nito ang rali ng UP kahapon. Binanggit ni Prof. Karina David sa publiko kahapon na may 30,000 na mga UP estudyante at fakulti ang nagmartsa mula Diliman papuntang EDSA Shrine. Nagbunga na ang ating determinasyon dahil malapit nang mawala sa Malacanang si Erap. Tagumpay ang ating people power. Masasabing malaki ang papel na ginampanan ng UP sa people power sa EDSA. Isa tayo sa mga unang grupo na pumunta sa EDSA nung Miyerkules ng madaling araw at nanawagan sa pagpapabagsak kay Erap. Araw-araw tayong pumupunta sa EDSA at araw-araw ding palaki nang palaki ang ating bilang. Isang pagpapakita sa lakas ng UP at ang militanteng tradisyon ng mga Iskolar ng Bayan. Ituloy natin ang laban hanggang mawala na talaga si Erap. Hamunin natin ang bagong presidente na magtalaga ng mahahalagang reporma sa pamahalaan lalo na yung mga hinihiling ng mga kabataan na bigyan ng kaukulang prayoridad ang sektor ng edukasyon. Samantala, sapat na sigurong magpugay muna sa lahat ng makabayang organisasyon at inidibidwal na walang pagod na lumahok sa lahat ng pagkilos sa pagpapatalsik kay Erap. Mabuhay ang Iskolar ng Bayan! Mabuhay ang mamamayang Pilipino! Mabuhay ang Demokrasya!

Sabado, 20 Enero 2001 - Sa lahat ng myembro ng UP Community: Pumunta po tayo sa Mendiola – ngayon na – at igiit ang madaliang pagbibitiw ni Estrada. Ang mga estudyante ay nagmamartsa na ngayon papuntang Mendiola at buong-buo ang paninindigan na kailangang tapusin na ang panunugkulan ni Erap. Sa lahat ng mga dormers, sumama na tayo. An estimated 50,000 – 75,000 anti-Erap protesters are now marching in the streets papunta sa Malacanang. Dun tayo sa Mendiola. Mabuhay ang mga Iskolar ng Bayan!

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In 2001 I was part of the historic Edsa Dos uprising which toppled the Estrada regime in the Philippines. Aside from mobilizing students and youth groups in Edsa, we also launched information brigades on the Internet. We sent rally updates through e-mail and e-groups. For the first time, texting became an important tool in organizing protest activities. Text jokes were used to undermine the credibility of the president.

Today, rallies are virtual, mobile and real. Street rallies are announced through various social networking sites. Photos of protest actions are instantly uploaded on the web through mobile phones. Blogging and microblogging allow ordinary citizens to express dissidence in the comfort of their homes.

Despite the limited Internet penetration rate in the Philippines, web activists have proven that cyberspace can be the terrain of political struggle. In the past decade, activist groups have been successful in maximizing new technologies to advance their advocacy. These tools are essential in reaching a broader audience.

Activists have learned that campaign strategies are more effective if offline activities are linked to online solidarity actions. On the other hand, cyber activism becomes a potent force only if it is fused with grassroots activism.

The majority of Internet activists recognize the limitations of online campaigning. But there are individuals who worship the amazing power of virtual rallies without acknowledging the disadvantages of Internet activism. This is quite disturbing since it distorts the meaning of activism: activism that truly empowers the oppressed.

Virtual activism can discourage people from participating in collective actions. Today we have students and idealist young citizens who believe that they can change the world by adding causes on Facebook or if they sign online petitions. There is a new breed of activists who spend their productive time sitting in front of a computer. Instead of organizing communities, they build virtual communities.

Online activism minus the essential offline component is impressive and creative but politically impotent. It gives a false impression that change is possible by being aggressive and passionate only in the virtual world. It prevents the educated segment of the population from developing a genuine link with the working masses.

This kind of activism does not frighten the evildoers in society. Politicians in the Philippines don’t read blogs. They don’t open their e-mail. They hire people to handle their social media accounts. They can tolerate a virtual revolution.

Activism demands sacrifice. Struggling for change is difficult because its aim is to dismantle the exploitative structures of the status quo. Those who wield power would not easily surrender their hegemony. It is important for change crusaders to learn these “inconvenient truths” about activism.

Activists who prefer traditional modes of campaigning should not worry if they are perceived as uncool and unfashionable. Their priority should be to come up with a magic formula that effectively combines elements of online and offline activism.

Activists should not be asked how many members they recruited on Facebook or Friendster. They must be more concerned about the number of people they are able to recruit in the real world.

Activists must continue to use their mobile phones, mp3 players and laptops if they want their campaigns to succeed. But to achieve their long-term goals, activists must turn off their gadgets from time to time and concentrate on the rigorous task of talking to people about the need to support and join popular and even unpopular campaigns.

Activism in the 21st century features new action words like texting, retweeting, clicking, chatting and social networking. But 20th century action words are still more persuasive and powerful – like talking, organizing, marching, pushing and rallying.

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Discussions on how to stop the proliferation of pornographic materials were also initiated. In particular, a strong lobby was launched for the enactment of a law which would give the government more power to combat child pornography.

Child pornography is both a domestic and international problem. The Philippines’ first case of child pornography was reported in the late 1960s. Since then, there have been many sensational cases of child pornography in the country, indicating the continuing victimization of Filipino children.

According to official statistics, the majority of child pornography perpetrators are foreigners. Many of them pretend to be good-hearted individuals who provide gifts and donations to poor families. Their charity work is their cover as they scout for young boys and girls for their illegal activities.

Pedophiles proliferate not just in poor urban communities; they also operate in tourist resorts in the provinces. Most of the shocking media-reported incidences of child pornography have taken place at popular vacation resorts. It seems tourism attracts not just investors and philanthropists; tourism also makes it possible for child pornography syndicates to expand their nefarious activities in the various islands of the Philippines.

Child pornography and child prostitution are underreported. In 2003 there were only 13 reported victims of child pornography and 247 victims of child prostitution. These are very low numbers which do not reflect the observed reality on the ground.

Many parents are not aware that pornographers and pimps are victimizing their children. There are also parents who see nothing wrong with pornography, believing it only involves the innocent taking of photographs. When foreign pedophiles were arrested in a small town south of Manila local residents defended the foreigners, whom they described as generous and benevolent tourists.

Digital and mobile technologies are also tools which benefit child pornographers. Mobile phones are increasingly used to take pictures and shoot videos of nude children. Editing of pornographic films can now be done almost anywhere because of digital technology. Even innocent-looking pictures of children can be instantly transformed into porn images.

The distribution and exchange of pornographic materials is done through the worldwide web. The Internet makes it possible for pornographers to quickly and secretly share their materials with prospective clients around the world. Cyberspace continues to be an ever-expanding repository of porn pictures and videos, including those produced decades ago.

There are many initiatives to defeat child pornography in the Philippines. Various groups have come up with a legal battle plan to punish child pornography syndicates. They have also pinpointed a few gaps in the laws on the subject. For instance, they believe there is a need to expand the definition of child pornography. Today there is a bit of confusion, even among judges, on the accurate and standard definition of pornography.

Certain artists and children’s groups are feuding over the meaning of child pornography. The latter insist that movies and pictures involving adults portrayed as children in sexual scenes should be considered pornography. They oppose anything that depicts children as objects of sexual desire.

Artists reject this assertion by arguing that it violates their freedom of expression. If Congress criminalizes the portrayal of children by adults in sex scenes, artists will be forced to find other creative ways to describe child rape, child abuse and child prostitution. Other artists might choose not to tackle these socially sensitive topics in order not to attract legal prosecution.

Most of the laws on child pornography were enacted prior to the popularity of the Internet. Hence, there is need to draft laws to address Internet-mediated pornography. According to children’s rights advocates, current laws on pornography only mention information technology in general terms, thus empowering smart lawyers to circumvent the laws and allowing pedophiles to escape punishment. There are also some judges who are not knowledgeable about how the Internet works, which prevents them from handling cybercrime cases competently.

The campaign against child pornography will be given a boost if greater international cooperation is fostered among governments. Since this is a transnational phenomenon, it is necessary to forge links among police and judicial authorities of several countries to weaken global sex syndicates.

National governments should seriously probe the nexus between child pornography, sex tourism and poverty. Corrective legislation is not enough. A holistic approach is needed to protect children from sex predators and pedophiles. Aside from providing immediate aid to vulnerable sectors, national and local governments should launch an information and education drive about the various dimensions of child pornography. Rich and poor families need accurate information about sex crimes.

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