Mong Palatino

‘Ugly’ refers to the politics of Risa H. and her media officers who issued a press statement accusing Satur Ocampo, Liza Maza, and the Makabayan political coalition of having ‘sold-out’ their principles by aligning with Manny Villar in the 2010 elections. Risa also described Makabayan leaders and organizations as members of ‘nondemocratic left’ who are condoning the alleged criminal activities of the New People’s Army.

A few days before Risa published this statement, she called for a moratorium on election mudslinging. It is unfunny that she ignored her own plea by vilifying her colleagues in Congress and fellow senatoriables Ocampo and Maza.

Did Ocampo and Maza betray their principles when they joined the senatorial ticket of Villar as adopted candidates? The emphatic answer is no. Maza and Ocampo remain committed activists and street parliamentarians who vow to advance their advocacies inside and outside Congress. Their inclusion in the Nacionalista slate is indicative of 1) Villar’s recognition of the militant left’s organized strength and his openness to adopt progressive politics if he becomes president; and 2) the sincerity of Ocampo, Maza, and the Makabayan political bloc to pursue the people’s agenda through parliamentary work.

The left has a sterling record in remaining steadfast as vanguard of the poor and oppressed while keeping a tactical alliance with bourgeois parties and politicians. The left supported Gloria Arroyo during Edsa Dos but it became critical of the new administration when Arroyo mutated into a monster. Ocampo and the late great Crispin Beltran were jailed because of their position that Arroyo must be removed from power.

The left did not financially benefit from its brief alliance with Arroyo. It was the NGO friends of Risa who received a billion peso racket from Arroyo through the so-called peace bonds. When Beltran died a poor man in 2008 despite his three-term stint as member of Congress, it gave a valuable lesson for progressives of all stripes on how to live modestly and avoid the corrupting lifestyle of many politicians.

Its exemplary attitude towards Arroyo during and immediately after Edsa Dos and its brave defiance against the Arroyo dictatorship in the past decade are the left’s best assurance that it will not “sell-out” once Villar becomes the country’s next president. Ocampo and Maza can boast of their untarnished reputation as public servants for nine years as proof that they will not abuse their links with Villar for selfish reasons. The Makabayan Coalition can easily make Villar accountable by invoking the people’s agenda document which Villar signed in a public event last December.

But for Risa and other “Liberal Talibans”, the decision of the left to support Villar is unacceptable because of their naïve belief that Noynoy is the only candidate blessed with a pure heart and good intentions. The other lie (naïve and hilarious at the same time) being peddled by the Liberal Party is that Noynoy is unlike Villar who is spending billions of pesos to win in the elections. Ano sa tingin nila ang ipinambabayad ni Noynoy at Mar sa TV at radio networks, campaigners, at local candidates ng partido sa buong bansa – autograph ni Kris at Korina?

Actually it is Risa’s support for Noynoy which smacks of opportunism. Risa initially endorsed Mar for president but when Noynoy announced his candidacy, she immediately raised the hands of Noynoy. She and her group did this even if Noynoy has not yet publicly stated his platform. Remember the assertion of Noynoy supporters who arrogantly reminded the public that based on tradition (as if the only correct behavior is to follow tradition), the period of finalizing and publishing a platform is only after parties and candidates have filed their candidacy papers? Despite his failure to advance or articulate a meaningful social policy issue, the very popular Noynoy was instantly endorsed by Risa.

Villar had to rescind the NP-KBL alliance and boldly included two militant leftists in his senate slate before he got the approval of Makabayan. Villar was endorsed by the left despite his lower public ratings because he proved to be a more sincere candidate with better track record and competence. It would have been easier for the left if it endorsed Noynoy last November or December who at that time was rating 50-60 percentage points in surveys. But our endorsement is not just based on popularity alone.

Did Risa question the inclusion of VATmen in Noynoy’s campaign team? Did Risa clarify the role of Kamag-Anak Inc. in Noynoy’s candidacy? Did she consider the plight of Hacienda Luisita workers and those who were killed in 2004 when she joined Noynoy?

Landlords like Noynoy are thankful for the amended land reform law (CARPER) which Risa supported in Congress. This law was initially being opposed by landlords in Congress but after successfully inserting their amendments last June, even the Arroyo family and other sugar barons voted in favor of this measure. Risa’s sponsorship of the pro-landlord CARPER complements Noynoy’s adamant refusal to treat the Hacienda Luisita matter as a social justice issue. To use Risa’s own words, it surprises me how easily she has sold out.

In fairness to Risa, she is a consistent critic of the militant left. This is the reason why military officials are supporting her. An anti-communist, military-backed partylist solon in Congress (sorry I can’t mention his name, baka sumikat) always enjoins the group of Risa in advocating the elimination of leftist groups from the political mainstream. Why? Because the military and Risa are mouthing the same demands against members of the legal left – that the latter should also condemn the alleged atrocities committed by the NPA; that by refusing to condemn revolutionary taxation, Ocampo, Maza and other activists are affirming their links with the NPA. Through the press statement mentioned above, Risa legitimized the “murderous lines” echoed by Jovito Palparan.

Risa, who claims to be a leftist, should know better that the group she is attacking is not a terrorist organization. The Communist Party is a revolutionary group which espouses the establishment of a new political order through revolutionary means. If she thinks that the Communist Party is a mere terrorist cell which exists to extort money from businessmen and politicians, then why did she agree to become a member of the GRP-NDF peace panel representing the Arroyo government in 2001?

As a student of politics and history, I am aware that most revolutionary groups employ various means, including use of arms, to overthrow the established order. Let us agree that there are now peaceful means to advocate change. But we can’t blame other segments of the population if they continue to think that the reign of injustice and numbing poverty in the country can only end through revolutionary violence. Even the UN recognizes the right of the people to take up arms if they think the elected government has made it impossible for the people to demand change through peaceful means.

By parroting the Palparan doctrine that NPA members are mere murderers and extortionists, isn’t Risa providing ideological justification for the continued postponement of the stalled peace talks? Isn’t this moral-booster line giving the military another reason to step up the all-out war tactic in the countryside instead of addressing the root causes of armed struggle? As leftists, isn’t it more correct and progressive to advocate peace talks and tackle the reasons why many Filipinos continue to take up arms instead of prodding activists to denounce the CPP-NPA? That the insurgency has lasted for more than four decades (the longest insurgency in Southeast Asia) means it is more than just a band of gun toting crazies who love to sread mayhem in the country.

Risa’s insinuations against Maza, Ocampo, and Makabayan members are dangerous because the military can use them to butrress its red-baiting campaign against activists in the legal arena. At least the NPA can defend themselves during military operations but unarmed activists are helpless against illegal combat and psy-war operations. Politicians like Risa, Palparan, and Arroyo who continue to link the legal left with the underground left is the reason why activists continue to be harassed, abducted, tortured, and killed in this part of the world.

Risa’s press statement is not just a demolition job aimed at Ocampo, Maza and Villar. It is part of a systematic campaign to defeat and isolate the left. From day one of campaigning, the military has been very aggressive in its illegal campaign to sabotage the candidacies of Ocampo, Maza, and Makabayan partylist groups. It sends poison letters and death threats to Makabayan candidates, leaders, supporters, and now politicians who endorse the left. Military officers conduct illegal assemblies in communities and schools to warn residents and students against voting Satur, Maza, and Makabayan candidates. Soldiers and their supporters are actively defacing the campaign posters of the left. Palparan is given substantial media time to spread lies in public. The Liberal Party spokesman questions the inclusion of communists in the Villar senate lineup. It is unfortunate that the communist bogey is being used againto get the support of the US imperialist masters.

The post-election scenario is very scary for activists and leftists.

A few years ago, Akbayan stalwarts denounced their inclusion in the so-called NPA hitlist. It turned out that the hitlist was fictitious and the Akbayan leaders who feared for their lives are still very much alive today. They raised a lot of noise in global NGO summits presenting themselves as victims of a totalitarian ideology. What was tragicomic from that affair was that the groups and activists whom Akbayan accused of having ideological and organizational links with NPA were the ones who got abducted and killed by elements close to the military.

Akbayan didn’t kill my comrades and I’m sure it has many members who sympathize with our cause but by spewing out the same malicious accusations hurled by the military against militant activists, (again to use the words of Risa) it “indirectly helps human rights violators like Palparan to commit further abuses.”

Will there be another crackdown against the ‘nondemocratic left’? The signs are evident that the anti-communist bloc will pressure the next president to intensify the war against “communist terrorists” and their “legal fronts.” Wittingly or unwittingly, Risa and her party are being used to whip up insane anti-red hysteria in the country.

Is Risa a leftist? Palparan claims he is a human rights defender; he is even a member of the House Committee on Human Rights. Is Risa a democratic leftist? Palparan is a protector of democracy. What binds Palparan, the democracy-loving general and Risa, the democratic leftist is their shared hatred against the politics of Maza, Ocampo, and Makabayan.

But is she a leftist? Her statements on land reform, living wage, debt moratorium, human rights have been described in the media as progressive. Often, she is mistaken to be a member of Anakbayan or Gabriela. Maybe her statement against the ‘nondemocratic left’ is an attempt to publicly dissociate herself from the ranks of the militant left. Fine. I’ll return the favor by paraphrasing Fredric Jameson: “We have much in common with Risa and her party, in fact virtually everything – save the essentials.”

Long live the revolutionary tradition of the left!

Also read:

Makabayan’s response to the current red-baiting…
Ang maruming laban
Hontiveros-Palparan
Palparan’s new spokesperson

Should animal rights activists be concerned with how Filipino politicians describe their enemies as animals?

To bolster his anti-corruption campaign message, senatorial candidate Teofisto Guingona III made a somewhat funny TV ad which showed him punching an animated crocodile. At the end of the video, Guingona shouts that he is angry at crocodiles (‘Galit ako sa buwaya’). Corrupt politicians in the Philippines are often compared to crocodiles.

Critics of vice presidential bet Loren Legarda have lampooned the lady senator as a ‘political butterfly’ in reference to her frequent changing of party affiliations. Members of Congress are called ‘porky’ solons because of their obsession with pork barrel projects. Presidential son Mikey Arroyo was compared to a pig by activists because of his intention to become a partylist representative. Partylist bets are supposed to come from the marginalized sectors of society. The ‘pig’ label is a metaphor for what activists describe as the bastardization of the partylist system. Meanwhile, administration members who are defecting to other parties are called rats who are abandoning a sinking ship.

Political mudslinging by animal-calling is not new. Former presidential daughter Imee Marcos described Malacanang Palace as a snake-pit. President Gloria Arroyo called her critics termites destroying the foundations of the Republic. Senator Miriam Santiago mocked a fellow lady politician by calling her an ‘anonymous little insect.’

If in other countries calling someone chicken is an allusion to the weak character of the person, in the Philippines it means the person is backed by a powerful leader. A candidate who is identified as manok (chicken) of Arroyo means the candidate is a favored candidate of Arroyo. Meanwhile, sisiw (chicks) is a term used by confident candidates to refer to their weak rivals.

Some politicians are proud animal lovers. Ilocos Sur Governor Chavit Singson has opened a mini-zoo in his residential palace. His Siberian and Bengal Tigers are always shown on TV. Mandaluyong City Mayor Benhur Abalos also uses the tiger as symbol of the city. Former Manila Mayor Lito Atienza prefers the eagle as an icon. One of his campaign slogans is ‘Pagbabalik ng Lawin’ (Return of the Hawk). A group of cockfighters wants to enter congress through the partylist system.

Most animals are gentle beasts but they are often misunderstood by humans. The perceived ferociousness of animals is often compared to the wild behavior of politicians. This is unfair to animals. Maybe animal rights groups should warn politicians and writers to stop abusing the good image of animals. They may be animals but they are not as greedy, slothful and vicious as their human counterparts in politics.

Underworld politics

Gambling lords. Warlords. Drug lords. Despotic landlords.

These are the superstars of the Philippine underworld. Their armed goons and almost limitless wealth make them powerful political kingpins and kingmakers. Businessmen go to them for protection, priests request donations from them and politicians want to be cozy with them. Today, many of these ‘dark lords’ are aspiring for public office. Maybe, like Michael Corleone from the film The Godfather they wanted to be legitimate.

Gambling lords are more popularly known as ‘Jueteng’ lords. Jueteng is an illegal numbers game in the provinces. It is similar to a small town lottery but it is outlawed by the state. There are jueteng winners everyday and most of them are farmers and small income earners who hope to receive extra cash from betting on their favorite numbers. But the bigger winners are jueteng lords who operate the game and collect the dividends every evening. To escape arrest, jueteng lords pay protection money to police, local officials and national politicians. Former President Joseph Estrada was impeached in 2000 because of an allegation that he was receiving jueteng protection money.

Some suspected jueteng lords have crossed-over to mainstream politics. Lilia Pineda, wife of an alleged jueteng boss in Central Luzon, was elected board member of Pampanga, the home province of the president. Pineda’s son is even godson of the president. Pineda is now running for governor. Armand Sanchez of Batangas is another suspected jueteng strongman in the Southern Tagalog region. Sanchez was elected governor of Batangas and is hoping to reclaim his seat this year.

Drug lords are in the limelight today because of a recently released US State Department report which warned that drug money would be used to influence the results of this year’s elections. The value of illegal drug trade in the country is estimated at about $8.4 billion. Government officials admit that narco-politics is already entrenched in various parts of the country. A city mayor in Metro Manila was tagged last month by the police as coddler of suspected drug lords.

A warlord is a broad name for politicians or leaders who control a private army. Warlords are feared because they act as little presidents and little generals in their turf. The most notorious warlord today is Maguindanao leader Andal Ampatuan who is accused of masterminding the gruesome election-related massacre of 57 civilians last November. But Ampatuan is just the kingpin of Maguindanao. There are 85 provinces in the Philippines and each province is dominated by one or several warlords. According to the police, there are at least 112 private armies operating in the country.

Despotic landlords are the royal families of feudal Philippines. These landlords continue to own huge tracts of prime agricultural lands despite the implementation of numerous land reform programs in the past decades. In many provinces, despotic landlords are also the reigning political dynasties and warlords. Landlords who own the biggest land in the province can easily win during elections because majority of voters are their tenants. Activists have accused the Cojuangco-Aquino family, the owner of the biggest family-owned plantation in Southeast Asia, of being despotic landlords who ordered the killing of 14 protesting farmers in 2004.

The other prominent ‘dark lords’ of Philippine politics are the smuggling lords, quarrying lords and fake lords who invoke the name of God during elections.

The underworld bosses become more influential during elections because of their money and armed machinery. Instead of herding them to jail, they are glorified as kingmakers and philanthropists. Some suspected shady characters are even running for public office. The influence of ‘dark lords’ in politics is often compared to the sun. On a cloudy day we do not see the sun yet we feel its mighty presence and harmful ultraviolet rays.

‘Dark lords’ are an anathema in a democratic country like the Philippines. Like the harmful ultraviolet rays of the sun which destroy life on the planet, ‘dark lords’ and other underworld untouchables weaken the democratic potential of politics.

Albay province governor and presidential adviser Joey Salceda is happy to note that candidates in the 2010 elections are younger compared to those in previous elections.

The average age of presidential aspirants in 2004 was 60.25. The candidates were Fernando Poe Jr., 65; Panfilo Lacson, 57; Raul S. Roco, 63; and Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, 56. The average age of presidential candidates this year is 55. Younger candidates include Noynoy Aquino, 49; Gilberto Teodoro, 45; and JC de Los Reyes, 40.

The majority of voters are also young with 40 percent of the electorate belonging to the 18-35 age bracket. Also, there are more than 3 million first time voters. Candidates and voters alike are getting younger. Indeed, this is a good year for young people.

But the rise of young politicians does not mean the automatic exclusion of senior citizen politicians in Philippine politics. The old guards continue to wield a strong influence on political parties and they still get elected in public office.

In the House of Representatives, there are 55 members who are at least 65 years old. There are 17 others who didn’t disclose their age but most probably belong to the senior citizen age group. At 84, Congressman Pablo Garcia from Cebu province is the oldest member of the Lower House. He is the patriarch of the Garcia clan which dominates Cebu politics. Still strong and mentally sharp, Garcia is a sure-win candidate in this year’s elections. He’ll be 87 on 2013; the year when his term ends. The second oldest member of Congress, Antonio Diaz from Zambales province, is also a candidate this year.

The most prominent active octogenarian politician in the country is Senate President Juan Ponce Enrile. Despite being 86 years old, Enrile is aspiring for a new term as senator. Most likely he’ll win as indicated by latest nationwide survey results. He’ll be 92 years old when his new term ends.

Enrile is a veteran politician who has remained politically relevant for the past 40 years. The only other public personalities who achieved this feat are former President Fidel Ramos, former First Lady Imelda Marcos, former Senate President Jovito Salonga and communist leader Jose Maria Sison. Enrile, unlike his contemporaries, is still very active in politics. As Senate President, he is officially the third most powerful man in the country today. His popular campaign slogan, ‘I want you to be happy,’ is perhaps a creative tactic to make the voters ignore his age.

Age was an issue raised against former Senate President Jovito Salonga in 1992 when he ran as president of the country. His rivals cited his age (72 at the time) and frail health as reasons why he should not become president. Today, Salonga is still alive (though semi-retired from politics) while many of his rivals are either dead or retired from politics.

The future of Philippine politics definitely belongs to the youth. But the political career of Salonga and Enrile is a timely reminder for everyone not to ignore yet the country’s senior citizen leaders and octogenarian politicians. They are political survivors whose wisdom, experience and even weaknesses can help guide the young leaders of the country.

Soldiers as politicians

Scholars often write about the militarization of the bureaucracy, referring to the high number of retired military officers in the president’s Cabinet, but they often overlook the winning record of the military in elections.

The Armed Forces of the Philippines has a total active force of 113,500, with 131,000 personnel in reserve and 158,500 paramilitary troops. This means the military has a solid vote of at least half a million. This figure does not include the family members of soldiers and retired officers of the military. If we add the number of the police force, the combined votes of the military and police could reach more than a million.

With this number, plus the fact that soldiers can use its armed strength to influence the decision of voters, it makes sense for military officers to run for public office. They can tap the nationwide organization of the military to boost their campaigns and they can rely on the guaranteed votes that the institution can deliver for them.

Who are the prominent soldier-politicians of the Philippines?

General Fidel Ramos, the chief-of-staff of the armed forces during the Marcos regime and defense secretary during the Aquino government, became president in 1992. Four of the country’s 23 incumbent senators are graduates of the Philippine Military Academy. They are Senators Gringo Honasan, Rodolfo Biazon, Panfilo Lacson, and Antonio Trillanes.

Biazon won in 1992, 1998 and 2004. Honasan won in 1995, 2001 and 2007. Lacson became a senator in 2001 and was re-elected in 2007. Trillanes became the youngest senator of the Republic three years ago. Biazon was Aquino’s military chief-of-staff before he ran in 1992. He is now a candidate for mayor in the city of Muntinlupa located south of Manila. Lacson was the country’s police chief during the Estrada government. Honasan and Trillanes are former rebel soldiers who attempted to overthrow the governments of Aquino and Arroyo.

The surprising electoral victories of Honasan and Trillanes may have inspired other rebel soldiers to run for senator as well. Two detained soldiers are senatorial candidates in the 2010 elections; they are Brig. Gen. Danilo Lim and ex-Marine Col. Ariel Querubin. Lim is running under the Liberal Party while Querubin is a candidate of the Nacionalista Party. Two other soldiers who want to be senators are former marine officer Mon-Mon Mitra and controversial General Jovito Palparan. If they all win this year, there will be seven former soldiers in the senate.

Soldiers are also running for lower elective positions. The Magdalo Party, a group founded by young rebel soldiers, is fielding at least four congressional candidates. Arroyo’s former Cabinet members who are running for congress today are also former soldiers. They are Executive Secretary Eduardo Ermita, Presidential Management Staff chief Hermogenes Esperon Jr. and Energy Secretary Angelo Reyes. Civil society groups are also accusing the military of funding and directly supporting various party list groups which could further widen the clout of the military inside congress.

In a different context, Mao Zedong once asserted that ‘Political power grows out of the barrel of a gun.’ In the Philippines, this apt quotation can refer to the rising power of the military to assure the victory of their former comrades in the electoral arena.

Related articles:

Senior citizen activists
grand old man

Written in 2007….

Politics is addition. The longer you stay in public office, the more number of enemies you will attract. There are no permanent friends and enemies; only the desire for power and absolute power. A politician thinks this way: “the enemy of my enemy is my friend”. During elections, every candidate is a potential enemy of another candidate. Membership in the same political party and coalition does not guarantee the mending of fences of bitter rivals. Such is the sad feature of Philippine politics. Such is the spectacle we are witnessing today.

Team Unity ridicules the name of Genuine Opposition as “Grand Alliance of Genuine Opposition” or G.A.G.O. The other side strikes back. Team Unity was named as “Team Unity of Team Arroyo” or T.U.T.A.

Team Unity is criticized for fielding showbiz candidates and turncoats (balimbing) in its senatorial lineup. GO is accused of promoting political dynasty by including senatoriables who have relatives in the Senate. Ralph Recto and Joker Arroyo castigated the Opposition for encouraging unconstitutional means of changing the national leadership.

President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo lambasted the Opposition for harboring a ‘politics of hate’ and destroying the sustained economic gains of the country. The Opposition downplays the supposed economic growth and highlights corruption in government and lack of public trust.

The Opposition will use the ‘Hello Garci’ recording in its campaign jingle. Chavit Singson will use a video clip of the impeachment proceedings of former President Joseph Estrada featuring fellow coalition member and ‘dancing queen’ Tessie Aquino-Oreta.

The Opposition is complaining of harassment: The citizenship of Alan Cayetano is being questioned. Media maliciously reports the spin that Cayetano and Chiz Escudero did not pass any meaningful piece of legislation. The National Security Adviser names five Opposition-leaning partylist groups as ‘communist fronts’.

The Administration believes its enemies are engaged in black propaganda: Ralph Recto is hailed as Mr. VAT for sponsoring a law which increased tax rates. Miguel Zubiri clarifies he is still running for Senator contrary to radio news reports in Mindanao that he has backed out of the race.

Joker called Antonio Trillanes IV as ‘poster boy of rebellion’. The young soldier answered back by challenging the 80-year old former human rights lawyer in a public debate. Kiko Pangilinan, former student activist, is rebuked for his posture of independence. His colleagues described his status of being neither here nor there as gesture of arrogance and wishy-washy principle in life.

Edgardo Angara could not hide his disdain against his former friends in the Opposition for dropping him in the senatorial lineup. A few weeks ago, Prospero Pichay did not mince words in explaining his opposition to the inclusion of Tito Sotto and Oreta in the Administration ticket.

Ricky Recto insults his sister-in-law on national television. Young Governor Villafuerte of Camarines Sur is at odds with his father Congressman Villafuerte. The Pinedas are being linked to jueteng. The Lapids are accused of profiteering from quarrying.

Mudslinging in local politics is more interesting and grotesque. Mistresses are surfacing in public, rape and murder cases are filed in the courts against certain candidates, hate text and email messages abound, secret bank accounts and fabulous undeclared assets are exposed.

There is another reason why only adults are allowed to vote. We need to protect children from the immature, uncivilized and foolish behavior of election candidates and political parties. Debates on public governance are welcome but we only hear unnecessary noise. We need more discussions on pressing issues affecting the lives of millions of our people.

Graduation rites are important but they should not be extravagant. Even education officials recognize the need to conduct simple graduation activities. But many schools still want a grand celebration and this necessitates the collection of graduation fees from students.

Student are able to finish basic education without paying tuition but they can’t get their diplomas without paying exorbitant graduation fees? Public schools can sustain their operations for the whole school year without collecting fees from students but they can’t organize a one-day graduation ceremony without receiving payment from parents?

Graduation programs are memorable rituals, but still they are just rituals. The process of education is more important. Parents should be more concerned with the schooling process over the graduation program. We should worry more over the quality of learning materials our students are reading, the teaching methods of teachers, the safety of students inside campuses, and the curriculum implemented by school administrators.

A diploma is a worthless piece of paper for a student who didn’t learn the required competencies imposed by the state. A graduation ceremony is an empty ritual for a student whose learning potential was not realized.

But we continue to glorify and enjoy attending graduation programs. After all, we are obsessed with spectacles and ostentatious display of individual achievements and quantifiable results. We often forget that academic achievers and polite kids are not necessarily the brightest students in the school.

Is it possible to organize simple graduation programs? Yes. In fact, I attended a simple graduation ceremony last March 29 at Sitio Siok Elementary School in Barangay Mabini, Koronadal City. I was a guest speaker in the program and my task was to motivate students and their parents. In the end, it was I who was inspired by what I witnessed in this remote town in South Cotabato.

Siok is a small school located at the foot of a small hill in Koronadal Valley. To reach the school, one has to pass an “abortion road”. Siok does not matter to decisionmakers because of its remoteness and small voting population. The school only has four classrooms (two classrooms were built through the pork barrel of Bayan Muna). About half of students are Indigenous Peoples. Teachers often give lessons outside the school to reach out more IP students who can’t go to the campus. Students walk for at least one hour (two hours everyday) to attend classes.

Despite the meager resources it receives from the government, Siok is able to provide a decent education to students. Faced with a student group coming from diverse backgrounds, teachers adopted creative and appropriate methods and modules. I was impressed by the dedication of teachers in fulfilling their mission to teach and help the students. Often, they have to spend their own money in order to feed the poor students.

There was no overly decorated graduation stage when I arrived in Siok. No expensive graduation togas for students. No new shoes for graduates, some students only wore slippers. No fees were collected from parents. The graduation was held in the schoolyard.

I appreciate the bonding of parents, students, and teachers in the community. Maybe this was possible because the school is really very small. But I feel it was also brought about by the sincere desire of everybody to raise the standard of schooling in the area even with the little support it gets from the state. IP parents are happy that their children are given proper education. Teachers are actively interacting with community residents.

I was enlightened about the miracle of teaching during my brief stay in Siok. Here, schooling is made possible because of the collective effort of the community. I was disappointed to see substandard school facilities in Siok but I was inspired by the perseverance of the people of Siok to deliver and improve the learning needs of their children. There is hope after all.

Far South

I arrived in General Santos City last March 27; it was only my second time to visit the country’s tuna capital. Breakfast was provided by Piston officers who welcomed us in the airport. After breakfast, we campaigned in the public market. While campaigning, I learned that some Muslim women do not like their hands to be touched by men. I encountered this behavior again in Digos (talaga bang bawal hawakan ang kamay o ayaw lang nila sa kandidato?)

We motored towards Polomolok where we had our lunch at Sadok resto. Polomolok is famous because it is the location of the Dole plantation. Polomolok is an ideal agricultural land because it is near the foothills of Mt. Matutum, a dormant volcano.

I was guest speaker during the launching forum of Makabayan Coalition held at Londres Gym in Polomolok. I stayed overnight at the house of my relatives in the nearby town of Tupi.

I was like Mr. Partylist Palengke the following day since our team campaigned at Lagao market in Gensan and Alabel market in Sarangani. I sensed that the Pacquaio-Chiongban electoral match-up is a close fight.

I went to Koronadal City (formerly known as Marbel) on March 29. Koronadal is now the regional administration center of Region 12 after government offices decided to leave Cotabato City.

As mentioned earlier, I delivered an inspirational talk in Sitio Elementary School. Then I paid a courtesy call to Congressman Dodo Pingoy, my esteemed colleague in Congress who is now running for governor in South Cotabato. Thanks Dodo for the Buko Halo-Halo!

Before proceeding to Gensan, we made a brief stopover at Polomolok market in the afternoon. There were many people in the market and most of them were Dole workers. While distributing leaflets, I remembered that Dole is accused of committing unfair labor practices. There is blood in your pineapple? Hmm, what is certain is that there is endosulfan in your pineapple (as reported by farmers themselves). Organically-grown pineapples are small and brownish; I saw these products in the market. Meanwhile, Dole pineapples are bigger and greener – courtesy of endosulfan and other chemicals.

We had our dinner at Tuna Grill resto. We stayed at Dolores Hotel. The following day we had a breakfast meeting with Councilor Lagare, the lone opposition councilor in Gensan. Then I guested in an environmental radio program at DXDX, an RPN-9 station.

We went to Digos to campaign in the market before proceeding to Davao City where I delivered a talk during the planning session of the UP Mindanao Student Council. For merienda, I recommend Lachi’s resto located in Marfori Village. Try their sans rival.

Last year, the swine flu (AH1N1) pandemic created widespread panic around the world. In the Philippines, the swine flu scare prompted the government to install thermal scanners in airports and government buildings. Catholic church officials discouraged the holding of hands inside churches as a precautionary measure against the spread of the deadly virus, while many Filipinos wore facemasks in public places. Hand sanitizers, alcohol, and flu vaccines, meanwhile, became popular consumer items.

Today, the swine flu threat is no longer a top security and health concern in the Philippines. Yet the Philippines is by no means free of the threat, which could actually be exacerbated by the elections in May. Indeed, even though swine flu vaccines are supposedly available today, this isn’t a guarantee that a new pandemic can be prevented.

So, what’s the connection between the virus and the election?

Handshaking is the most effective and most common form of election campaigning in the Philippines. Politicians and candidates love to shake hands and kiss babies in order to prove their ‘genuine’ affection for the poor and ordinary voters. If candidates want to win, they have to meet and shake the hands of their constituents in public markets, town plazas, schools, and inside the homes of voters.

There are more than 80,000 candidates vying for only 17,000 seats. This means there are 80,000 individuals who are physically interacting with 50 million voters everyday. This could also mean that there are 80,000 individuals who are potential carriers of deadly viruses. The number could be higher if we include the supporters and families of candidates. Each candidate has hundreds of supporters and family members who also interact with voters.

National candidates (for President, Vice President, Senator, Partylist groups) pose a greater risk because they frequently travel throughout the country.

Yet, while last year people were afraid to touch others because of the swine flu scare, today everybody seems to have forgotten the virus as handshaking becomes popular again as we approach the elections. There are no more thermal scanners in airports and government buildings and churchgoers are now holding hands again during mass. Filipinos are no longer buying facemasks and hand sanitizers in large quantities. In short, people have become complacent and lax again in promoting personal hygiene and public health.

Perhaps health officials should advise candidates to regularly wash hands before conducting handshaking campaigns every day. The public should also be warned to sanitize their hands after shaking candidates’ hands. Parents shouldn’t allow their babies to be kissed by young or old politicians.

It seems candidates are not just guilty of delivering dishonest campaign speeches, they could be guilty as well of carrying and spreading deadly viruses in the country. Can health authorities declare candidates as health hazards?

Twittering candidates

In 2007, detained rebel soldier Antonio Trillanes was not allowed to campaign outside his prison cell when he ran for senator. But Trillanes was still able to discuss his platform by maximizing Friendster, the most popular social networking site in the Philippines. Trillanes is still in detention, but he is now a senator.

Learning from the campaign strategy of Trillanes, candidates today are also using various social media tools to bolster their chances of winning in the elections. While many analysts look down on the effectiveness of online campaigning, politicians can no longer ignore the cyber community.

Friendster itself is less popular today because of the meteoric rise of Facebook. In fact, all major candidates have Facebook accounts. Another useful and popular election tool is the microblogging platform Twitter. Plurk is more famous among Filipinos, but politicians and their supporters prefer Twitter.

There are five types of Twitter users in the 2010 elections: 1) candidates; 2) online team of candidates; 3) core supporters of candidates; 4) media; and 5) voters.

Few candidates personally manage their Twitter accounts. Usually, candidates hire a web team to handle their emails, Twitter, Facebook and other social media sites. The popularity of a candidate’s Twitter profile can be measured by the number of re-tweets and followers it has.

Candidates use Twitter to update voters about the campaign activities. Volunteers can also be recruited through Twitter. Furthermore, it can disseminate party slogans through viral campaigns and provide a glimpse of what the candidates are thinking, feeling, or doing on a particular day and time. It is an effective vote-getting platform because it humanizes the candidates. It also offers an opportunity for voters to engage the candidates directly.

Overall, Twitter campaigning is now a recommended strategy for national candidates. But candidates must calibrate this type of campaigning by asking their supporters to refrain from sending unsolicited tweet messages and redundant tweet reactions. Candidates should also refrain from swamping the web with false information and deceitful campaign messages. Online citizens are easily turned-off by these underhanded propaganda tactics.

Who are some of the twittering candidates and what have they been tweeting?

Adel Tamano, who is running for senator: ‘enjoyed my market tour at Roxas market and Isabela province. The people were very warm and courteous. I wish every market was like this’

Ruffy Biazon, another senatorial candidate: ‘My throat hurts a bit..not from the campaign speeches but from karaoke night. I’m really not made for this’

Mar Roxas, vice presidential candidate: ‘Now in San Jose, Antique. Crowd is overwhelming! In the heat of afternoon sun, they’re out in the streets to greet & wave at us. Memorable!’

Loren Legarda, another vice presidential candidate: ‘The cleanest body of water in the world, Kawasan river, is a joy to behold. It’s found in Badian, Cebu. I wish all rivers are that way.’

Jejomar Binay, also a vice presidential candidate: ‘@icon128 Was great news indeed that social networking sites become potent instruments in responding to natural&man-made calamities.’

Alex Tinsay, media broadcaster who is running for senator: ‘So nice to be welcomed by my daughters back here at home. They’re still awake and we’re spending quality time. Had a chance to bond with my wife Judy and son John as they went with me to Davao. I’m so grateful for their care and support’

Joey de Venecia III, senatoriable: ‘Elated and flattered to hear my fellow Pangasinenses shout they would want to have a Pangansinense as Senator after 12 long years w/o one.’

Eduardo Piano, running for city councilor: ‘a firm handshake, eye contact, sincere smile, and a line or two: “good morning”, “how are you?” — a candidate to prospective voter’

Pia Cayetano, running for reelection as senator: ‘Got home in the wee hours from Pangasinan. Im getting used to eating and sleeping on the road.. Then working on my blog after midnight.’

Liza Maza, a senatorial candidate: ‘I am appealing to the PUP (Polytechnic University of the Philippines) Board of Regents to recognize the right of the students to accessible education and junk the proposed tuition…’

Mel Mathay, candidate for city mayor: ‘today is the start of the official local campaign, i started the day with a mass for blessings’

Related articles:

Thermal scanning and politics
postblogism
2007 cybercampaigning

A spectre is haunting the Philippine islands – the spectre of rotating brownouts.

Luzon is continually plagued by 1-3 hours of brownouts everyday. Even Mega Manila, the seat of government and major economic hub of the country, suffers from daily power blackouts. The whole of Mindanao was recently put under state of calamity because of the power supply crisis. How cruel, the powerless have literally no power in their homes.

I am writing this blog entry in South Cotabato where residents are forced to endure 10-12 hours of power disruptions. Just imagine the social and economic impact of the rotating brownouts. Small entrepreneurs cannot buy power generators, government offices cannot provide sustained services, consumers cannot watch TV or sleep comfortably, and even election candidates cannot hold campaign rallies in the evening because of the power woes.

Is climate change the real reason why several major plants conked out in the past few months? Is there a genuine power supply crisis or is there a sinister plot by clever people to create a believable crisis in order to justify shock therapies like higher power rates, bloated contracts with Independent Power Producer, and the revival of the mothballed Bataan Nuclear Power Plant? So many vested interests are trying to use the energy crisis to make money or gain more power.

Some people suggested that the rotating brownout is the country’s daily Earth Hour pledge. Oo nga naman, araw-araw may Earth Hour sa bansa. Sobra pa nga ng isang oras eh. Others joked that it is a ploy by the administration to refresh the memories of the people about the 10-12 hours of brownouts during the term of “Calamity Cory” in order to weaken the candidacy of Noynoy.

Whether the power crisis is genuine or not, it is an indictment on the state of governance in the Philippines. It exposes the lack of vision of the current and previous administrations. Don’t blame mother nature and high fertility rates, matagal na nating alam na may pagbabago sa klima at mahilig gumawa ng baby ang mga Pinoy. Why didn’t the government anticipate the current power shortage?

The spectre of rotating brownout is not a technical problem; it is a political issue involving greedy oligarchs and power-hungry dynasts. Therefore, the crisis requires a political solution.

Usage of the term ‘rotating brownout’ always pertains to a technical matter but actually the term is very political. It is an apt metaphor for the type of politics in the country. The term can refer to the kind of leadership practiced by politicians, especially during elections.

If the goal of politics should be the empowerment of the people, then what we have in the Philippines is “rotating politics.” Politics comes alive only when politicians visit their constituents during the campaign period every three years or every ribbon cutting ceremony. But for the rest of the year, “politics” is invisible or dead.

Good governance should lead to a fair distribution of resources in the cities and provinces but “rotating politics” produces only lopsided economic development. Infrastructure projects and public funds are treated as gifts to be given by the president to loyal underlings in the provinces. And so local politicians patiently wait for their turn to receive precious government funds from the president when she visits a province or city. Sorry na lang kung di makabisita si presidente, sa susunod na skedyul na lang. This is rotating politics.

At the local level, politicians are like rotating brownouts. May iskedyul ang pagdating nila sa mga baryo during fiesta, graduation, Christmas party and ofcourse during election campaign period. But unlike rotating brownouts which bring darkness to communities, politicians always “bring home the bacon.” They distribute cash gifts, scholarships, movie tickets, water pumps, fertilizer (no condoms, magagalit ang Obispo). They bring entertainment and happiness during campaign sorties. The visit proves the so-called goodness of politicians (but the people need good governance!) and sympathy of leaders to the plight of the poor (not charity, but justice!).

The opposite of rotating brownouts is adequate energy supply and efficient energy infrastructure. The opposite of rotating politics is good governance. Political power should not be equated with the opportunity to mingle with and laugh at politicians during weddings, funerals and Christmas parties. It should refer to the ability of citizens to access state-sponsored services and other social welfare claims all-year round. More importantly, it means citizens and citizen groups are ready and allowed to make politicians accountable for their wrongdoings.

Today the scourge of rotating brownouts makes life more miserable in these unhappy isles. But misery can turn into rage and rage can lead to resistance and resistance provokes change. The spectre of rotating brownouts can make the people yearn for a revolution.

Darkness envelops the Philippines everyday because of the rotating brownouts. We are literally and symbolically living in darkness. During these dark times, the people must fight back. There must be pockets of revolt in every dark corner of the archipelago. Dark Knights must join the army of change. This is a struggle to bring forward the torch of new politics. Fight darkness. Spread the light.

Related articles:

Poverty and system losses
Nuclear option

If there are parachute journalists, there are also parachute politicians. During elections, national politicians become parachute candidates. I am a parachute candidate. I visit provinces and far-flung towns to campaign for Kabataan Partylist but I only stay for less than 24 hours. This prevents me from deepening my knowledge about the issues confronting our kababayans in the regions. To prepare for what I will discuss in my speeches, I rely on newspaper reports (if there are local newspapers, and if they are written in English or Filipino), conversations with politicians (sometimes unreliable source of information), and updates from our chapters.

But despite my greater awareness of the political life in the provinces, I still remain a parachute politician. Because of tight campaign schedule, I’m unable to explore the tourist spots and exotic wilderness of our islands. Last March 3, I was in Puerto Princesa where I saw my wife’s cousin. Her family was there to have a short vacation; most probably they went to El Nido, Honda Bay, or the world-famous Underground River. Regarding my Palawan trip, I was only in Puerto Princesa for less than 24 hours and I didn’t leave the town proper. Indeed, I’m a parachute candidate.

Palawan experience

The caravan started from the airport and we made a stop-over at the public market. The market tour was memorable because it was the first time that I introduced myself as a member of Congress instead of simply talking about my partylist. Apparently, it is easier to convince voters to support Kabataan Partylist if they know that I’m a congressman.

After campaigning in the market, we had our lunch at Badjao Seafront resto. Mayor Edward Hagedorn, who is always mistaken as the mayor of Palawan, hosted the lunch meeting. Some of his pals from the Lo’ Waist Gang joined us in the resto. Hagedorn is a famous local chief executive who has garnered awards for his successful pro-environment programs (Bantay Dagat). He is also called Mr. Political Will because of his strong leadership. Maybe Hagedorn’s hands-on leadership is the reason why I didn’t see illegal campaign posters in the city.

Hagedorn clarified that Puerto Princesa, not Palawan, is the country’s last frontier. Puerto Princesa is described as a “city in a forest.” To protect the pristine resources of Puerto Princesa, Hagedorn has banned mining activities in the big city, which was recently classified as a Highly Urbanized City. Even factories are not allowed to operate in the area.

Hagedorn lamented the decision of the provincial government to allow large scale mining in the province. He said that sooner or later big mining companies would sue him for economic sabotage because he rejected all mining applications in Puerto Princesa. Would you believe that a mining company has applied for a permit to extract marble deposits from the Underground River?

The St. Paul Subterranean River Park or Underground River in Sabang, Puerto Princesa is a world-renowned tourist destination site in Palawan with almost 1,000 visitors everyday. Last month, President Gloria Arroyo became the country’s first president to have entered the river which was classified in 2003 as a National Geological Monument.

After lunch, we met the local press corps at the Palawan State University. I learned that BSPE (Petroleum Engineering) is a leading course offering in the university because of the continuing demand for skilled workers at the Malampaya oil and gas field.

Then I spoke in a voters’ education forum organized by PSU students. Many of the organizers are new members of Kabataan Partylist who applied for membership through the internet. I also delivered a brief message in a rock band concert inside the campus.

We had our dinner at Inato resto where I ordered a familiar recipe: “walang kamatayang pansit” – this is the exact name of the food listed in the menu. Then we toured Baybay, a former urban poor settlement which was converted into a seaside promenade. Hagedorn is proud of his housing program for informal settlers: it is the poor who will choose their preferred housing site and the city government will buy the land.

We stayed overnight at Skylight Hotel. I was a guest at DYER Environmental Radio the following morning.

Trivia: Before MIMAROPA, there was MINSUPALA – Mindanao, Sulu, Palawan. Is it correct to name Palawan as part of Luzon? Shouldn’t it be included as a Mindanao or Visayas island? Even Moro rebels are claiming that Palawan is part of their ancestral domain.

Joke: What is the largest airport in the world? Puerto Princesa airport. Why? Kasi pag take-off mo pa lang ay nasa Vietnam ka pa rin referring to the Vietnamese settlement near the airport. Palawan used to host refugees of the Vietnam War.

I arrived in Legazpi City on February 28, Sunday. After an eat-all-you-can breakfast at Quick n Hearty resto, we checked-in at Sampaguita Tourist Inn (free wifi at the lobby). Then we proceeded to the headquarters of Makabayan Coalition to prepare for our Sunday caravan.

From Legazpi, we motored to Guinobatan where we conducted a handshaking campaign in the market. Next stop is Ligao where we attended a meeting of all SK officials in the town hall. We had our lunch at Masaraga restaurant.

In the afternoon we campaigned in the public markets of Polangui, Libon, Matacon, Oas, and Camalig. We visited the office-residence of a young councilor who is running for mayor in Polangui. I bought an abaca slipper in Polangui, the hometown of Albay Governor Joey Salceda.

Our team went to Sorsogon City in the evening. I spoke in a concert in front of the provincial capitol. The governor’s platform is HEARTS – health, education, environment, energy, agriculture, rural, and shelter. I learned that many activities were cancelled in the province because of the tsunami scare following the strong earthquake in Chile. We stayed at Fernandos Hotel.

We paid a courtesy call to school officials and student leaders of Sorsogon State College the following day. We distributed leaflets and recruited new members outside the campus.

I was ready to be interviewed by DZMS radio but it was disrupted by a rotating brownout. Luckily, power was restored when DZGN Spirit FM 102.3 interviewed me on their teleradyo. Yes, I was on radio TV in Sorsogon.

We went back to Albay after 3pm. We campaigned in Tabaco City. There are many colleges in the city which continues to be a busy port center in the region. I bought a mini walis near the city hall for my daughter. On the road, I saw primary schoolchildren wearing uniforms but have no shoes. Most of them, if not all, only wore slippers. This is the face of poverty; a perfect example to prove the nexus between schooling, poverty, and human development. We, the candidates, should think about the sad plight of these young people throughout the campaign period and especially after the elections.

I returned to Bicol on March 19 in the island province of Catanduanes. I was welcomed at the airport by Vice Governor Al Aquino who is a supporter of Makabayan Coalition. I met student leaders and SK officials of the province in Kemji Resort which is just less than a kilometer away from the airport.

After being interviewed at Padaba DZAA radio station, we held a caravan in Virac. We campaigned inside the public market and Catanduanes College.

I learned that President Erap is still popular in the province because of his rice distribution program in 1998. I saw streamers which accuse Senator Mar Roxas of ignoring a senate bill which would have converted the state college of the province into a university. Senator Kit Tatad will win in Catanduanes because he is a resident of the province.

After dinner at Sea Breeze resto, I spoke in a concert at Catanduanes State College gym. Themed “Last Day High” the concert is a tribute to students who just hurdled the last day of final examinations of the semester.

I left Catanduanes via San Andres port where a ferry boat transported us to Tabaco City.

I am both thankful and happy that we have young, energetic, and creative members and supporters in Bicol region. Yes, there are Bicol-based partylists and one of them is really spending a lot of campaign money, but I’m confident that we can surpass the votes we got in 2007. Kabataan Partylist was Top 5 in Albay province in 2007. Despite having limited resources and no electoral campaign experience, our new members are able to organize several successful campaign activities in the Bicol provinces. Our members remain loyal not because of financial incentives but because they genuinely want to advance the legislative and political platform of Kabataan Partylist.

Para kay Rowie, manunulat at guro ng Filipino sa De La Salle. Salamat sa mungkahing magsulat ako hinggil sa paksang ito….

Sa Pilipinas may tatlong panahon: wet season, dry season, at election season. Pero para sa ibang pulitiko, dalawang panahon lang yan: eleksiyon at paghahanda sa eleksiyon. Hindi nakapagtataka, kung gayon, na umusbong sa bansa ang paggamit ng mga salitang may kinalaman lamang sa halalan. Anu-ano ang mga salitang ito? Ano ang gamit at katangian ng wika ng halalan?

Maaari nating ikategorya ang wika ng halalan sa tatlo:

1. Mga salita ukol sa proseso ng halalan;
2. Mga salita ng pangangampanya; at
3. Mga salita na ginagamit ng kandidato para sa name recall.

Kadalasan mga Pilipino lamang ang nagkakaintindihan kapag ginagamit ang wika ng halalan. Ito ay mga salitang tumutukoy sa partikular na karanasan ng mga Pilipino sa halalan. Minsan ang mga hiniram na salita mula sa ibang bansa ay nagkakaroon ng bagong gamit. Halimbawa: Presidentiable. Hindi ito salita sa wikang ingles pero ginamit ng mga Pilipino para tukuyin ang mga kandidato sa pagkapangulo ng bansa. Gayundin ang salitang senatoriable para naman sa mga nais maging senador. Ang salitang sortie sa wikang ingles ay may kinalaman sa operasyon ng militar. Sa Pilipinas, ang sortie ay tumutukoy sa kampanya ng mga kandidato o partido.

Noong 2004 naging salita ng tao ang canvass na minungkahi ng iskolar na si Randy David. Eto ang ilang bahagi ng kanyang paliwanag:

“Sa kasalukuyang takbo ng ating politika, mapapansin ang unti-unting paglalaho ng isang kahulugan ng canvass na dati nang bahagi ng lumang gamit nito: ang masusing pagsisiyasat at pagtatalo ukol sa katotohanan ng mga dokumento ng botohan. Ang kahulugang pumalit at nangibabaw ay pagsusuma, pagtatala, o paghahanay ng mga boto, na dati nang wala sa mga kahulugan ng salitang ito.

“Nitong nakaraang eleksiyon, pagkatapos tingnan kung kompleto ang mga pirma at kung malinaw ang pagkakasulat ng mga resulta sa “certificates of canvass,” isa sa mga miyembro ng Congressional o National Canvassing Committee ay nagsabing, “I move to canvass.” Malinaw sa ganitong gamit na ang katumbas ng salitang canvass para sa kanila ay pag-tabulate o pagsusuma.”

Mali ba na binigyan ng bagong kahulugan ng mga Pilipino ang ilang salita ng wikang ingles? Hindi. Dahil ang wika ay dinamiko at patuloy itong nagiging makabuluhan hangga’t ginagamit ng tao. Kaya sa tingin ko mali ang Xerox nang ito’y magreklamo kung bakit xerox ang ginagamit na salita ng mga Pilipino imbes na photocopy. Ang Xerox na pangalan ng isang kumpanya ay naging xerox na tumutukoy sa photocopy dahil sa malawak na pag-angkin ng salita ng komunidad. Hindi dapat magalit ang Xerox, dapat pa nga itong matuwa.

Isa pang katangian ng wika ng halalan ay ang karaniwang paggamit ng acronym. Nagiging mas mabilis ang usapan kapag may gamit na acronym. Minsan nakakabuti rin ito sa seguridad ng mga kandidato o partido. Para sa media, nakakatipid ito ng espasyo o air time. Imbes na Operation Dikit (ng mga poster), OD na lang ang ginagamit. Bukal para sa Provincial Board Member. ACOR ay area coordinator samantalang BACOR para sa Barangay Coordinator. Acronym din ang gamit para sa pangalan ng mga kandidato o pulitiko o partido: PGMA, FVR, LAKAS-NUCD, FM, JPE, NPC.

Lumalabas din ang ugaling mapagpatawa ng mga Pilipino sa wika ng halalan. Ang Partido Lakas Kampi ay naging PALAKA. Trapo (basahan) ang tawag sa tradisyunal na pulitiko. Ang kontrobersiyal na recording sa pagitan ng isang taga-Comelec at kandidato ay binansagang Hello Garci scandal noong 2005. Naging ringtone pa nga ito. Nagagamit ang text jokes para batikusin ang mga kilalang personalidad. Nagpapatawa pero nag-iiwan din ng kirot o pitik ang wika ng halalan. Hindi ba, Ben’s Burjer?

Proseso

Ngayong taon unang beses magkakaroon ng AES o Automated Election System sa buong bansa. Smartmatic ang partner ng Comelec kaya ang biro Commission on Smartmatic na ang bagong pangalan ng Comelec o Cosmetic. Hindi pa nasusubukan sa bansa ang PCOS o Precint Count Optical Scan, ang makinang gagamitin sa halalan kaya marami ang nangangamba kung magtatagumpay ba ang poll automation. Tapos ayaw pang ilabas sa publiko ang source code na gagamitin sa halalan. Baka ang Hello Garci ay maging Cyber Garci. Baka ang dagdag-bawas ay maging Automated Cheating.

Hindi na isusulat ang pangalan ng kandidato kundi lalagyan na lang ng shade ang oval sa gilid ng pangalan ng kandidato. Pero mas pinasikat ng Sexbomb ang paalalang lagyan ng shade ang bilog na hugis itlog. Kaya may mga pilyong kandidato na kung mangampanya ay sinasabing “bilugan ang itlog ni ___________”

Umaasa ang marami na mababawasan ang dayaan dahil hi-tech na ang pagboto. Tapos na ba ang career ng mga lansadera – ang pagsusulat sa balota ng ibang botante. Hindi na ba makakalipad ang mga flying voter? Pero buhay na buhay pa rin ang mga zombie voter. Tiyak tuloy pa rin ang vote buying. May tinatawag na technical vote buying: ang pag-upa ng sobra-sobrang bilang ng mga pollwatcher para makuha ang boto ng pamilya ng pollwatcher.

Sino ang mas kapani-paniwala: SWS o Pulse Asia? Patuloy na nag-aaway ang Namfrel at PPCRV; buti na lang matatag ang Kontra Daya. At mahigpit ang pagbabantay ng Cenpeg.

Kampanya

Kapag may OD, dapat banig o dikit-dikit ang mga poster. May isang pulitiko ang tawag niya sa postering ay plastering. Uso ngayon ang mga tarpaulin. Mag-ingat sa operasyon baklas ng MMDA, Comelec, at ng mga katunggaling kandidato.

MPT o rekorida ang pag-iikot ng sasakyan na may malakas na sound system para sa pagtugtog ng (plagiarized) jingle ng kandidato. Mahalaga ang motorcade para maabot ang maraming botante. Mainam din ang tricycle caravan o padyak. Pinakamabisang paraan ng pangangampanya ang House-to-House kasi may pagkakataong makausap at makumbinsi ang mga botante. Dapat maraming volunteers para sa leafleteering at gift-giving.

Kapag nag-uusap ang kandidato kasama ang kanyang campaign team, natatalakay ang candidate awareness, vote conversion, single voting, bloc voting, flock voting (lalo na ang boto ng Iglesia), solid votes, at nego votes (negotiated votes). May administration vote, opposition vote, protest vote, at sympathy vote. Ang single voting ay katumbas yan ng junking. Nakukumpirma ang junking kapag lumabas na ang sample ballot ng mga partido. Kadalasan lumalaro ang mga kandidato: nakikipag-usap kahit sa mga kalabang partido. Kadalasan din hindi nag-eendorso ang kandidato para maging free zone ang lugar at hindi siya pag-initan ng mga bigating pulitiko.

May dirty tricks department ang mga partido. Dito niluluto ang black prop na gagamitin laban sa kalaban. Bahagi nito ang guns, goons, gold. Marami kasing pulitiko, lalo na sa probinsiya, ang may sariling private army. Mga warlord, landlord, druglord at jueteng lord na mahilig manindak ng botante. Mag-ingat sa pagtanggap ng pekeng pera, nagkalat yan ngayong halalan.

Hindi naluluma o nawawala sa uso ang Miting de Avanse. Pagkakataon ito upang magpakita ng lakas at gilas ang kandidato at partido. Napapatibay din ang loob ng mga taga-suporta.

Kandidato

Huwag maliitin ang mga islogan. Kahit minsan corny, may epekto ito sa pag-iisip ng mga botante. Hindi tanga ang mga kandidato. May balak silang likhaing opinyon o emosyon sa publiko.

Noong 1993 ang islogan ni Bill Clinto ay “It’s the economy, stupid!” Naging epektibo ito upang isipin ng tao na ekonomiya ang isyu na dapat pag-usapan sa halalan at hindi gera sa Iraq. Nanalo si Clinton. Epektibo rin ang “Erap para sa Mahirap” na ginamit ni Estrada noong 1998. Ramdam noon ang hagupit ng 1997 Asian Financial Crisis.

Ngayong patuloy na sumisirit ang ekonomiya dulot ng 2008 Global Financial Crisis, magiging matagumpay pa rin kaya ang “Erap para sa Mahirap” o mas matunog ba ang “Tatapusin ang kahirapan” ni Villar, o “Kung walang corrupt, walang mahirap” ni Noynoy, o “Mabilis na pag-ahon” ni Gibo?

Dahil tumatakbo rin sa pambansang lebel ang mga senatoriable, susi rin sa kanilang tagumpay ang matalinong pagpili ng islogan. “Kapag bad ka, lagot ka” ni Joker. “Huwag matakot, stop kurakot” ni Lacson. “Ang gara ng buhay” ni Angara. Ngayon ang sabi ni Enrile, “Gusto ko happy ka” – wasto ito para makalimutan ng tao na siya ay 86 taong gulang na.

Para sa name recall, mahalaga ang tagline. Amigo ng bayan si Zubiri. Tol si Mike Defensor. Pro-Pinoy si Pichay. Justice Man si Bello. Mr. Palengke si Mar. Korekto si Recto. Captain Barbell si Bong Revilla noong 2004 ngayon siya ay Panday. Anak ng Masa si Jinggoy. Dirty Harry si Lim. Magdalo si Trillanes. Gabriela ng bagong panahon si Liza Maza. Transformers si Gordon at Bayani.

Nang tinanong si Budget Secretary Rolando Andaya kung bakit ayaw niyang tumakbong senador, ang sabi niya ay wala naman siyang sikat na apelyido tulad ng Recto, Osmeña, Legarda, Roxas o Macapagal. Tama siya. Noong unang tumakbong senador si Ramon Revilla Sr., hindi Revilla ang ginamit niyang apelyido kundi Bautista. Natalo siya. Mula noon, pinalitan niya na ang kanyang apelyido. Eto siguro ang dahilan kung bakit posibleng manalo ang mga kandidatong may kilalang apelyido tulad ng Pimentel, Biazon, Mitra, Lozada, Roco, Guingona, De Venecia, at Lacson.

Sa lokal na halalan, ramdam na ramdam ang sobra-sobrang pagmamahal ng mga kandidato sa kanilang pangalan. Bawat pampublikong programa o serbisyo ay may katumbas na inisyal batay sa pangalan ng kandidato. Pilit na tinutugma ang lahat ng greeting materials sa pangalan ng pulitiko. Halimbawa, SB sa Quezon City, LIM at Atin Siya sa Maynila, BF sa Marikina. Kakaiba si Mayor Rekom ng Caloocan dahil ang kanyang logo ay smiley na may bigote.

Dahil sa poll automation, hindi lang apelyido ang nakalagay sa mga poster. Mahalaga ngayon ang mga numero. Halimbawa, si Satur Ocampo ay number 37 sa balota at number 152 naman ang Kabataan Partylist.

Ang sistemang partylist, nakakalungkot mang isipin, ay labanan sa pagiging una sa balota. Kaya imbes na pagandahan ng plataporma, nagiging pagandahan ng pangalan. Kaya karamihan ng partylist, nagsisimula ang kanilang pangalan sa 1 o A.

Wika at halalan

Ano ang silbi ng wika sa halalan? Pwede itong magbuklod sa komunidad (“Tama na, Sobra na, Palitan na” noong 1986). Pwede itong magtakda ng pambansang adyenda (People Power Coalition laban sa Puwersa ng Masa noong 2001). Pwede itong mangalap ng boto (Boses ng Masa ni Kabayan Noli). Pwede itong magamit sa negatibong pangangampanya (Villaroyo, Arroyoquino, C5 at tiyaga, Mama at Papa). At kadalasan, pwedeng magamit upang linlangin ang publiko. Sa halalan at sa pulitika, ang katotohanan at kasinungalingan ay mahirap pag-ibahin.

Ang wika ng halalan ay pulitikal. Mula pagpaparehistro hanggang pagboto, pulitikal agad ang bisa ng mga salitang may kinalaman sa halalan. Dahil ito’y pulitikal, lagi itong may pag-anib sa isang puwersa, pabor man o hindi sa dominanteng partido o uri sa bansa.

Dapat gamitin ang wika upang patingkarin ang pag-asam ng taong bayan sa tunay na pagbabago. Kaso mas madalas, ginagamit ng mga reaksiyunaryo ang wika para sa kanilang pansariling interes. Kahit ang radikal na konsepto ng pagbabago ay nauuwi lamang sa pagbabago ng lider tuwing halalan. Dapat hamunin ang dominasyon ng mga malalaking partido at makapangyarihang mga pulitiko sa pagtakda ng mga salitang gagamitin sa halalan. Dapat lagyan ng progresibong nilalaman ang mga palamuting salita na ginagamit sa halalan.

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