Mong Palatino

Kapag Labor Day, may nakahandang biyaya ang pamahalaan para sa mga maliliit na manggagawa. Pagtatanggol sa kalikasan at kultura naman ang karaniwang tema kapag Indigenous People’s Day. At tuwing Araw ng Kababaihan, may pagdidiin sa kabuluhan ng pagsusulong ng pagkakapantay-pantay sa lipunan upang mabaka ang diskriminasyong nakabatay sa kasarian.

Pero ano dapat ang maging paksa kapag Araw ng Kabataan? Hindi lamang edad ang espesyal sa kabataan; mahalaga din ang pagiging bahagi niya ng iba’t ibang sektor at uri sa lipunan. Walang kabataang ang tanging pagkakakilanlan niya ay ang pagiging kabataan lamang. Halimbawa, maraming batang manggagawa, mayroon tayong mga IP youth, at malaking bilang ng kababaihan ay kabataan. Sa madaling salita, hindi hiwalay ang isyu ng komunidad sa partikular na usaping kasangkot ang kabataan. Ang pasanin ng bayan ay pasanin din ng kabataan.

Kung gayon, ang pagtataguyod sa interes ng kabataan ay pagkilos din upang umangat ang kapakanan ng lahat. Hindi pwedeng magtagumpay ang kabataan nang hindi niya napapawi ang mga mali sa paligid. Paano magdidiwang ang kabataan kung gapos sa kahirapan ang masa? Kaya sa minimum, kaisa ng kabataan ang mamamayang lumalaban para sa kanilang karapatan. Sa maksimum, handa ang kabataang tumindig para sa pagbabago. Pagbabago ng lipunan. Pagbabago ng lumang mundo.

Kaya hindi maiiwasang banggitin ang likas na radikalismong taglay ng kabataan tuwing Araw ng Kabataan. Hindi mapipigilang tukuyin muli ang dakilang misyon ng kabataan na maging aktibong ahente at boses ng rebolusyon. Mapanlaban ang diwa nito: Pag-asa, Pakikibaka, Pagbabago. Bilang pag-asa ng bayan, nakikibaka ang kabataan kasama ang bayan upang likhain ang isang bagong bukas. Ito ang dahilan kung bakit ang Araw ng Kabataan ay sadyang napakapulitikal.

Araw din ito ng pagkilala sa mga nauna sa atin; sa mga kabataan noon na nagturo sa atin kung paano lumaban – Sa henerasyon nina Bonifacio, Rizal, Aguinaldo, at Jacinto; sa mga lumaban noong Philippine-American War; sa mga kabataang martir ng World War II; sa mga humamon sa Batas Militar. Matayog ang kanilang pangarap para sa atin. Mangarap din tayo para sa susunod na henerasyon.

Bawat isa sa atin ay may bitbit na usapin: edukasyon para sa lahat, reproductive health, climate change, decent employment, volunteerism. Mainam kung may kumprehensibo din tayong tanaw sa ating sitwasyon upang kumprehensibo din ang ating pagkilos. Hindi lalaya ang Pilipinas kung lahat tayo ay nakapokus sa ating maliliit at hiwa-hiwalay na laban habang ang kaaway natin ay nagdudulot ng malawakang pinsala sa bayan.

Hindi rin tayo dapat malunod sa pagbaha ng impormasyon, at maanod ng iba’t ibang libangang pinagkakaloob sa atin ng modernong teknolohiya. Wala sa twitter trending topics ang katotohanan ng ating mga suliranin; wala sa social media timeline ang sagot sa kahirapan. Nasa offline na mundo ang kalutasan; sa ating sama-samang pagkilos napapanday ang mabisang sandata para sa pagbabago.

Patunayan natin na kaya nating maging inspirasyon para sa iba pang kabataan ng mundo tulad ng ipinakita ng mga kabataan ng maraming bansa sa Middle East. Gamit ang teknolohiya sa mobilisasyon, sila ay tumungo sa lansangan upang ipaglaban ang kanilang demokrasya.

Hindi nagtapos ang pakikilahok ng kabataan sa kasaysayan noong Edsa 1986. Kung tila mahirap ulitin ang kasaysayan, lumikha tayo ng bagong kasaysayan. Pero huwag sabihing tapos na ang panahong makisangkot. Hindi nalalaos ang pagiging makabayan.

Dapat tutulan natin ang pagmamaliit sa atin. Hindi tayo voting block. Hindi tayo consumer market. Hindi tayo audience profile. Hindi tayo mga kinder na ang kayang gawin lamang ay sumunod sa matatanda’t kumilos batay sa kagustuhan ng matatanda.

Maraming taguri sa bagong henerasyon: Post Edsa generation, digital natives, networked generation, Arroyo Babies, Strawberry Generation. The muggles who grew up with Harry Potter. Mamili na lang kayo. Pero ngayong Araw ng mga Kabataan, pwede bang gamitin natin itong pagkakataon upang pag-isipan, pag-usapan, pagdesisyunan kung ano ang direksiyon na ating tatahakin upang matiyak ang isang mas magandang kinabukasan para sa lahat.

Bilang beterano ng Edsa Dos, ako ay humihingi ng paumanhin at hinayaan naming mamuno si Gloria Arroyo ng halos isang dekada. Huwag ninyong tularan ang aming mga kahinaan.

“The budget is the skeleton of the state stripped of all misleading ideologies.” – Joseph A. Schumpeter

This year’s budget deliberations are significant for the following reasons: 1) The budget submitted to Congress a day after the State of the Nation Address is the first to be completely drafted by the government of President Noynoy Aquino; 2) The president’s budget message contained for the first time the specific goals of the slogan ‘Kung walang corrupt, walang mahirap;’ 3) The budget reflects Pnoy’s Philippine Development Plan 2011-16; 4) All the budget documents are already published in the government website; 5) Civil Society Organizations helped in drafting the budget of six major departments and three government corporations; and 6) The budget hearing on August 2 was the earliest in about a decade.

The first week of the budget deliberations was memorable for the following events: 1) It coincided with the resolution of the debt ceiling issue in the United States; 2) The minority has decided to boycott the budget committee hearings because of the non-release of their pork allocations; 3) The budget bill has yet to be sponsored in the plenary; 4) Rep. Antonio Diaz of Zambales who first became a congressman in 1969 passed away. Senator Juan Miguel Zubiri resigned from the Senate; 5) Nora Aunor is back in the Philippines.

Briefing of the Department of Budget and Management and Department of Finance

I asked the DOF two questions: What fees and other charges will be raised by various national government agencies since DOF is targeting more than P6 billion in additional revenues through the adjustment of user fees? What agencies are targeted for privatization which would generate P2 billion pesos in revenues for the government?

Meanwhile, I raised these issues with the DBM: If allocations for Local Government Units will be reduced this year by 2 percentage points, what local services will be affected? What programs will be scrapped?

Then I asked about the CSO participation in the budget formulation. Who are the CSO leaders consulted by the DBM? What criteria were used in selecting these CSOs? How many groups participated in the new process and how is their participation reflected in the budget? What funding programs were slashed or enlarged because they were proposed by the CSOs? Secretary Butch Abad revealed that 78 CSOs were consulted in the drafting of the budget of the Department of Social Welfare and Development.

Finally, I inquired about the budget of state universities and colleges. I mentioned the discrepancy in the funding of SUCs specified in the National Expenditure Program (P21.8 billion) and the DBM budget presentation (P25.8 billion). Sec. Abad said the gap is due to the ‘innovation’ in the budget process: the allocations for ‘unfilled positions’ in government agencies are now centralized to the DBM.

Responding to my query about the zero capital outlay of SUCs, Sec. Abad cited the additional P500 million allocation of the Commission on Higher Education which has been earmarked for the operating expenses of SUCs. I manifested that the additional funds are grossly insufficient to fill up the needs of more than 100 SUCs in the country.

During the hearing, I learned that P8 billion has been allocated for the automated elections. MRT-LRT will soon adopt a unified ticketing system but it will cost us P371 million.

Briefing of the Department of Science and Technology

I asked about the PC Tablet program of the DOST which was presented last year as a solution to textbook shortages. It will be developed this year, according to Secretary Mario Montejo. I asked if the DOST plans to address the equipment needs of PAGASA in the next five years. Sec. Montejo is confident of achieving the target.

Apparently, Information and Communication Technology is now under DOST. And DOST has grand plans like ‘Internet for All’ and internet connectivity for unserved and underserved islands. I cited some of their programs like e-government, community e-centers, and mobile IT classrooms. But I quickly pointed out the impossibility of implementing these programs because of the inadequate funds allocated by the Pnoy administration. P1.2 billion has been reserved for ICT but this is misleading because P1.1 billion of this amount is only for one agency whose main mandate is to send telegrams. Meanwhile, the National Computer Center will receive only P100 million and it has no capital outlay. Good luck!

Briefing of CHED and SUCs

CHED presented some interesting numbers: 19 schools have voluntarily phased out their nursing program, 358 higher education programs have been voluntarily phased out while 31 programs were closed down by CHED, and 365 programs with noted deficiencies are closely being monitored.

The Philippine Association of State Universities and Colleges presented some glaring numbers as well: Funding of 46 SUCs was slashed. The Personal Services allocation of 58 SUCs was cut by P403 million.

I began my interpellation by clarifying the total number of higher education institutions in the country. CHED said that we have 1,200 private schools and 643 public schools (including the campuses of SUCs and local universities and colleges). Then I asked the utilization of the Higher Education Development Fund (P700 million plus) and linked it to the additional P500 million allocation promised by DBM. CHED said it would still finalize the details on how to distribute the new funds but noted that the beneficiaries must offer programs that conform to the priorities of the government like Business Process Outsourcing, Agri-fishery, tourism, and other priority industries.

I asked about the difference in the higher education policies of Pnoy and his predecessor. I forgot the answer of Secretary Patricia Licuanan but I think it had something to do about transparency and fighting corruption. She kept on repeating the word ‘chaotic’ in describing the country’s system of education. I said that in terms of financing the SUCs, there’s no fundamental difference between the policies of Pnoy and Gloria Arroyo.

Finally, I said that I will consider amending the law to strengthen the autonomy of SUCs and shield them from unnecessary partisan political intervention. CHED said it will soon have a dialogue with LGU leaders about LUCs and I suggested that they should raise the issue of too much LGU intervention in the academic affairs of LUCs.

Budget issues

In the next few weeks, I plan to review these budget issues: zero based budgeting as a reform measure, hidden lump sum fund allocations, questionable unprogrammed funds, details of some of the accounts in the special purpose funds, bloated funding of the Conditional Cash Transfer program, and Public-Private Partnership in the social services sector.

I was inspired to write this piece after speaking in the 6th International Vietnamese Youth Conference held in Manila, Philippines.

I’ve been reading Southeast Asian blogs since 2008. My other sources of alternative information include twitter, facebook, and other social media sites. They provide not only interesting news stories but also incisive commentaries on various topics, especially politics.

Because of the internet, I came to know the complete name of Bangkok (which happens to be the second longest place name in the world). Online conversations have also deepened my awareness of other societies. I realized that virtual networks enhance not only our political capabilities but also our other daily endeavors like business, health, and leisure.

It allows us to access and share useful information, develop relationships with intelligent individuals and advocacy groups, and transform our communities through the networks we are building. Internet freedom, therefore, is essential in affirming our humanity. And it shouldn’t be a demand which is necessarily exclusive to the political domain.

So what did I learn about the state of internet freedom in Southeast Asia after three years of being a Southeast Asian blogger? I propose the following: First, there are many web freedoms that Southeast Asians are enjoying but the imposition of ‘unfreedoms’ negates the internet’s democratic potential. Second, cyber criminals are not those who are struggling for more web freedoms but those who are implementing and spreading web unfreedoms. Third, digital communities become powerful if their virtual actions are complemented by real-life interventions.

Web freedoms? Yes, even in societies ruled by masters and experts of cyber censorship. Internet users in the region are actually free to criticize another country. They are also free to look and act like fools in the web, free to worship entertainment stars, free to praise the royal family, free to cheer and heckle during sports events, and free to promote charity causes.

Facebook can be easily unblocked if there is a proliferation of hate pages that target an enemy country. Entertainment blogging is encouraged to distract the attention of the young. Political statements are published if they favor the government’s position. Online ranting is allowed as long as they are directed against sports teams. Political activities are not banned if the organizers would only ask the people to donate their coins.

Internet unfreedoms are enforced when authorities try to regulate ‘immoral’ web content. They justify these draconian measures by invoking the name of innocent subjects like the children who need to be protected from dangerous influence in the cyberspace. The top prohibited contents are subversive political ideas and pornography.

For example, Thailand has blocked more than 400,000 ‘harmful’ webpages. It continues to jail foreigners and webmasters who ‘insult’ the King. Meanwhile, regulators in Cambodia appealed to ISPs last January to censor anti-Khmer websites which unfortunately included the popular blog platform Blogspot. Blogspot’s only fault was that it seemed to be the preferred online portal of various opposition groups and critical media networks in Cambodia. Elsewhere in the region, bloggers were arrested in (surprise, surprise) Myanmar and Vietnam for their critical reporting of government programs.

Sex is also a taboo subject. An Indonesian Minister has threatened to block Blackberry for its alleged lack of porn filter. Furthermore, police are sometimes inspecting the phones of students in schools for porn content. The Philippines has passed a law that empowers telcos to monitor child pornography content in their networks.

Laws are being revised to arrest the perceived political and sexual perverts. Cybercriminals are the new terrorists. Internet regulation is intensely being proposed to correct the ‘irresponsible’ use of the internet. But the laws are sometimes unjustly being used against the innocent. Case in point is Prita, a young housewife from Indonesia who was charged with defamation after she sent an email complaining against a lousy service in a private hospital.

There are other obstacles in attaining internet freedom and they require immediate government attention and action. The basic issues are weak internet connectivity especially in remote areas, high cost because of dominance of profit oriented private players in the IT industry, and heavy state regulation. Recently, Myanmar banned VoIP services in internet cafés.

But the unfreedoms mentioned above can be effectively challenged through creative circumvention of restrictive laws and regulations. Strong social media campaigns have also helped in undermining the leadership of repressive regimes.

The most recent outstanding example of netizen activism or citizen media participation in the political sphere is the Bersih democracy movement in Malaysia. The event which was initially organized to ask for electoral reforms became a pro-democracy political action in the end because of the massive participation of the civilian population in the streets on one hand, and the exaggerated and violent reaction of the state on the other. Bersih is now the revolution’s name in Malaysia.

And social media was maximized to broaden Bersih’s appeal among the apolitical segments of the local internet community. More importantly, it gave Malaysians the opportunity to imagine the formation of a united and patriotic community of individuals committed to the defense of democracy.

Social media’s prominent role in Bersih proved that it’s more than a useful tool in elections exploited by politicians and professional political groups. It taught us that the intelligent use of social media can help us win more freedoms in the cyberspace and in the real world. To strengthen and spread internet freedoms, we need more Bersih-like movements.

Mentioning the term wang-wang 28 times in the State of the Nation Address is understandable and expected since the banning of that loud and annoying siren in the streets is one of the few visible and concrete achievements of President Noynoy Aquino. But Pnoy surprised many people when he expanded wang-wang’s meaning by using it as the keyword in the fight against corruption. Today, aside from being a forbidden object, it has become a symbol of corruption and abuse of power. In his speech, Pnoy launched a war against utak wang-wang:

“Imbes na maglingkod-bayan, para bang sila ang naging hari ng bayan. Kung makaasta ang kanilang mga padrino’t alipores, akala mo’y kung sinong maharlika kung humawi ng kalsada; walang pakialam sa mga napipilitang tumabi at napag-iiwanan. Ang mga dapat naglilingkod ang siya pang nang-aapi. Ang panlalamang matapos mangakong maglingkod—iyan po ang utak wang-wang.

“Habang nananatili sa puwesto ang mga utak wang-wang na opisyal, naiiwan namang nakalubog sa kumunoy ng kawalang-pagasa ang taumbayan.”

Pnoy’s definition of utak wang-wang sharply reflects the unequal relations of power in Philippine society. We are one with him in the crusade to end the reign of this brutal kind of mindset. But unlike him, we aren’t convinced that utak wang-wang represents all evils in society. There are other demons to slay like, for instance, utak haciendero.

This evil is responsible for the continuing feudal bondage of millions of small farmers in the countryside. It’s similar to utak wang-wang but it could be worse since the despotic landlord doesn’t realize nor comprehend how his refusal to distribute his vast landholdings to poor tenants is already a legal, moral, and political crime. In fact, he doesn’t even accept the charge that he’s exploiting other people since he clings to the arrogant belief that his family is actually doing the farmers a favor by allowing them to work in the family-owned estate.

Those with utak haciendero are insensitive to the poverty experienced by others, including the loyal peasants who work for them. What matters to them is their rising share from the profits of the hacienda and not the grim statistics about the suffering of their tenants.

Pnoy is guilty of utak haciendero when he chose to highlight the positive grades given by credit rating agencies than speak about the deplorable conditions of workers in the country. There was no substantial reference to the plight of workers even in the Sona technical report because Pnoy preferred the abstract and essentially meaningless numbers of credit rating agencies – which by the way should be distrusted because of their obvious culpability in the 2008 global financial crisis. The decision to hide the workers in the Sona should provoke us to resist this criminal non-counting of the workers. Philosopher Alain Badiou warned that

“To count workers for nothing means that we count nothing but capital. What is counted is the level of the stock market, the Euro, financial investment, competition and so on; the figure of the worker, on the other hand, counts for nothing.”

Noy as Nationalist

The most applauded statement of Pnoy referred to his strong assertion of the country’s sovereignty in the West Philippine Sea (I prefer Southeast Asia Sea). He said: “Ang sa Pilipinas ay sa Pilipinas; kapag tumapak ka sa Recto Bank, para ka na ring tumapak sa Recto Avenue.”

Suddenly, Pnoy has become a staunch defender of our territorial integrity. It was made more symbolic when he cited Recto Avenue which was named after Senator Claro M. Recto, a nationalist intellectual and statesman. But to be faithful to Recto’s legacy means that Pnoy should also make a stand against visiting United States troops, warships, and meddling American diplomats and lobbyists.

He should also draft a masterplan on how to develop the Spratlys. Otherwise, it would be absurd for the Philippines to aggressively claim the Spratlys but allow foreigners to explore and exploit the energy and mineral resources there. Pnoy’s emotional but sensible appeal that rice should be planted here and consumed here by Filipinos should be more vigorously applied to other aspects of the economy.

(Maybe he didn’t mean it but Pnoy indirectly reaffirmed his pro-American bias when his Sona presentation included a photo of US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton.)

Negativism and Utak alimango

Pnoy’s rant against excessive negativism in the country is unreasonable but hardly surprising. After all, ruling parties and politicians are always suspicious against critics and the opposition. They can’t tolerate dissenting opinion. Even the freedom-loving President Cory once accused the media of ‘bad news syndrome’ while President Gloria called her enemies ‘self-indulgent political theatrics that send the wrong message to the world.’ Like Pnoy, Gloria wanted reports that deal only with the government’s positive agenda:

“We must invest, not just investigate. It is time for action, not political wrangling. The people deserve that we focus on a positive agenda, not get wrapped up in a political jockeying.”

But negativism is needed in a democracy since it alerts the people to probe the actions or inactions of leaders. Pnoy should not forget that if not for the negativism of his parents, Marcos would have survived longer in Malacanang. Pnoy was in fact among the negativists in the previous administration. Pnoy’s rejection of Utak Alimango is logical since he’s now in power and he certainly doesn’t want disruptions in the status quo but he shouldn’t quickly dismiss all complaints against his administration. His attitude towards those who disagree with his enchanted view of the world is a perfect display of Utak Kapit Tuko which is anathema in a democracy.

Politics is personal

Pnoy’s decision to be ‘personal’ against corrupt public servants probably stems from his superficial analysis of corruption in the bureaucracy. His war against what he names as the culture of corruption is doomed to fail since it doesn’t address the roots of the problem. Corruption is tied to the rotten political-economic system (read: semi-feudal and semi-colonial) which can’t be easily corrected through behavior modification. To solve corruption requires the radical and even violent dismantling of the oppressive political order dominated by oligarchs, bureaucrat capitalists, and Pnoy’s haciendero friends. It’s quite disturbing that Pnoy’s sense of history is limited to the Arroyo years. He can’t untangle the old and stubborn knots, so to speak, if he focuses too much on Arroyo. Despite her recidivism, Arroyo is merely a symptom of the bankrupt social order.

Pnoy’s advice to the public to perform little acts of kindness everyday is very inspiring but it isn’t a function of politics. It may enhance our spirituality but not necessarily the political empowerment of the grassroots. Politics, after all, is not about charity. It isn’t even about being friendly to our neighbors. Politics, more than anything else, should involve the creative invention of new possibilities and the struggle for new political truths. Politics requires the total destruction of the oppressive old to allow the birthing of a completely new order.

But if the president chooses to act like a preacher rather than practice emancipatory politics, then our task as serious students of politics will necessarily involve two things: First, expose Pnoy as an insincere political reformist who only wants to spread Santa Claus messages in the world; and second, carry out the radical political project until the politically impossible has become a reality.

President Roxas justified the granting of privileges to American citizens in 1946, the Philippines had a Bureau of Aeronautics in 1947, President Quirino claimed that the school crisis was already solved in 1949, a railway in Mindanao and Cagayan Valley was proposed in 1952, and we were still technically at war with Japan in 1953.

The State of the Nation Address might be packed with lies, inconsistencies, and exaggerations but it remains an essential document to learn how the president views the situation in the country. More than the government’s accomplishment report, we should read what the president refuses to mention in his speech. Sometimes the least cited topics are the most troubling issues in society. It’s interesting how a problem that was supposedly resolved already is mentioned again by the president in his speech. It’s during these moments when the Sona offers a glimpse of the truth.

Reading the Sona of past presidents is heartbreaking since it reminds us of our failure to realize our big dreams as a nation.

Manuel Roxas, June 21, 1946

“Our future is grim, brightened only by the patriotic determination of the Filipino people, to succeed, at whatever cost.”

“We must agree to take steps to amend our Constitution to provide certain rights for American citizens which are now at variance with the Constitution.”

“I have no fear whatsoever that the granting to American citizens of rights equal to those of Filipinos in the development of our natural resources will bring about an imperialistic exploitation of our country.”

“We are a prostrate nation. The apparent well-being of some of our citizens today leads them to puff up with dignity, like the bullfrog of Aesop’s Fable.”

Manuel Roxas, January 27, 1947

“We have reestablished complete peace and order throughout the Philippines, except in a few limited areas in Central Luzon.”

“We are in the process of strengthening our Bureau of Aeronautics to regulate and stimulate the further expansion of the aviation industry.”

“With the aid of the United States, we are preparing to reconstruct our harbors and portworks. With the aid of the United States, we are in the process of reorganizing and reestablishing our weather observation systems…With the aid of the United States, we are beginning large-scale programs of public building construction and repair…”

“We have had during the past 8 months, very few strikes. The biggest strike was that of some government laborers in Manila.”

Manuel Roxas, January 26, 1948

“In the past year we have advanced from a state of emergency into the plenitude of constitutional normalcy.”

“The fact that Baguio is gaining favor as the seat of international conferences is indicative of the worldwide interest in Philippine affairs.”

“The United States Government has already returned to us the airport at Nichols Field. It is our hope to make Manila the hub of air transportation in the Far East.”

Elpidio Quirino, January 24, 1949

“I am glad to report to you that the sporadic depredations of these outlaws in isolated areas of the country are but the last paroxysms of a dying movement.”

“For the first time in the history of civil administration in this country there was no such thing as a school crisis this school year.”

“Although the United States continues to be the only country that maintains an embassy here, 8 other countries now have legations…”

Elpidio Quirino, January 23, 1950

“Circumstances beyond my control make me forego the pleasure of appearing in person to deliver this message following a beautiful tradition established many years ago and adhered to most punctiliously by my predecessors in office.”

“We have these past years since liberation seemingly enjoyed a life of plenty and even a luxury, not so much as a result of our productive energies as because of the temporary flow of money into our economy.”

Elpidio Quirino, January 22, 1951

“We cannot justifiably look always to the United States to meet out budgetary requirements. This government cannot be delivered to the Treasury of the United States.”

“Arms without valor, however powerful, are useless weapons. Valor can be aroused only by a righteous cause…The world is not merely on the verge of fire; it is on fire. And yet people can be immobilized by fiddling and temporizing while the nation’s life and future are at stake.”

Elpidio Quirino, January 28, 1952

“There are now more surrenderees than captives or Huk casualties; many of them are now settled in government farms with their families…”

“This past year we passed the minimum wage law.”

“The victims of the 1951 public disasters will take years to rehabilitate themselves. The coconut industry in the Visayas has been practically totally damaged.”

“Our BCG laboratory is rated the best and the largest in the region. We are producing vaccines for Formosa and Indo-China, besides filling our own requirements.”

“In the ratio of school enrollment to total population, we rank next to the United States, the highest of any country in the world.”

“But the rapid growth of the private school system poses the problem of effective supervision for the maintenance of scholarship standards at high level.”

“Ninety percent of the war-damaged water supply systems have been restored to operation.”

“We should begin to explore the problems, possibilities and potentials of a railway system in Mindanao, and provide for the extension of the existing system to Northern Luzon, especially in the Cagayan Valley.”

Elpidio Quirino, January 26, 1953

“And our watchword has since been land for the landless, home for the homeless.”

“Our program of slum clearance is being implemented with the construction of low-cost houses for squatter and low-income families, one in Pandacan, Manila, and another in Bago-Bantay, Quezon City.”

“The Senate did not act on the Japanese peace treaty during its last session. Technically, therefore, we are still at war with that country.”

The landslide victory of the opposition Puea Thai Party in Thailand’s general election may have been last Sunday’s top political story in Southeast Asia. But it certainly wasn’t the most talked about topic in the rest of the region.

For most TV viewers and internet surfers in Laos, the Philippines, Vietnam, Malaysia and Burma, it wasn’t Thai politics that they were thinking about, but the football games their respective national teams were involved in the same day. Indeed, it was only much later in the day that many found time to learn about the astonishing electoral success of Yingluck Shinawatra, who was chosen as Thailand’s first female Prime Minister (and Southeast Asia’s newest female icon).

Sunday was a great day for Southeast Asian football, with five of the seven teams competing at the weekend progressing to the second round of the Asia division of the 2014 World Cup qualifiers. The five will join Singapore, Thailand and Indonesia, who had already gone through.

The wins will fan the noticeable revival of football pride in Southeast Asia. People have been returning in large numbers to the region’s stadiums, national team players have become popular personalities, and there’s been a new wave of patriotism tied to the fortunes of the teams.

There was a huge celebration in Malaysia, for example, when its team became the overall champion of the ASEAN Football Federation Cup last December. But the mood was equally festive in Indonesia, where fans still cheered for their national team despite its failure to win the title.

Meanwhile, despite the continuing dominance of basketball in Philippine sports, football has emerged as a popular game among both the rich and poor. The stunning victory of its national team against defending champions Vietnam last year in the ASEAN Football Federation Cup instantly sparked the interest of the people in the magical pleasure of watching and playing football.

The renewed interest in football in the region has prompted governments to give more open support to their national teams and to get behind bigger and better venues. Sensing the political value of publicly backing football, politicians and their parties have been quick to become dedicated fans. Aside from issuing congratulatory statements to their victorious national teams, politicians are also sending players around their respective countries to encourage young people to take up sports.

But it can be a double-edged sword. Fans were sorely disappointed a few months ago when a power struggle within the Indonesian football league threatened to undermine the performance and selection of players for the national team. Football controversies like this make politicians nervous as they are aware that many members of the public expect their government to guarantee the continuous and smooth running of football.

And of course, there are politicians who exploit football nationalism for selfish reasons, including trying to distract the attention of those who might otherwise be incensed by the inability of the government to improve their living conditions.

Still, this kind of nationalism is at least an improvement on the ultra-nationalism of the warmongers who stoke tensions with neighbours for electoral gain. Cambodians and Thais, who have watched their two countries exchange deadly fire over a border dispute in recent years, could perhaps urge their leaders to try a little football nationalism instead.

Written for The Diplomat

Thailand’s ‘Vote No’ Campaign

It isn’t exactly a ‘boycott the election’ drive because voters are still being encouraged to vote on election day in Thailand. But what is unique in this campaign is that the people are being asked to vote ‘no’ on the ballot.

The main group behind the ‘Vote No’ movement is the People’s Alliance for Democracy, or the Yellow Shirts, which organized massive rallies a few years ago against the government of Thaksin Shinawatra. They are former allies of current Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva, who is hoping to be re-elected in next week’s general election.

PAD is urging the public to reject the current electoral system, which they think has been corrupted by power hungry politicians represented by Abhisit on the one hand, and the opposition’s Yingluck Shinawatra (Thaksin’s younger sister) on the other. PAD insists that elections are a futile exercise unless thorough political and electoral reforms are first instituted.

Voting is compulsory in Thailand, and penalties are imposed against those who are unable to vote. In short, voters still need to vote in order to cast a negative vote. Perhaps the ‘no’ option in the ballot is provided to inform voters that rejecting political parties and politicians on election day is a valid political choice.

The ‘Vote No’ campaign isn’t a new phenomenon, since a similar tactic was used by Thaksin’s enemies, which included PAD, in 2006. But PAD is being more aggressive this time, and their campaign seems to be more systematic and well-funded. They even placed oversized ‘Vote No’ posters and billboards around the country, which sparked controversy because they dressed up politicians as animals, perhaps to make the point that all candidates are ‘wild animals.’

The ‘Vote No’ movement is seen by some voters as a form of passive resistance, but others also decried it as a waste of time and effort. The crucial question, however, is whether it will work. In the 2007 general election, the ‘no’ vote constituted a surprising 5-10 percent of the vote results in many areas. It remains to be seen whether PAD’s campaign can garner similar numbers in next week’s voting.

Some political analysts have warned that a 20 percent ‘no’ vote could affect political stability in Thailand since it might be interpreted by dissident forces as proof of the people’s demand for substantive, radical, and even extra-legal political changes. But it’s quite inaccurate to equate a significant number of ‘no’ votes with electoral civil disobedience, since it would only mean that people aren’t particularly enthusiastic about the electoral process. Maybe they voted ‘no’ because they were unimpressed with the candidates, not because they supported the arguments propounded by the PAD.

Thai voters seem to have three choices in next week’s election: the administration party, the opposition, or none of the above. The ‘no’ vote appears to be an unusual option, but in Thailand it perhaps most accurately reflects the deep political divisions within the country.

Written for The Diplomat

The complete title of this post is On Being A Blogger-Politician Or Musings Of A Blogger Who Became A Politician. This is a continuation of my earlier piece about how I balance my work in Batasan and my online activities.

When Rep. Edcel Lagman confessed in a televised plenary debate that he isn’t a Catholic Congressman but merely a Congressman who happens to be a Catholic, it got me into thinking about my other less known profession which is blogging. Am I a blogger-congressman or merely a congressman who happens to be a blogger?

I’m the only House member who listed blogging as a profession and unlike some colleagues who equate microblogging and facebooking with blogging, I have been a regular traditional blogger (which means I use more than 140 characters when expressing my thoughts) since 2004.

Politician-bloggers are a dying breed because today they prefer to tweet or update their FB statuses and notes. Not that it’s wrong or unusual since a growing number of netizens and even former blog stalwarts have switched to tweeting and facebooking. But isn’t it better to read the political and philosophical musings of politicians rather than their bland everyday tweets? Isn’t it more fascinating and entertaining to read how politicians organize their thoughts through the essays they write than suffer the torture of monitoring their meaningless soundbytes and self-absorbed tweet reflections?

Of course there are politicians who hire professionals to handle their online accounts while others bombard the public with spam messages and boring youtube videos. This makes us wonder whether a politician’s blog posting is actually his own since it could be written by a PR practitioner. Maybe I’m a purist. But luckily there are public personalities, including politician bloggers, who have successfully demonstrated that they are capable of writing interesting stories.

Politician-bloggers like me face certain dilemmas. Should I livetweet during committee and plenary deliberations? But my priority should be my participation in the sessions. Should I blog the happenings and discussions in all-member caucuses? Is it appropriate to surf the web in the plenary gallery when a colleague is delivering a privilege speech? Can I post pictures of House members and visitors inside the South Wing lounge? Which is more important: Respecting the privacy of individuals or promoting transparency in governance? If I blog too much, I could be accused of being a non-performer in the legislature; but I could be reproached by fellow bloggers if I reduced my blogging activities.

There are some politicians who don’t read newspapers or listen to news reports because they are sensitive to criticism. But as a blogger, I read everything in the web. I confess to the crime of ego surfing but it’s mostly to monitor how my statements and actions are echoed in the cyberspace. It’s delightful to read the kind words of grateful constituents; it’s humbling to be reminded of my mistakes and weak arguments by wise readers; but it hurts to know that there are souls in this world who really hate me.

I’m not annoyed by childish and antagonistic remarks against my person; I can disregard the arrogant and malicious commenters; I can even understand the sentiments of individuals who reject my politics. But I’m quite affected by uninformed attacks and accusations. Maybe I’m a masochist. I still follow some nasty forum threads that discuss my work inside and outside congress.

Maybe some people arrive at wrong conclusions because they fail to recognize the dynamics of my work. Some prefer to highlight my activist identity while the lazy ones conveniently lump me with other traditional politicians. They try to boost their argument by reminding the readers that I’m a mere politician while ignoring the essential fact that I’m also a natdem activist. Meanwhile, others expect me to speak only about activist causes and our critical views against the government.

I’m often described as an activist or a young politician but I prefer to be called an activist legislator. An activist legislator who blogs. An activist legislator blogger.

But the grim and determined haters, especially the proud anti-leftists, continue to hang out as internet trolls hoping to provoke some little online wars. There are people who are ready to twist your words, distort your true intentions, and spread disinformation. Fortunately, I have learned to cultivate the right attitude in confronting these challenges thanks in no small part to my activist background and blogging experience. And writer Alain de Botton provided some additional reassuring words: “We are accused of stupidity when we are being cautious. Our shyness is taken for arrogance and our desire to please for sycophancy. We struggle to clear up a misunderstanding but our throat goes dry and the words found are not the ones met.”

Politician bloggers need the wanted and unwanted reactions of other people to gauge the effectivity of their work. But sometimes they should be the first to assess and question their performance. Bloggers often loathe politicians and those who wield power in society. They often rant against the inefficiencies in government and the wicked decisions of policymakers. But do they still despise politicians and do they still rant against authorities when they become politicians? How do politician bloggers use their influence to promote reforms within the bureaucracy?

Maybe there are bloggers who joined mainstream politics because they recognized the limitations of virtual outbursts. They are similar to journalists and TV news readers who entered politics because they got disappointed with how politicians are running the country. But blogger-politicians must learn from the experience of famous journalist-politicians who quickly discarded their idealism and passion to fight for truth after they got seduced by the dark and sinister side of the force.

This is the reason why bloggers must continue to blog even after getting elected to public office. It helps them not to forget some of the noble reasons why they decided to become active in politics and it allows them to keep in touch with netizens who are always ready to share their thoughts on various political and social issues. Blog not for blog’s sake but as a tool for political empowerment. Blog to promote transparency. Blog to reach out to the broader online community.

If Vicky Belo can successfully tap the internet to gather suggestions for the name of her new vagina tightening machine, I see no reason why politicians, especially politician bloggers, should not maximize the potential of the cyberspace to mobilize citizens and netizens in the search and struggle for new political truths. I refuse to believe that only the eternally young celebrities and hot topics like vagina tightening can spark the interest of the digital natives.

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Blog habits
Neophyte Reflections

June 30, 2010 was the day when Noy became President Noy or Pnoy and PGMA became Congresswoman GMA or CGMA. Today, everybody had something to say about Pnoy’s performance as president in the past 12 months but only few people had taken an interest in reviewing Gloria’s legislative work. So how did she perform in Batasan? Let’s start with her congress profile:

Macapagal-Arroyo, Gloria M.
Representative
Pampanga, 2nd District

House of Representatives, Quezon City
Rm. MB-2, Phone: 931-5001 local 7219, 9325258
Chief of Staff: Maria Elena H. Bautista-Horn

Committee Membership:

Appropriations
Economic Affairs
Foreign Affairs
Globalization and WTO
Higher and Technical Education
National Defense and Security
Veterans Affairs and Welfare
Ways and Means
Women and Gender Equality

House Measures Sponsored/Authored

1. HB 172 An Act Establishing the Department of Education and Training
2. HB 173 An Act Providing for the Creation of the Autonomous Region in Southwestern Mindanao and in Central Mindanao
3. HB 174 An Act Banning the Catching, Sale, Purchase, Possession, Transportation and Exportation of all Sharks and Rays in the Country
4. HB 175 An Act Establishing and Maintaining Lactation Stations in Workplaces
5. HB 176 An Act Amending Sections 91 and 97 of the Philippine Fisheries Code of 1998. Status: Approved by the House on 2011-05-31, transmitted to and received by the Senate on 2011-06-02
6. HB 382 An Act Penalizing Persons Driving Under the Influence of Alcohol. Status: Approved by the House on 2011-03-15, transmitted to and received by the Senate on 2011-03-21
7. HB 383 An Act Defining Cybercrime, Providing for Prevention, Suppression and Imposition of Penalties
8. HB 384 An Act Creating the Department of Housing, Planning, and Urban Development
9. HB 2222 An Act Setting the Direction of and Parameters for the Development of and Regulation of the Transportation System in the Philippines. Status: Approved by the Committee on 2011-02-09
10. HB 2378 An Act Strengthening Further Organic Act for the ARMM
11. HB 2670 An Act Providing for Unemployment Benefit to be Provided by the SSS
12. HB 2703 An Act Authorizing and Providing for the Procedure for the Transfer of Sentenced Persons to or from Foreign Countries
13. HB 2910 An Act Providing for the Comprehensive Subic and Clark Development Program
14. HB 3001 An Act to Amend the Overseas Absentee Voting Act of 2003. Status: Under study by the Technical Working Group
15. HB 3162 An Act Rationalizing the Grant and Administration of Fiscal and Non-Fiscal Incentives
16. HB 3244 An Act Creating the Fair Trade Commission of the Philippines. Status: Substituted by HB04835
17. HB 3627 An Act Requiring the Planting of Trees for any Construction of Residential, Commercial or Industrial Structures
18. HB 3963 An Act Regulating the Use of Firecrackers
19. HB 4110 An Act Increasing the Penalty of the Crime of Carnapping
20. HR 8 A Resolution Calling for a Constitution Convention to Propose Amendments to or Revision of the 1987 Constitution
21. HR 839 Resolution Directing the Committee on Justice to Conduct an Investigation into the Arrest and Detention of Korean Nationals and Students for Allegedly Illegaly Operating a Language School in Abucay, Albay

The quantifiable indicators show that she filed 19 House bills, 2 resolutions and co-authored 123 measures. She has yet to deliver a privilege speech. She spoke in the plenary once when she criticized the bloated conditional cash transfer subsidy of the DSWD during the budget deliberations. She voted against the impeachment of Ombudsman Gutierrez.

Her attendance in the plenary is not unusual (using House standards) but she always mysteriously disappears after the roll call. They say she prefers to listen to plenary debates in her spacious office. She re-appears during voting time.

She regularly attends committee hearings especially if one of her proposed bills/resolutions is part of the agenda. She has been quite successful in pushing for the passage of her bills and in fact I couldn’t recall a committee meeting where a House member tried to directly oppose her. But her famous tantrum comes out every time a resource speaker bravely contradicts her statements.

She once remarked in a committee hearing about the failure of Congress to pass the budget bill without making amendments in the document. That was a correct assessment. But she failed to mention that the budget was re-enacted several times during her term. She also questioned DSWD’s expanded CCT program but she co-authored a bill (HB 848) that would institutionalize and even broaden the scope of the program.

There are two ways to read her legislative output. It’s either a showcase of her unfinished agenda as a leader or an indirect admission of what she failed to accomplish during her nine-year (mis)rule. A Gloria admirer would describe the bills/resolutions as fine examples of her superior vision as a leader while a grim and determined Gloria hater would add them to her long list of crimes against the people.

At the minimum, her proposed measures, as well as her committee memberships, reflect some of her advocacies. It’s significant to note that the merging of the three education agencies is the subject of her first bill. Is this meant to inform the public that education reform would be her focus as a legislator? Meanwhile, the first and only resolution which she filed that has national significance supports the revival of the charter change campaign.

While Pnoy prefers to overhaul the ARMM electoral system, Congresswoman Gloria wants the creation of a new autonomous unit in Southwestern and Central Mindanao regions. While Pnoy backs the concept of responsible parenthood, Gloria co-authored a bill on the protection of the unborn child which is being endorsed by the pro-life camp. It’s also the first bill which she co-authored.

Gloria’s decision to return to Congress is still seen by many as a tactic to preempt the efforts of political forces which are determined to make her accountable for her alleged anomalous dealings in Malacanang. As long as her political motive remains doubtful, her actual legislative work would be of little concern to many people. It’s impossible to objectively assess her performance in Congress without citing the aggressive efforts of her minions to rehabilitate her shattered political reputation.

It’s not good for democracy, transparency, and accountability but Gloria’s congressional bid successfully proved how discredited presidents can survive after the end of their six-year term. Gloria did the unthinkable in 2010 and the mainstream political community is still reeling from the shock over her refusal to quietly step down from the political battlefield. This makes it difficult for the public and the media as well to come to terms with her new job description.

Is there a sober way of judging her congressional work without being reminded of the fact that she had been given more than enough time, power, and opportunities in the past to lead this nation out of darkness?

She is no ordinary solon and she certainly doesn’t deserve to be judged on ordinary terms.

Yingluck Shinawatra could become Thailand’s first female prime minister if her Pheu Thai Party performs well in next month’s general election.

And her chances certainly seem strong, despite her inexperience, because so many voters are disillusioned with male-dominated Thai politics. Sensing this growing frustration, Yingluck’s handlers have been emphasizing her natural ‘feminine qualities’ to attract more support. She may not be a sure bet yet, but her candidacy has certainly excited many Thais who see her entry into politics as a refreshing development. Some observers have even cited her gender as an advantage that she could use to ‘heal’ the political wounds inflicted by the bloody fighting between the country’s warring political forces.

But Yingluck has a significant liability, too. As the younger sister of deposed Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, she’s accused of being a mere proxy of a desperate former head of state seeking a political comeback. It didn’t help that Thaksin casually admitted in a media interview that Yingluck would become her brother’s ‘clone’ after the polls. As a ‘clone’, many fear she might only end up rekindling the animosity of Thaksin haters.

On the other hand, she can’t just simply distance herself from her brother, even if it means confirming the claim of her critics that she’s a mere puppet. Why? Because she needs Thaksin’s billions and most importantly, the support of many of the poor in the countryside who still think that the ousted leader is a caring and compassionate leader.

In short, Yingluck’s link to Thaksin has appeared a mixed blessing for her ambitions to lead the country. But as the election campaign enters its last phase, it is becoming evident that Thaksin is casting a dark and increasingly damaging shadow over Yingluck’s budding political career.

It’s not only her independence that’s being questioned, but also her commitment to promoting women’s rights, democratic reforms, and transparency in governance. After all, transparency would inevitably involve investigating the various alleged crimes committed during the Thaksin years. If she becomes prime minister, would she really allow the revival of corruption and plunder cases against her brother?

In addition, being a woman doesn’t make Yingluck an instant champion of women’s rights, and her victory certainly wouldn’t guarantee a weakening of patriarchal politics in Thailand. Nor does she represent Thailand’s marginalized women seeking political empowerment. Instead, she embodies the conservative political interests of her family.

Of course, if Yingluck succeeds, she could become Southeast Asia’s next great female icon, in the mould of Suu Kyi, Wan Aziah, Megawati, Cory Aquino, and Gloria Arroyo. But if she wants to equal or surpass the legacy of these remarkable female leaders, she must be ready to sacrifice and even betray personal ties and interests for the sake of the greater public good. She must be willing to break tradition by rejecting authoritarianism and its various forms in Thailand.

In the meantime, it’s better that we check our expectations by remembering that her gender isn’t a guarantee that she will pursue meaningful social reform.

Written for The Diplomat

Filipino-Style Divorce, Anyone?

There are only two countries in the world without a divorce law: Malta and the Philippines. Both are Catholic-dominated nations governed by politicians who are afraid to antagonize the bishops who seem to be more popish than the pope in their dogmatic interpretation of the Holy Scriptures. But Malta is expected to finally enact a divorce law after its citizens recently approved the measure through a referendum. What now for the Philippines?

A divorce bill is pending in Congress, but its authors are less worried that Malta would beat the Philippines in legislating divorce than the disturbing fact that Filipino women have few and limited options to get out of failed marriages.

Under Philippines laws, there are only three remedies available to separate couples or terminate a marriage. These are legal separation, declaration of nullity and annulment. Legal separation allows couples to physically separate, but doesn’t allow them to re-marry, while a declaration of nullity makes the children in that marriage illegitimate.

The most popular option therefore used by estranged couples to end a marriage is by invoking Article 36 of the Family Code, which is sometimes referred to as the de facto divorce law in the Philippines. The provision allows a marriage to be voided if one of the parties is proven to be psychologically incapacitated to perform marital obligations. But it requires a comprehensive psychiatric evaluation, not to mention lawyer’s fees, which makes it a costly solution.

The proposed divorce law would address the limitations of these existing legal remedies by expanding the grounds of separation. Divorce is granted if these grounds are met: De facto separation from his or her spouse for at least five years at the time of the filing of the petition and reconciliation is highly improbable; Legal separation for at least two years at the time of the filing of the petition and reconciliation is highly improbable; When any of the grounds for legal separation have caused irreparable breakdown of the marriage; When one or both spouses are psychologically incapacitated to comply with the essential marital obligations; and when the spouses suffer from irreconcilable difference that have caused the irreparable breakdown of the marriage.

The five valid grounds listed above are there to discourage and prevent no-fault divorces or Las Vegas-style divorces. The proposed divorce bill also has some interesting provisions that might be unique to the Philippines, like asking couples to seek reconciliation before petitioning for divorce, extending legal and personal assistance to poor couples who want a divorce, and prescribing a six-month period for the courts to settle divorce cases. Divorces obtained by Filipino citizens abroad will be deemed valid as well.

The intended beneficiaries of the bill aren’t rich couples who can afford expensive annulment proceedings, but poor women who are trapped in dead-end marriages. According to government figures, which should be considered conservative, an average of 22 annulment cases are filed everyday all over the country. In 2010, the number of annulment cases was 40 percent higher than 10 years ago.

It’s crucial to note that in 2007, the Office of the Solicitor General reported that 92 percent who filed for annulment petitions were Roman Catholics. As expected, 61 percent of petitioners were females. During the same year, the police said that a woman is battered every one hour and 50 minutes in the Philippines.

Critics of the divorce bill aver that divorce is alien to Philippine culture and that it’s a bad Western legacy. They are wrong, since absolute divorce was popularly practiced among ancestral tribes in the country prior to the arrival of Spanish colonizers in the 16th century. Divorce was also available during the American period starting 1917. It was only in 1950, when the new Civil Code took effect, that divorce was disallowed in the country.

Opponents of the bill also argue that passing a divorce law would be unconstitutional since the 1987 Constitution explicitly mentions the need to protect the sanctity of marriage. But the same Constitution is silent on divorce, thereby not prohibiting its legalization.

Divorce wouldn’t necessarily destroy the foundation of the family, as has been shown by Italy and Spain, two predominantly Catholic countries with low rates of divorce. If a couple are happy, they wouldn’t file for divorce anyway. But it’s a reality that many are suffering in abusive and irreparable marriages. Why deny them the chance to regain their liberty and happiness?

The chances of legislating divorce in the Philippines is slim today since Congress has yet to finish deliberations on the equally, if not more controversial, Reproductive Health Bill. But it’s the duty of the government to protect the rights of all its citizens, whether Catholic or not. And this duty should include, among other things, the granting of the right of individuals, especially women, to end a bad marriage and seek a new life.

Written for The Diplomat

The current categorization of Congress bills and resolutions is dull and uninformative. If we want the public to know more about the legislative process, we should review our practice of merely classifying the bills into first reading, second reading, and third reading.

Bills filed on first reading are worthy to mention only if they would disrupt and titillate the political landscape. Identifying the bills which hurdled the second and third reading is proper but the Congress journal doesn’t distinguish the bills with parochial intent from those with national significance. And even bills which reached third reading aren’t sure of being signed into laws since they still need the concurrence of the senate, bicameral committee (the third and most powerful house of congress), and the president of the republic.

So what should we do? Below are some suggestions to make the categories more interesting and precise.

The Priority bills have the support of the Congress leadership. They are usually Ledac bills. If a measure is authored by the Speaker, it’s a bill with Mandate From Heaven. Congress can approve a bill on a single day if it has a certification from the president which makes it a Lightning McQueen bill.

Through the tyranny of numbers, Congress can ignore public opinion and approve controversial measures like the Con-Ass in 2009. They are Shock And Awe bills or from the point of view of the ruling party: What We Are In Power For bills. Unconstitutional measures can be called Infirmary bills because they are legally infirm.

Lolit Solis resolutions are often filed to greet influential church leaders and Filipino global achievers. They are similar to Sunrise/Sunset measures which are automatically filed after a huge national or natural disaster is reported by the media.

It’s a popular practice to revive Zombie or Undead bills which were ignored by the previous Congress. Sometimes, legislators make the mistake of refilling bills which have already been passed into law; hence they are called Second Life bills. Archived bills which are reintroduced should be known as Recycled bills. Amending a law is often done by filing Viagra bills especially if the goal is to enhance or enlarge the scope and functionality of the law. Sex Change bills are possible if the original author wants to change the committee referral of the measure. A bill suffers from an Identity Crisis if its title contradicts its own explanatory note and even the main text of the document.

It’s not wrong to adopt a substitute bill which is often done to consolidate several bills that deal on a single subject; but that substitute or consolidated bill mutates into a Prostituted bill if it contains so many provisions that fundamentally alter its intended objectives.

Most legislators are guilty of proposing resolutions not in aid of legislation but In Aid Of Next Elections. Many local bills are actually Reelection bills. Some legislators are also fond of using the official power of Congress to embarrass and weaken their rivals by filing I Hate My Enemies bills.

To improve their political curriculum vitae, some legislators are unnecessarily bombarding the Bills and Index Service with their Bilbil bills. While many measures are sensible, there are also several Everything I Need To Know, I Learned In Kindergarten bills. Long And Winding Road bills have a very lengthy, sometimes superfluous, introductory notes.

My favorite topics are the Padre Damaso and Hallelujiah bills which seek to propagate the Catholic dogma or direct the attention of Congress to unanswerable philosophical and divine questions like the beginning of life.

Those that require substantial funding from the (eternally) bankrupt local and national governments are Bilmoko bills. Good intentions are not enough since the conservative block often brands a well-meaning measure as unrealistic or impossible to implement which makes it a Man in the Moon bill.

Mona Lisa bills remain trapped at the committee level. They are also Bungalow bills since they don’t reach the Upper House. If archived, they are condemned as Basement bills.

Contractor bills are infrastructure measures that benefit a favored public works agency or a private contractor. Uncle Sam bills pay tribute to our former colonial master while Big Brother China or Bad Bully China bills address our dynamic, often tenuous, relationship with the Asian giant.

Here is my congress page and you are very much welcome to classify the bills/resolutions I authored and co-authored based on the categories I listed above.

Next: Privilege and Non-Privilege speeches