Can a United Opposition Defeat Duterte at the 2022 Philippine Elections?

Written for The Diplomat

Opposition groups in the Philippines have joined forces in a bid to defeat the party or anointed successor of President Rodrigo Duterte.

The country’s presidential election is scheduled for May 9, 2022. Duterte is constitutionally barred from seeking a second term, but some of his supporters are urging him to run as vice president if his daughter, Davao City Mayor Sara Duterte-Carpio, decides to seek the presidency. In recent months, “Run Sara Run” banners have sprouted across the country in public places, despite lockdown restrictions.

The opposition coalition is named 1Sambayan (One Nation/One People), which highlights the call for unity to defeat Duterte, who continues to enjoy high public trust ratings amid allegations that his government bungled its pandemic response.

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Rodrigo Duterte: From Philippine President to Senator?

Written for The Diplomat

Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte is being asked by his party to run for senator, a move that will certainly upend the 2022 elections.

Under the 1987 Constitution, the president can only serve a single six-year term, but this didn’t stop the PDP-Laban ruling party from nominating Duterte as its vice presidential candidate. However, some legal scholars have opined that Duterte is constitutionally barred from running even for vice president and warned that his candidacy could be questioned in the courts.

Citing a lack of public support and personal qualification, Duterte did not push through with his vice presidential candidacy and instead endorsed Senator Bong Go as vice president. Go is his former aide but continues to accompany him in public events even after becoming a senator in 2019.

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The books I read in 2020

Published by Bulatlat

1. Cosmopolitanism: Ethics in a World of Strangers by Kwame Anthony Appiah. Thoughtful exposition on universality, differences, cultural patrimony, saving children, changing of perception through affinity with others.

2. Snows of Yesteryear: A Family in War and a Sentimental Education by Elmer A. Ordóñez. Life of an academic, activist, a scholar recollecting the context of the choices and commitments he made from World War II to the anti-Marcos dictatorship.

3. The Community Press And Its Revolutionary Tradition by Georgina Reyes Encanto. Must-read to understand the radical tradition of the Philippine press. Also, the role of the religious press and the Left’s underground press in the resistance against Martial Law.

4. Cleopatra’s Nose: Essays on the Unexpected by Daniel J. Boorstin. Essays on printers, Darwin, the age of machines, and Alexis de Tocqueville.

5. This Land Is Their Land: Reports from a Divided Nation by Barbara Ehrenreich. The lives of the working class, the rich, healthcare in the United States, migrants, and the rise of the religious Right.

6. Sawikaan 2010: Mga Salita ng Taon by Roberto T. Añonuevo (Editor), Romulo P. Baquiran Jr. (Editor) Some of the words include solb, Ampatuan, namumutbol, jejemon, load, unli. Virgilio Almario’s commentary on the difficulties of compiling a dictionary.

7. Obsolescent Capitalism: Contemporary Politics and Global Disorder by Samir Amin. A discussion on the triad of collective imperialism, the link of the center and the peripheries, the idea of catching up or doing differently in the global economy, and a brilliant summary on culturalism (appendix).

8. Field of Mirrors: An Anthology of Philippine American Writers edited by Edwin A. Lozada. Poems, essays vignettes, stories on identity, nostalgia, a tribute to the homeland.

9. Oligarchic Politics: Elections and the Party-List System in the Philippines, edited by Bobby Tuazon. History of political parties in the Philippines, a summary of party list rulings including the oppressive formulas used in determining the number of seats in Congress.

10. Project Sea Hawk: The Barbed Wire Journal by Dolores S. Feria. Testing the human condition during incarceration, life of a political detainee, valuable testimony of Martial Law tyranny, a dose of the Left’s unofficial history in jails.

11. Philip Vera Cruz: A Personal History of Filipino Immigrants and the Farmworkers Movement by Craig Scharlin, Lilia V. Villanueva. The manong farm workers, the lives and struggles of union organizers, the role of Filipinos in the labor movement in the United States. Touching, riveting, agitating.

12. Interrogations in Philippine Cultural History by Resil B. Mojares. Fascinating accounts of the Santo Niño’s Sinulog origins, noir in the Philippines, the scholarship of Nick Joaquin, Bonifacio’s Katipunan, and Pascual B. Racuyal – the ‘nuisance’ candidate.

13. The Autobiography of Malcolm X by Malcolm X, Alex Haley. In defense of militant political activism, uncompromising in rejecting moderation, a counterpoint to the mainstream perspectives on nonviolent struggle. Gripping.

14. sa ibang katawan by Lean Borlongan. Finding place, acceptance in an unjust society through the power of words and struggle

15. Tools for Conviviality by Ivan Illich. Ahead of its time for its nonconformist exploration on how we make use of tools, ‘new collectivity’ in the industrial era.

16. Pakikiramay: Alay ng mga Makata sa mga Magsasaka ng Hacienda Luisita edited by Joi Barrios. Artists expressing solidarity after the 2004 Hacienda Luisita Massacre.

17. Re-Reading Jose Marti (1853-1895): One Hundred Years Later by Julio Rodriguez-Luis (Editor). Marti: a poet, journalist in exile, revolutionary. And the continuing battle over his memory and legacy.

18. Paltiing: Mga Piling Tulang Prosa ni R.B. Abiva. The world comes alive through religious symbolism and social realism.

19. Polaroids from the Dead by Douglas Coupland. Engaging views on denarration, information saturation, post-fame, and harolding. Google what harolding means.

20. The Discoverers: A History of Man’s Search to Know His World and Himself by Daniel J. Boorstin. It took me two years to finish this book. Every page is brimming with intellectual riches. The author’s masterful weaving of narratives, the attention to detail, and mesmerizing chronicle of the rise of the West.

21. Claro M. Recto, 1890-1990: A Centenary Tribute of the Civil Liberties Union, edited by Renato Constantino. The pleasure of reading Recto’s elucidation on economic nationalism and independent foreign policy, his rejoinder against pro-American bureaucrats and intellectuals.

22. From Victory to Defeat: China’s Socialist Road and Capitalist Reversal by Pao-Yu Ching. Interesting insight about the need to reconsider the national bourgeoisie as an ally of the revolution in the era of neoliberalism. Another useful text defending the legacy of Maoism during China’s socialist construction.

23. Ang Aklat Likhaan ng Tula at Maikling Kuwento 1998 by Aurelio S. Agcaoili (Editor), Jose F. Lacaba (Editor). The 1990s and therefore I appreciate the narratives exploring the social impact of labor migration.

24. The Master of Petersburg by J.M. Coetzee. A meditation on father-son relationships, a probe into the mind of a Russian novelist

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A message to Metro Manila LGU leaders: Reject the Terror Bill

Published by Bayan Metro Manila

A message to Metro Manila LGU leaders: Reject the Terror Bill, stand up for people’s rights

We ask our Metro Manila LGU leaders to make a stand on the Anti-Terror Bill legislation amid reports that a list of local officials in favor of the bill has been submitted to President Rodrigo Duterte.

We believe that you will also share our concerns if you and other LGU leaders will study the bill using the lens of human rights and people empowerment.

We are against terrorism and recognize its deadly legacy in society. But the government can use existing criminal laws to run after those who spread senseless violence in our communities.

Its passage will revive the ominous features of the Martial Law era.

For example, the bill provides an overbroad and vague definition of terrorism that a lawful protest can be construed as an act of terror. LGU officials who extend solidarity and provide assistance to groups accused of terrorism can be charged under this proposed law.

The bill contains provisions that directly undermines the Bill of Rights, international covenants on human rights protection, and constitutional guarantees on civil liberties.

Amending R.A. 9372 or the Human Security Act of 2007 today is untimely while the world is battling a pandemic. Furthermore, our urban poor communities have yet to recover from the distress caused by the controversial ‘war on drugs’ and the strict lockdown restrictions.

We should remind legislators and the Duterte government to focus on passing laws that would enhance the country’s healthcare system, stimulate the local economy, and expand the welfare benefits for citizens affected by COVID-19.

The Terror Bill instills fear at a time when our people need to move forward as empowered citizens in overcoming a public health crisis.

We salute legislators who voted against the bill. We urge them to lead the grassroots information campaign about the dangers of this measure.

We appeal to legislators who voted in favor of the bill to understand why a growing number of voices, including members of their constituency are opposed to the measure.

We call on our city leaders to join us in petitioning President Duterte to veto the terror bill.

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IFEX Asia brief: January, February, March 2021

New year in Asia-Pacific: Crackdown, state of emergency, and harsh prison convictions. Positive developments in the region such as prison releases and the outlawing of the “virginity test” were overshadowed by mass arrests in Hong Kong, an absurdly long prison term handed out to a Thai elderly woman for “insulting” the king, the silencing of journalists in Vietnam ahead of the Communist Party Congress, and the shocking acquittal of American journalist Daniel Pearl’s murderer in Pakistan. Is this trend a portent of things to come for the rest of the year? Read more

Coup and civil disobedience in Myanmar, farmers’ protests, and #MeToo victory in India. Myanmar’s coup has reversed the country’s democratic transition but citizens are pushing back through a civil disobedience movement. As farmers’ protests gain global attention, Indian authorities are clamping down on journalists and supporters of the movement. A court acquittal in India is a big victory for the #MeToo movement. A Bangladeshi writer dies in prison while a cartoonist fights for his life. Read more

Coup terror in Myanmar, impunity in Afghanistan, and uproar in Bangladesh. Violence escalates in Myanmar, but the people are fighting back. Women journalists are attacked and killed in Afghanistan. Public outrage in Bangladesh over the killing of a writer and torture of a cartoonist in prison. New laws and regulations undermine media freedom and digital rights in Malaysia and India. Read more

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The Nobel Peace Prize and Free Speech in the Philippines

Written for The Diplomat

The awarding of the 2021 Nobel Peace Prize to journalists Maria Ressa and Dmitry Muratov highlighted the role of independent media outlets in challenging authoritarian governments around the world. In the case of the Philippines, it put a spotlight on how truth-seekers like Ressa have stood their ground in the face of the relentless state-backed attacks targeting the media during the presidency of Rodrigo Duterte.

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Olympic Champion Hidilyn Diaz Deserves an Apology From the Philippine Government

Written for The Diplomat

Filipino weightlifter Hidilyn Diaz made history after winning the Philippines’ first-ever gold medal on July 26 at the Tokyo 2020 Olympics.

After the award ceremony, Diaz talked to the press and shared the challenges she had faced before winning the gold medal. She mentioned her training outside the country, which forced her to be separated from her family; the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on her preparation; and the financial difficulties that led her to publicly ask for sponsorship in 2019.

She also cited how she was wrongfully accused by President Rodrigo Duterte’s spokesperson of belonging to a network of personalities and groups involved in a destabilization plot against the government.

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Activism as cure to information disorder

Published by Bulatlat

When the Dolomite beach scandal trended online, there was speculation that authorities deliberately planned it to distract public attention from the bigger PhilHealth corruption mess. It is plausible given our history of government manipulation of public opinion for insidious ends. But if this was the work of a fixer, he or she could have simply tweaked our broken political-media landscape to drown out the PhilHealth issue. Who needs to bribe the media gatekeepers if internet users themselves are already preoccupied with consuming and sharing tidbits and bytes of mundane data?

Social media has fundamentally affected our capacity for political action. There are numerous hashtags and viral memes every day, and one or two of them may be directed against the ruling party. But at the end of the day, many are already overwhelmed, exhausted, and confused after feeding on conflicting narratives and sensational topics from Kpop to Duterte’s ramblings. Access to information turns into exposure to too much irrelevant information. Citizen engagement is equated to reacting to memes and headlines on our newsfeed. This favors the party in power since public sentiment is dissipated in harmless bubbles and echo chambers. Outrage is funneled into streams that are visible to Big Brother.

Our attention is diverted to tending our virtual communities and profiles which makes it easier for authorities to restrict our political activities in the cyber realm. Spreading disinformation triggers outright condemnation but not the non-stop browsing of the internet which is merely deemed as a health issue. Its long-term political implication is overlooked. We see pitiful screen-obsessed netizens but not citizens who think and behave as if the pursuit of politics starts and ends with their online routine.

To counter the information disorder, several initiatives have been adopted which range from government regulations to media literacy programs and digital security training sessions. We should add the role of activism in empowering citizens who use the internet in their daily lives.

Activism provides a guide on how scanning the web can lead to a meaningful political end. We are given a lens to view the world that is accessible online. It leads us to a specific path that prevents us from losing our sense of purpose when we are hypnotized by the filters of cyberspace. It is our weapon against the disruptive and intrusive Artificial Intelligence of big tech firms.

It defines the political agenda for the day which ensures that other seductive keywords and ads will not sway our attention. It offers a long view of what matters in the world compared to the ephemeral validity of what is popular on the web. It is a reminder that even what we do on social media is an act of politics. Hence, the need to take a more programmatic approach in accessing the internet.

Activism allows us to constantly reflect if our time spent online enhances our personal and political priorities. We may want to enjoy more feel-good click-bait videos but our political obligations compel us to pause and redirect our focus to what needs to be done.

Activism is our fact-checking initiative against so-called “fake news.” We cannot engage in politics without a proper social investigation. Mao Zedong has a succinct quote for it: “No investigation, no right to speak”. Our statements must be grounded on the reality that affects the masses. We articulate the social condition based on verifiable facts.

Activism teaches us to combat hate speech through political literacy. We patiently explain how racism, bigotry, and discrimination are linked to class-based issues that fuel social antagonism. We put a spotlight on these issues rather than criminalize an offensive remark.

But a repressive and paranoid government will never consider activism as a solution. It may even designate activism as the cause of the ‘information disorder’ that plagues society. It could conspire with big tech capitalists to close their platforms to activists who are suddenly demonized as criminals, destabilizers, and terrorists. In fact, digital despots across the world are already attacking the online civic space with impunity.

Despite these challenges, activism is more crucial than ever in mobilizing internet users against those who undermine our online freedom of expression. We cannot expect authoritarian regimes to legislate against their own interest. We cannot give up the internet and turn our backs on those who are digitally connected. Only the activism of the many remains the viable alternative that can advance our democratic vision. This means harnessing the power of online and offline networks, building solidarity in all platforms, and coding the algorithm of resistance.

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Our ‘Panatang Makabayan’: Resisting tyranny and fighting for freedom

Published by Bayan Metro Manila

We recall and salute the heroic struggles and sacrifice of our ancestors against colonial rule.

More than a century after the declaration of Independence, we continue to aspire for true freedom and democracy in our society.

Today, we are confronted with a new tyranny as the Duterte government is laying the basis for the establishment of a full-blown authoritarian rule.

Its latest weapon is the anti-terror legislation which poses a big threat to people’s civil liberties.

It seeks to address lawless violence yet its provisions are clearly directed to criminalize and penalize those who are expressing discontent and dissent against the status quo.

It equates public agitation against state inefficiency and incompetence of leadership with terrorism.

But it is the Duterte regime which is guilty of terrorism. In the past four years, it unleashed a bloody legacy of killings through Oplan Tokhang, Oplan Sauron, the misnamed Oplan Kapayapaan, and Oplan Kapanatagan. It committed widespread human rights violations under the guise of combating terrorism.

Its victims are the poor, farmers, indigenous peoples, and all those who dared to organize resistance such as activists and community organizers.

History teaches us that resistance against an oppressive system is just. More than memorizing Panatang Makabayan, our pledge is to advance the unfinished struggle for true independence and democracy.

We are inspired by the heroism of Andres Bonifacio, Jose Rizal, Gen. Antonio Luna, and other freedom fighters from the time of Katipunan up to the anti-dictatorship struggle.

We call on all freedom-loving Filipinos and patriots to join the resistance by challenging the tyrannical rule of Duterte.

Let us continue the fight for genuine liberation.

Onward with the national democratic struggle!

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Duterte’s Forgotten Federalism Agenda is Dead

Published by The Diplomat

The Philippine Congress adjourned its sessions this month without tackling bills on federalism, a key legislative proposal of President Rodrigo Duterte since his campaign for president in 2016.

It is Duterte’s prerogative to name the priorities of his government as he enters his last year in office. Today, he can afford to be mum about what happened to the federalism proposal but he cannot remain silent once voters – especially those who supported him in the provinces – begin demanding an explanation during next year’s presidential campaign.

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Will Corruption Bring Down the Philippines’ Duterte Government?

Published by The Diplomat

Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte has so far survived accusations that his government’s “war on drugs” led to crimes against humanity and that his close ties with Beijing, despite China’s military build up in the West Philippine Sea (South China Sea), have undermined the country’s sovereignty. But can his government withstand a major corruption issue which is now being probed in the Senate?

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IFEX Regional Briefs: November and December 2020

November 2020: Media killings, zines promoting women’s empowerment, and the dangers of criticizing monarchies. Six journalists were killed in November across the Asia-Pacific. The past month also saw the further erosion of civic space in Thailand and Malaysia where citizens faced persecution for speaking out about the royal family in their respective countries. Opposition legislators were removed in Hong Kong, which was followed by the resignation of the pro-democracy bloc, and reflected the government’s crackdown on dissenting voices. Read more

December 2020: Deadly December: Media killings, political crackdown, and attacks on women journalists in Asia. A violent ending during the year of the pandemic. Media killings reflected the continuing impunity in Afghanistan. Crackdown worsened in Hong Kong. And several women journalists were harassed, arrested, and killed for simply fulfilling their work. Read more

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The rich not the poor should stop playing the victim

Published by Manila Today

Everybody suffers during an economic downturn. Less profit for the rich, reduced luxuries for the middle class, and precarious living for the poor and minimum wage workers. But when the troubling indicators of the economy are replaced by what is often referred to in mainstream media as ‘strong fundamentals’, the rich and their social climbing apologists ridicule the poor for whining like ‘crybabies’ and helpless victims.

The poor are accused of flaunting their poverty and laying the blame for their tragic situation in life entirely on the government instead of accepting responsibility by finding work or livelihood. This is an elitist perspective but it is commonly used even by the middle class to mock the poor.

Indeed, the suffering of the poor is often highlighted to expose the failure of the economic system to uplift the conditions of everybody. But when the poor speak out about their miseries, they merely reveal what they endure every day. They do not assume to know more about the ‘inconvenient truths’ of modern living or how others are faring in life.

Contrast this to the rich and their ambitious acolytes who invoke the name of the poor every time they resist a government regulation or enjoin the public in ranting against various social evils.

The rich, not the poor, are actually guilty of complaining too much while raising imagined specters of unruly crowds to get what they want.

They want to have their cake and grab more cakes from everybody while pointing the finger at the hungry poor for desiring to eat some cake.

Consider how they react to the demand of workers for a wage hike. Capitalists manifest their resistance by painting a gloom scenario about the impact of a minimal wage increase. They warn about job losses, factory closures, and rising prices. They even claim that the proposal is anti-poor. Yet what they are not really admitting is that they refuse to cut down their earnings and allow workers to get a slightly bigger share of the company profits.

Perhaps the unspoken awareness of the inequality that they are perpetuating makes them fearful of a coming retribution. It drives them to highlight the deteriorating peace and order situation caused by the alleged anti-social activities of the poor. They spread hysteria over rising criminality which they use to justify the implementation of overkill and repressive police measures. They normalize segregation in society by building higher walls and stronger fences, and installing ubiquitous Big Brother instruments all over the city to monitor the suspicious behavior of the poor. They succeed in redirecting public gaze over what the poor are doing instead of the supposedly victimless crimes committed by their friends.

Mention the breakdown of law and order and the first thing to be emphasized in media reports, school papers, and government advisories are the petty crimes that the poor are doing. Not the plunder of our nation’s wealth, not the displacement of small farmers and indigenous peoples from their lands, not the smuggling and trafficking of banned goods.

Recently, even the harmless act of being a ‘tambay’ was criminalized and endorsed by a paranoid ruling class which considers it as a preemptive strike against what the vengeful poor might do to the sons and daughters of rich families.

It is also convenient to blame the poor for the social problems which cause suffering to everyone. For example, the rich pretend that they empathize with the common tao when they condemn the worsening traffic and pollution but their preferred solution is to evict the poor from their homes.

Complain about ‘Carmageddon’ and then convince the riding public that it’s the effect of motorists, pedestrians, and street vendors lacking discipline; and not because of the importing of too many cars and the absence of a reliable mass transportation system.

Raise alarm over garbage pollution and then highlight the dirty lifestyle of the poor in the streets and informal settlers living near waterways. Ignore the factories producing industrial waste, real estate projects that flatten hills and pour cement over our coasts, and prime investments that target our forests and watersheds.

Instead of cleaning up their acts, the rich express concern for the environment by feigning helplessness over the seeming indifference of the poor about the garbage they are producing.

Then, if the poor understand how their impoverishment is linked to bad governance and class oppression, they are quickly repudiated by reminding them that they are responsible for selling their votes to incompetent politicians. Their bad voting decision is compared to the supposedly intelligent voting behavior of the rich and educated. The poor ‘bobotante’ get what they deserve but they also prevent the rich from electing visionary leaders who can lead and transform the country for the better.

But what choices do voters have? Political dynasties, despotic landlords, warlords, and greedy capitalists? Besides, the voters might be more than wise enough to know that their votes don’t matter anyway in an electoral and political system designed to uphold elite rule.

It is the rich who are the real ‘bobotante’: campaign donors of trapos, enablers of political patronage, cronies, and influence-peddlers.

Defending the privilege of the rich is legitimized by glorifying the lives of some tycoons. They claim that they became wealthy through hard work and by making a lot of sacrifice in life. The poor are told that self-pity is futile and that they should be inspired by the success stories of some self-made billionaires.

What is wrong and unfair in this assertion is that it depicts the poor as lazy simpletons who are not dreaming or working hard enough to overcome their poverty. It reinforces the propaganda that the poor have no one to blame but themselves if they remain trapped in the intergenerational cycle of destitution. It denies the existence of structural causes that allow the rich to accumulate more riches at the expense of the working poor. It buries the long history of how a cabal of ambitious and money-hungry individuals conspired with other powerful blocs in society that led to the systematic pauperization of the working classes.

Since they own and control the opinion-making institutions, the rich project their fears by persuading the rest of society to share the same sentiments. They condition our minds to distrust any attempt by the poor to dismantle the forces that institutionalize inequality and injustice. They constantly warn about the destructive mob, the anarchy from below, and the need to quell discontent.

But we should ask ourselves this: Who benefits from aligning our interest with the aspirations of the wealthy who had all the resources and opportunity to remake society but failed or refused to act, and instead chose to thwart all the grassroots challenge to the present by demonizing it as a threat to so-called modern peace, prosperity, and social harmony?

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