Combatting disinformation in Asia Pacific: Intended – and unintended – consequences

This is part of a series IFEX is producing on regional experiences with the global problem of information disorder, and what people are doing to counter it.

From blackouts to legislation, from fact-checking to education, Mong Palatino scrutinises some of the most popular responses to the problem of disinformation in his region.

Disinformation may be a global phenomenon, but its impact and the measures used to counter it vary from country to country.

In Asia-Pacific we are experiencing a rapidly changing media environment, and many countries are either in transition or besieged by political turmoil. The growing problem of disinformation clearly exacerbates social tensions and undermines democracy.

Its impact is far-reaching – and some of the proposed solutions are, as well. Maybe too far-reaching. Are measures to address disinformation – or “fake news”, as it is often referred to, negatively impacting freedom of expression and information, and closing civic space?

Several governments have responded with new laws and regulations. Media and civil society groups have launched their own initiatives to tackle the issue. Even tech companies have tweaked their platforms to prevent the spread of so-called ‘fake news’. But many of these efforts to combat disinformation have engendered their own concerns.

In this article I look at some of the most popular tools and practices in dealing with disinformation in the Asia-Pacific region, and ask: Are these solutions working? How are they affecting the lives of ordinary residents?

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The books I read in 2019

Published by Bulatlat

1. Blow-Up and Other Stories by Julio Cortázar, Paul Blackburn (Translator). Unfamiliar, intriguing, but creative narratives and plotlines. Stories about madness, compassion, and complexity of modern living.

2. Smaller and Smaller Circles by F.H. Batacan. The first few pages are surreal, apt description of Payatas. A crime novel, page-turner, and a rare look into the work of NBI and its unacknowledged links with the academe.

3. Salvador by Joan Didion. Reportage of what transpired in El Salvador during a crisis moment. Referencing the United States’ direct and indirect involvement in El Salvador. A backgrounder of the country’s situation which led to the killing of Bishop and now Saint Oscar Romero.

4. History of the Mountain Province by Howard Tyrrell Fry. Historical account of the work of US missionaries in the Cordilleras, the evolution of governance in north Luzon, the story of some wartime guerrillas.

5. Ambagan 2011, Mga Salita Mula sa iba’t ibang Wika sa Filipinas, editors Michael M. Coroza and Galileo S. Zafra. Learn news Filipino words from Ilocano, Kapampangan, Kankanaey, Naga Bicolano, Tagalog Laguna, Tagalog Batangas, Hiligaynon, and Karay-a

6. Serendipities: Language and Lunacy by Umberto Eco. Fascinating analysis of the work of Dante, bible translations, and the enduring ‘force of falsity’.

7. Big Data: Does Size Matter? by Timandra Harkness. How algorithm affects us all, its mutation into surveillance, its impact on the global and local economies – relevant perspectives about how big data is being applied in the world today and near future.

8. Whose Global Village?: Rethinking How Technology Shapes Our World by Ramesh Srinivasan. Because Global Voices is mentioned in the book. Because it reminds us that people, not technologies, are the driving force in building better societies. 9. Call If You Need Me: The Uncollected Fiction and Other Prose by Raymond Carver. My favorite parts include his meditation about the life of his father, and his decision to pursue the life of a writer.

10. Language and Power by Gary Ives. Textbook reference on how language plays a role in shaping power dynamics.

11. Siddharta by Hermann Hesse. Filled with teachings about the meaning of life, the pursuit of material things, sacrifice, and service to family and community.

12. Warriors, Poets, Friends: My Life in the Mindanao Mountains by Ka Joven Obrero. Grounded perspectives on life as a guerrilla and revolutionary.

13. You Can’t Keep a Good Woman Down: Stories by Alice Walker. Stories of women overcoming hardships and other seemingly insurmountable challenges.

14. The Idea of Communism edited by Costas Douzinas and Slavoj Žižek. Reinterpreting previous reinterpretations of classical tenets of Marxism.

15. Daet: Kabikolan’s Bulwark of Nationalism by Daniel Madrid Gerona. Local history that highlights episodes of people’s yearning and struggle for independence.

16. The Financial Crisis in Asia and its impact on the Global Economy: a Philippine Perspective by Alejandro Lichauco. A treatise on an alternative model of economics instead of simply subscribing to neoliberal prescriptions.

17. Sisa’s Vengeance: Jose Rizal: A Radical Interpretation by Epifanio San Juan Jr. On why the works of Rizal continue to capture the public imagination and exploring their symbolism in order to understand the present.

18. Haroun and the Sea of Stories by Salman Rushdie. A fable depicting a familiar theme about the battle between good and evil.

19. Breaking the Silence: A War Memoir by Lourdes R. Montinola. A tender recollection of life in Manila from someone who survived the brutality of World War II. 2

0. Portraits: John Berger on Artists. He gave not just valuable insight into the style of artists but also the social conditions that linked the arts to the community.

21. Strengthen the People’s Struggle against Imperialism and Reaction by Jose Maria Sison. I wrote a review about this book which was published by Bulatlat.

22. Fences and Windows: Dispatches from the Front Lines of the Globalization Debate by Naomi Klein. Imagine her finishing the day after attending rallies and sitting down to write her reflections.

23. Natural Causes: An Epidemic of Wellness, the Certainty of Dying, and Killing Ourselves to Live Longer by Barbara Ehrenreich. Sensible critique of the modern health system.

24. Road-side Dog by Czes?aw Mi?osz. Poems and anecdotes on various topics transforming the mundane into something unique and even source of wisdom.

25. On Anarchism by Noam Chomsky. It redirects readers to reconsider Orwell’s socialist leaning; an extended review of the role of anarchism in the Spanish civil war.

26. Liberalism: A Counter-History by Domenico Losurdo. Tour de force review of the shameful past of liberalism as a political philosophy.

27. Friend of My Youth by Alice Munro. Deeply moving stories that inspire nostalgia, imagination, and curiosity about human behavior and our capacity to love and make errors.

28. Salita ng Sandata: Bonifacio’s Legacies to the People’s Struggles, edited by Bienvenido L. Lumbera, Judy Taguiwalo, Rolando B. Tolentino, Gerry Lanuza, Gonzalo Campoamor II. Solid collection of essays validating the role of the Supremo in history and his relevance in modern politics.

29. One Amazing Thing by Chitra Banerjee Divakaruni. Little stories offering lessons that grow on you.

30. Disgrace by J.M. Coetzee. I have little knowledge of post-apartheid South Africa but the novel distills the emotional fabric (or baggage) of that era.

31. Identity by Milan Kundera. Get ready to be immersed into the otherworld inhabited by self-doubting lovers.

32. Brief Answers to the Big Questions by Stephen Hawking. Surprisingly easy to read reflections from a gifted scientist about his work, his collaboration with other scholars, and the future of science.

33. Adulthood Is a Myth by Sarah Andersen. Funny observations of growing up in the 21st century.

34. Dead Balagtas Tomo 1: Sayaw ng mga Dagat at Lupa by Emiliana Kampilan. Impressive, creative, and intelligent narrative weaving history, geography, and class struggle.

35. Kung Kami’y Magkakapit-bisig: Mga Tula sa Hacienda Luisita by Gelacio Y. Guillermo Jr. Gut-wrenching poems about feudal exploitation in a family-owned plantation, and celebration of class unity in resisting the unjust social order.

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Fast track delivery of social welfare programs, not mass arrests

Published by Bayan Metro Manila

We condemn the police for violently dispersing the peaceful protest of Sitio San Roque residents in Quezon City. We are outraged that the state response to the appeals for relief is terror and brutal detention. This is insensitive, repressive, and inhuman.

This is the result of the national government’s ill-conceived strategy of militarizing the solution to the COVID-19 public health crisis.

Earlier, data released by the police clearly showed the militarist framework in managing the Luzon-wide lockdown to contain COVID-19. Instead of assuaging the fears of the public, the police even threatened to continue arresting those who violate curfews and quarantine restrictions.

Instead of imposing fines and filing charges, the police should extend ‘human compassion’ to so-called violators, who are most likely workers and breadwinners seeking food and relief for their families.

They risked breaking the lockdown regulations and even acquiring the infectious disease because of their desperation either to get aid for their families or earn a living. The Duterte government is liable for creating this mass anxiety after it failed to properly plan on how to address the drastic repercussion of the lockdown policy.

The aggressive campaign to arrest quarantine violators is the opposite of the lackluster delivery of relief to poor households. The crisis might have turned out differently if only the government showed more fervor in preparing for mass testing instead of directing the police to conduct mass arrests.

It is infuriating that the public health crisis is being resolved through the repressive lens used by law enforcers. Our people need urgent relief, not hefty fines and other penalties. Food for the hungry and not draconian prison terms. Fake news must be countered with reliable, verifiable information and it should not lead to the criminalization of free speech.

We challenge the police to arrest VIPs and other politicians who broke quarantine protocols. We ask authorities to stop state trolls from spreading hate speech and fake news against critics of the government’s response to COVID-19.

The numbers presented by the police do not reflect the daily suffering endured by citizens who encounter various types of abuses and humiliations in checkpoints and other public places. In the past two weeks, we have documented several cases of right violations in Metro Manila communities.

North Caloocan (Bagong Silang)
March 21, 2020

  • Around 5:30pm, 3 military, 6 police and a barangay official arrested approximately 50 people from different phases in Bagong Silang
  • Their cellphones were confiscated upon arrest and they were then taken to the basketball court for detention
  • They were detained for about 11 hours. Their phones were returned upon their release at around 4:30am the following day.
  • During this period, no quarantine pass was being issued by the barangay

North Caloocan (Bagong silang)
March 21, 2020

  • Tensions rise in a public market in Bagong Silang between the barangay officials and market goers
  • This further escalated when a member of the SWAT was seen pulling-out his gun

South Caloocan (Pajo)

  • Regular military presence and roving ala saturation drive in the streets of Pajo

Navotas West, Navotas
March 26, 2020

  • Youths throwing out their trash were arrested by police
  • Their parents went to the barangay and pleaded that their children weren’t doing anything wrong. They were released around 10:00pm

Catmon, Malabon

  • Barangay officials refuse to release quarantine pass for those who are not members of local/community associations

Manila, Sampaloc/Balic-Balic
March 29, 2020

  • Around 6:40pm, two police officers “visited” the Bayan Manila office in Balic-Balic. They introduced themselves as operatives from Manila Precinct 4 Intelligence Operative Department
  • They inquired about the online campaign for a donation drive and the mass testing campaign posted on the Facebook page of Bayan Manila
  • When asked why they were in civilian clothing, the police officers answered that they are doing intel work and it isn’t necessary that they be in uniform

Pasay
March 31,2020

  • Residents from a demolished community in Pasay were forcefully taken to a police station
  • On-duty barangay officials and military personnel were present inside the station and were harassing the residents to take down their posts on Facebook regarding the demolition of their homes
  • They were threatened by the police that they would be arrested and detained if they don’t take down their posts

We seek an official investigation into these cases of harassment targeting ordinary citizens and activists.

We are calling for the lifting of the unnecessary lockdown restrictions and instead prioritize the delivery of social welfare programs in our communities.

Bayan Metro Manila
Karapatan Metro Manila

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Will the political crackdown stop if the CPP-NPA is defeated?

Published by Bulatlat

For the military, activists deserve to be arrested because they are members and supporters of the New People’s Army (NPA). This is easy to dispute. For example, why would the rural-based NPA conduct its training in cities like Bacolod when this can be done in the mountains of Negros? Based on news reports, the NPA does not deny if someone from its ranks is killed or injured during clashes with government troops. The NPA is also quick to acknowledge if Communist Party (CPP) and National Democratic Front leaders, especially peace consultants, are arrested by state forces.

When human rights groups denounce the arbitrary arrest of activists wrongly accused of being NPA combatants, they neither defend nor speak in behalf of the NPA. The NPA has its own team of propagandists.

Failing to defeat the NPA on the battlefield, the military is accused of venting its frustration against unarmed citizens. They justify the arrest of activists by linking the latter with the NPA. This is promoted in the counter-insurgency program which treats activists in urban areas as part of the support network of the NPA. Hence, activists are considered legitimate targets of military and police operations.

The danger with this doctrine is that it treats activism as an illegal political act. It demonizes community organizing by equating street protests with NPA activities. It makes no distinction between the revolutionary program of the CPP-NPA and the comprehensive political alternative proposed by activists. Any group is suspect as long as its advocacy can be interpreted as an endorsement of CPP-NPA politics.

Proof of good citizenship is demanded by taunting groups to denounce the CPP-NPA. The military dares activists: ‘condemn the violence of the CPP-NPA and we will stop the red-tagging.’ Unfortunately, for some political forces, they have no need for this kind of state directive since they share a common hatred against the CPP-NPA. And they do more than redbaiting by advancing a narrative which views state repression as a reprisal against the purportedly pro-NPA politics of National Democratic (NatDem) activists.

When NatDem activists get arrested, there are some who will point out that the ideological affinity of the accused with the CPP-NPA is the cause of the crackdown. These anti-NatDem personalities may have some biting words against Duterte’s brutality but they are also consistent in spreading the partisan idea that persecuted activists are guilty of espousing the ‘violent’ politics of the CPP-NPA. What is ultimately being blamed here is the political stand of the NatDem activist.

The CPP-NPA is the big red elephant in the room. Will the mass arrests stop if the CPP-NPA is denounced by activists? Will there be an end to the extrajudicial killing of activists if they will join the military in propagating against the CPP-NPA?

Duterte, the military, and their apologists want us to believe that the political isolation of the CPP-NPA will lead to peace and sustained development. They are spreading disinformation that the CPP-NPA is preventing the progress of the country and that its activities in the countryside are terrorizing the local population and destabilizing the Republic. If this is the case and if the CPP-NPA is obviously operating outside the law, why are the supposedly law-abiding NatDem activists refusing to support the government’s anti-insurgency drive?

The same reason why there are opposition forces and activist groups in other countries. There is no NPA (or a counterpart revolutionary armed group) or communist-led resistance in many countries but the people’s organizations there are equally if not more determined and militant in asserting their rights. Likewise, their governments are behaving a la Duterte and his mad dogs in arresting activists, stifling dissent, and bullying the opposition.

Uprisings happen because there is tyranny, economic injustice, and the democratic space is being closed. Repressive governments are always targeting the groups which are mobilizing citizens in the streets or those which could emerge as a threat to their reign of terror and greed. With or without the CPP-NPA, there are just reasons for the people to resist and build a strong movement against authoritarian regimes. And paranoid governments would always clamp down on critics and dissenters whether the opposition is religious, the wealthy, foreign-backed, or communist. Or should we expand the ‘crimes’ of the CPP-NPA and blame them too for the massive unrest across the world?

Duterte and the military unleashed an unprecedented wave of violence that saw the deployment of drones and surveillance bombs, Tokhang-style operations, and the weaponization of the bureaucracy and legal processes to suppress the political opposition. They are aggressive and desperate to protect their selfish interests, campaign donors, and foreign patrons. It is convenient for them to rabidly portray the CPP-NPA as the embodiment of political evil rather than allow themselves to be exposed as the true enemies of democracy and genuine reform.

To blame the CPP-NPA for the fentanyl-driven violence ricocheting across the archipelago reflects not only the continued use of uncritical anti-communism to divide the opposition, but also the success of the ruling elite in evading accountability for the crimes they committed against the Filipino people.

There are urgent reasons to keep petty anti-communism in check so that we can form broader movements that can challenge the Duterte tyranny.

In the Philippine context, this means acknowledging the role of the CPP in history when it joined forces with the mainstream political opposition and conservative institutions like the Catholic Church to overthrow the Marcos dictatorship. As a political force, it has a nationwide presence and grassroots organizing that can help gather more people to oppose the atrocities committed by Duterte’s goons in the police and the military. Duterte, a cunning lewd boomer, is aware of the CPP legacy in building a coalition that can unite opposition groups and hijack his plans for 2022 and beyond.

There is no need to be affiliated with the CPP-NPA, or to be part of its so-called legal front, to recognize that its work is directly undermining the popularity and credibility of the Duterte government. It is part of the national liberation movement that has thrived for decades because of its consistent advocacy and organizing on behalf of the country’s marginalized sectors. If some believe that CPP-NPA cadres should be held liable for abuses committed in the past, we should call for the resumption of the peace talks and resolve these issues through the joint human rights monitoring mechanism. There are many ways to exact justice but quietly supporting the arrest of NatDem activists is not one of them.

When Senator Leila de Lima was arrested, NatDem activists rightly denounced it as an attack on all critics of the government instead of reducing it as a mere anti-Yellow plot. When sedition cases were filed against prominent members of the church and some opposition politicians, NatDem activists linked it to the use of trumped-up charges to muzzle those who dare speak out against the excesses of the regime. And in the raging and seemingly non-stop attacks against NatDem groups from Mindanao to Manila, should we be echoing the rants of Duterte and his trolls that activists are criminals, communists, and terrorists merely because they do not conform to our concept of political engagement? Or should we be speaking out in the name of reason, solidarity, and the bigger fight against injustice and tyranny?

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Bayan Metro Manila to telcos, power, and water firms: #WalangSingilan

Published by Bayan Metro Manila

We are asking utility companies to waive the collection of bills from customers whose lives have been disrupted by the COVID-19 pandemic.

The enhanced community quarantine has prevented many from going out to work and earn a living. The hardest hit are those who belong to the informal sector. Minimum wage workers either lost their jobs or forced to work with reduced hours and income opportunities. Small and micro businesses have been gravely affected as well.

We welcome the announcement of some utility companies to extend the deadline for the payment of bills. But it does little to ease the financial woes of consumers since they still have to pay despite losing their jobs and means of earning a living.

Instead of merely postponing the due date for bills, we ask utility companies not to charge their customers for the month of March.
Instead of granting a mere grace period for the settlement of bills, we ask that the collection be waived altogether.

We are living in a state of calamity whose end is uncertain. We are under a public health emergency which has forced millions to stay at home, use their meager savings to survive, and avail of the government’s limited assistance.

A zero bill from telcos, power, and water firms will greatly reduce the financial burden of consumers. They can use the money to rebuild their livelihoods, find new work, and attend to the health and welfare of their families.
Cancelling the bill will not lead to waste and errant lifestyle since the ‘free service’ has been consumed already.

The COVID-19 outbreak was an unexpected crisis that demanded sacrifice from everybody. We were told to stay at home and comply with other restrictions as part of our civic duty to protect the health and safety of the community. We ask utility companies to do their share by adjusting their profit targets for the year. Waive the collection of bills as their corporate social responsibility pledge. An act of ‘human compassion’ during a difficult time in our lives.

We ask the government to fulfill its promise of lending support to the public by offering incentives to utility companies which will heed our appeal for the non-collection of bills.
We can’t beat COVID-19 together if many are left behind in communities under lockdown struggling to eke a living to pay debts, bills, and other living expenses.

Our appeal to utility companies: Let’s heal together by fighting as one. Lend a helping hand to consumers by charging zero this month.

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Duterte’s New Threat to Philippine Press Freedom

Written for The Diplomat

When the Philippine government’s solicitor general filed a petition asking the Supreme Court to forfeit the franchise of ABS-CBN, the country’s leading broadcaster, the development attracted international headlines. As it should: While Duterte’s efforts to undermine press freedom are longstanding, this is the most serious threat to press freedom since he took up the presidency in 2016.

If the Duterte government succeeds in closing down ABS-CBN, there are fears that it could set a dangerous precedent that can be applied against other critical media networks. Duterte could also threaten smaller media networks to toe the line or else suffer the same fate as the seemingly invincible TV giant.

Duterte’s supporters are trying to link the ABS-CBN case with the president’s earlier statement denouncing the greed of oligarchs. ABS-CBN is owned by a family with extensive business holdings. While Lopez family members do not directly engage in electoral politics, many of their businesses depend on government contracts.

But that should not detract from the fact that the attempt to intimidate or silence ABS-CBN is clearly a partisan ploy to bully the press into submission. There may be valid issues that ABS-CBN needs to address, like its dispute with contractual workers, but it cannot be denied that the government is exploiting the franchise expiration for political reasons.

Most of all, Duterte should not forget that the role of the media is intertwined with the Philippines’ history of popular protest, and that an effort to undermine it may dent his popularity and eventually even lead to his demise. For instance, the massive protests against the very popular former President Joseph Estrada were triggered by his order to remove government ads to a major newspaper in 1999, with the order decried as an attack on the press and civil liberties. History may not repeat itself exactly this time under Duterte, but the president and his administration must understand that they are playing with fire.

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The Fall of the Estradas in the Philippines

Written for The Diplomat

The topline takeaway from the Philippine midterm elections in May was that the coalition endorsed by Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte dominated the Senate race and the local elections. But there were also allies of the president who lost badly in the polls. Perhaps the most prominent political family that surprisingly failed to get an elected position this year is the Estradas of Manila and San Juan. Their electoral defeat was a notable development within the legacy of Philippine dynastic politics.

Most prominently, Manila Mayor and former President Joseph Estrada lost in his re-election bid despite wide name recognition and demonstrated staying power in Philippine politics. In addition, his two sons were unable to clinch their own Senate seats. Estrada’s granddaughter was defeated in San Juan, which marked the first time that the Estrada clan has lost control of the city since 1967.

At this juncture, the Estrada family needs to reflect on its legacy in power. Mayor Estrada promised to revive the glory of Manila in 2013 but he didn’t abandon his traditional concept of governance, which disappointed many of his constituents. His two sons ran for senate seats at the same time, which divided their base and prevented either from getting enough votes. They allowed an inexperienced member of their family to face an old rival in San Juan, which cost them their longtime political base.

Whether or not Duterte’s camp engaged in a power play to slay the mass appeal of the Estradas, the consequence of the electoral loss of the latter is the boosting of the influence and dominance of the Dutertes in local and national politics. In just three years, the Davao-based Dutertes have quickly gained a foothold in the erstwhile fiefdoms of well-entrenched Manila dynasties.

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Are we there yet, kasama?

Published by Bulatlat

Not today. But within our lifetime.

Malacañang Palace is still in the hands of corrupt tyrants but organs of political power are being established in guerrilla zones across the country.

Landlords and big business tycoons continue to hoard more wealth and influence but farmers and workers are not giving up the fight.

Our precious resources and heritage are being plundered but the indigenous peoples, our climate warriors, are not only resilient but also resolute in continuing the resistance.

The struggle has persisted for so long and this has demoralized even some of those who braved the frontlines in the past. But the protracted war has also hardened the resolve not only of its combatants but also those who support the liberation of our country.

Some may look back into the past half-century as a period of defeats and blunders but what we saw was the re-emergence of a political movement capable of continuing the unfinished tasks of the Philippine revolution.

The Left has been replenishing its ranks as it continues to re-energize its fighting capacity. Summing-up meetings, rectification campaigns, leadership in various local movements, working with grassroots formations, and the justness of what it represents are what make the Left not only relevant but even unbeatable.

Only defenders of the status quo will dismiss the future of the national democratic struggle. They are joined by those who denigrate the political legacy of the NatDem Left while misrepresenting themselves in the academe and international socialist formations as democratic forces with popular and organic links in various communities.

This is a movement that survived the fascist Marcos dictatorship. It thrived even during the debacle of the Soviet bloc. It fought revisionism at home and abroad. It carried forward the struggle for true democracy even after it was painfully divided in the 1990s. It kept its ground while advancing the cause through its participation in the reactionary elections, negotiating peace with successive governments, and even sending some of its leaders in the Duterte Cabinet.

But it refused to surrender its revolutionary vision; and its decision to uphold, reaffirm, and defend the basic principles of the NatDem struggle has provoked the most brutal attacks from reactionary forces.

Indeed, it is an imperfect movement. But what political force can live up to our high standards of ethical and moral purity? At least the NatDem movement has institutionalized a rectification process to evaluate its political trajectory and make amends for its excesses. It is unfortunate that some of those who accuse the movement of being less democratic have no qualms in offering their selves to the perfectly democratic bourgeois order.

The Left is ridiculed for its failure to grab power and at the same time its assumed obsession to take over the state. It is criticized for its supposed dogmatic methods, obsolete narratives, and violent politics.

Yet, despite these ‘failings’, the NatDem Left remains the most formidable political force offering a real alternative to a system that produced the likes of Marcos, Arroyo, and Duterte.

And some of those who constantly criticize the Left have deliberately refused to acknowledge that other Leftist factions with alleged superior aims and means to win the revolution could only offer uncritical collaboration with the government, token bureaucratic lobbying for reforms, and grant-dependent labor organizing after many years if not decades of disparaging the NatDem struggle. Perhaps for them, this is already the viable model for the political Left. But as long as the NatDem alternative exists, their politics appears less than revolutionary. They could gloss this over by redirecting academic focus and public attention over the supposed ‘failures’ of the NatDem struggle.

While most political forces are already preparing for the 2022 elections, the NatDem Left is leading the all-out resistance against the tyrannical Duterte government. It is taking the hardest blows inflicted by fascist troops even as it is determined to build a united front that will mobilize the broadest number of people against the corrupt and murderous Duterte presidency.

The announcement of the revolutionary Left that it is increasing the number of younger cadres in positions of leadership signals its positive outlook for the future and the long road ahead. It is also an exemplary initiative that other political formations can adopt. It is a reminder of the demographic dynamics in the Left and the counterproductive rejection of an entire movement based solely on the reductionist thinking that the history of the Left ended during the boycott error in 1986.

Duterte chides the Left, ‘do you want to fight for another 50 years?’ He pokes fun at the Left’s failure to occupy barangays and threatens to wipe out all communists and their sympathizers. But he should know better that he has no hegemony in the Philippine archipelago and this is because belligerent forces like the armed Left are exercising political clout in remote parts of the country. The fact that the military has intensified operations in areas where guerrillas have a formidable presence betrays the government propaganda that the armed Left is no longer getting any public support.

If Duterte’s rhetoric is familiar, it is because it is often used by those who mock the decades-long struggle for national democracy. It appeals to the political citizen who wants instant results, immediate reforms, and measurable successes even if these do not lead to genuine social transformation. It panders to the impatient individual who is eager to take an exalted place in history rather than work diligently and even anonymously with the rest of the oppressed.

Duterte clones claim there is already protest fatigue. This is not only self-serving to the party in power, but it is also false because the exploited have nothing to lose if they keep on struggling for a different future. The Left’s primary source of support and inspiration is the fighting masses. Their conditions reflect the failure of the current system to end poverty, hunger, landlessness, and inequality which vindicate the need for a revolutionary struggle.

At a time when global neoliberalism is rousing more people to fight back and reconsider the socialist alternative, the undefeated and resilient Philippine struggle is offered as a pillar of hope. It has a clear understanding of what modern revisionism has done in the Soviet Union and post-Mao China. It can benefit from the experience of other national liberation movements which succeeded in asserting political independence but remained hostage to capitalist interest and corrupt party leadership. It has useful lessons to share with other progressive movements about how it maintained its political relevance, revolutionary credibility, organizational discipline, and fighting will after five decades of waging struggle in an archipelagic terrain.

The pioneers of the NatDem struggle have already passed the torch to their younger comrades. But some of them are still actively pursuing the political dream that fired up their commitment during their younger, hippie years. They have given us a working template on how to continue the struggle, and we are fortunate to inherit this legacy. This is the real triumph of the Philippine revolution: Continuing the unfinished struggle of 1896, reviving the national democratic movement in the 1960s, and making revolution work in the 21st century. Spreading hope and winning the fight from the countryside to the cities, from the barrios to the eskinitas, and even in the digital realm.

Are we there yet, kasama? Maybe not today. But definitely in this lifetime.

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IFEX regional brief: August, September, October 2019

August 2019: News blackout and rising repression in Kashmir and West Papua. Read more

September 2019: September strikes: Climate actions, student protests, and landmark court rulings. Read more

October 2019: Protests condemn communications blackout, police violence, and government secrecy laws. Read more.

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Decongest jails, release political prisoners

Published by Bayan Metro Manila

Bayan Metro Manila calls for the urgent release of political prisoners as a humane response to save lives and contain the spread of COVID-19.

The country’s jails are notorious for being congested which makes social and physical distancing difficult to implement.

The conditions in city jails have deteriorated over the years especially after the government intensified its ‘war on drugs’.

Many drug suspects and users, who are mostly from urban poor communities deprived of legal aid, are detained in overcrowded cells awaiting the disposition of their cases.

A virus outbreak in prisons could strain the resources of the government which is already scrambling to address the impact of COVID-19.

It is a health crisis waiting to explode if no immediate action is enforced.

There are specific proposals that the government can consider such as the mass release of prisoners who are elderly, sick, and pregnant; the early release of those who have almost served their prison sentences; and the release of political prisoners – also known as ‘prisoners of conscience’ or those who are incarcerated because of their political beliefs.

The United Nations has made a similar appeal to governments across the world. Some countries were even ahead of the UN in allowing the mass release of prisoners. Global human rights groups have appealed for the freedom of journalists and activists facing trumped up cases.

The Philippines have 602 political prisoners, 209 of them were arrested under the government of President Rodrigo Duterte. We call for their collective release not only because of the COVID-19 threat but also because of the unjust basis of their continuing detention.

We ask for the immediate release of Reina Nasino and Cora Agovida on humanitarian grounds. Both are currently detained at the female dorm of the Manila City Jail. Nasino is five months pregnant while Cora is a breastfeeding mother. Ina is a member of Kadamay Manila and Cora is the spokesperson of Gabriela Metro Manila – both are chapters of Bayan Metro Manila.

Cora and her husband, Michael Tan Bartolome, was arrested in front of their children on 31 October 2019 inside their home in Manila during a raid conducted by the CIDG. Michael is a Kadamay organizer. Both are facing illegal possession of firearms and expolosives charges, which are clearly based on fabricated evidence. Like many political prisoners, they were arrested for their activism. In the case of Cora and Michael, they were targeted because of their political organizing in Manila communities saturated by Tokhang operations. Cora was also active in opposing the reclamation of Manila Bay. In fact, she was planning a protest action with environmentalists a day before her arrest.

Ina and her two other companions – Alma Moran of Manila Workers Unity and Ram Carlo Bautista, campaign director of Bayan Manila – were arrested on 5 November during another early morning CIDG operation. Ina was a student activist before becoming an organizer of workers and urban poor communities in the Manila port area. Ina was arrested when the Bayan Manila office was raided by the police although her name is not included in the warrant of arrest presented by the arresting officer. During that time, Ina was not yet aware about her pregnancy.

The early release of Cora and Ina is not only just, it is humane. Cora has not seen her two children aged 10 and 2 after her arrest. After the cancellation of visiting privileges in response to COVID-19, Ina’s family and friends could not properly monitor her health and the status of her pregnancy.

Bayan Metro Manila also joins other peace advocates in calling for the release of National Democratic peace consultants. The declaration of unilateral ceasefire by the Duterte government and the NDF has revived the prospect of resuming the peace process. We ask both sides to continue the negotiation, fight COVID-19, and address the roots of the armed conflict and the poor state of the country’s healthcare system. Releasing political prisoners is an important step in building a peaceful future.

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#KuwentongBM: Campaigning for Bayan Muna in 2001

Published by Bulatlat

Inspired by the success of the broad people’s movement that ousted the corrupt presidency of Joseph Estrada in January 2001, many activists became more determined to campaign for the congressional bid of Bayan Muna partylist. Everybody was excited to volunteer and make history by sending three Leftist leaders to Congress. It may appear easy but there was no certainty during that time. The last time the Left fielded candidates in mainstream elections was in 1987, campaign resources were limited, and Rightist elements were maliciously campaigning against BM and its nominees. Despite the odds, BM topped the partylist race.

During the campaign period, we helped the BM national headquarters in reaching out to young voters by conducting various public education activities. My term as UP student council president has already ended and I was preparing to become a full-time activist as a leader of the National Union of Students of the Philippines.

Campaigning for BM provided us with direct knowledge and experience about managing a national election machinery. This was crucial in our decision to establish a youth partylist after the elections. More importantly, it taught us how to turn a progressive vision of politics into an electoral agenda without rejecting militant activism and compromising our basic principles.

As BM-Youth campaigners, we saw the election as an effective platform to broadcast our programs, organize young voters, and expand our presence in schools and communities. We formed new alliances, learned some of the intricacies of electoral tactics, and improved our way of communicating our messages to different types of voters.

This was before the arrival of fast internet and the ubiquitous use of social media. The only virtual type of mass campaigning was through the blasting of free SMS to friends, relatives, and acquaintances.

To be candid, we were not really sure whether we were going to succeed in converting our campaign activities into actual votes.

Years later, I discovered that I still have a copy of my political diary about our election campaign activities in 2001. Reviewing my notes rekindled fond memories of our road trip from Manila to Bicol with the legendary Ka Bel as our driver and tour guide. I am sharing this now so that readers can get a glimpse of the political landscape in 2001 and also our way of campaigning through the tried and tested tactic of directly engaging the most number of voters.

March 6 – Polytechnic University of the Philippines organized an assembly in support of alumnus Ka Satur Ocampo, the number one nominee of BM.

March 8 – Philippine Daily Inquirer published our letter to the editor about the situation of young people under the new government of President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo.

March 9 – I joined Crispin ‘Ka Bel’ Beltran, the chairman of Kilusang Mayo Uno, in Albay for a province-wide campaign caravan. We met barangay and municipal officials at his hometown in Bacacay. We attended a dinner meeting with Legazpi City officials.

March 10 – We went to Tabaco before meeting several LGU leaders of nearby municipalities. We had a lunch meeting with the mayor and other officials of Tiwi.

March 11 – Motorcade around Legazpi City. I delivered a solidarity message during the BM-Albay convention at St. Aquinas University.

March 15 – Picket in front of the Supreme Court asking for a special registration for first-time voters. BM filed a petition led by Atty. Neri Colmenares. We proceeded to Comelec where we joined workers who were also campaigning on the same issue.

March 17 – Press conference at Kapihan sa Cypress also on the issue of special registration for voters.

March 19 – We attended a meeting by the House of Representatives subcommittee on elections for the special registration of voters. BM-Youth held a picket protest outside the gates of Batasan.

March 20 – Senate picket by BM-Youth on the issue of special registration.

March 21 – Another senate picket on the same issue.

March 22 – After an interview on the issue of special registration at Talk TV, I joined the panel on voters’ education at St. Camillus Seminary in Marikina.

March 24 – We launched the BM-Youth at Plaza Miranda with Ka Bel as main speaker. We marched from Quiapo area to Plaza Sta. Cruz. There was also a press conference at Kapihan sa Cypress on the prison escape of convicted murderer Norberto Manero.

March 25 – BM launching in Meycauayan, Bulacan.

March 31 – Youth summit in Caloocan.

April 2 – BM-Youth convention at YMCA building

April 3 – Talk TV guesting on the state of Philippine education.

April 5 – I represented BM at the ‘Kalbaryo ng Mamamayan’ rally in Mendiola.

April 7 – Our letter to the editor about youth participation in elections was published by the Philippine Daily Inquirer.

April 8 – ANC MOPC guesting on the role of the youth in elections. I also attended a community assembly organized by BM-Sta Mesa in Guadalcanal.

April 10 – Supreme Court picket on the disqualification of bogus partylist groups. I was also a guest of 100.3 FM The Hive Pinoyexchange program and talked about the partylist system.

April 11 – Cavite sortie: Bayan leaders press conference at 9 a.m. Then we conducted a house-to-house campaign in Dasmariñas from 12 to 3 p.m. Kalbaryo march from St. Angelus, Bacoor to a plaza near the coastal road from 4 to 6 p.m. Misang Bayan was our final program for the day.

April 14 – Delivered a tribute during the wake of a partylist volunteer in Sapang Palay, San Jose del Monte, Bulacan

April 15 – BM-Youth organized an ‘Easter Egg Hunt’ protest at Plaza Miranda by featuring the rotten eggheads of ‘trapo’ politicians.

April 16 – Supreme Court picket protest calling for the disqualification of fake partylist groups.

April 18 – Attended the Solidarity Peace Conference at Westin Philippine Plaza. We also talked about Estrada’s arrest at the Isyu 101 TV program.

April 19 – I was emcee during the BM endorsement of senatorial candidates.

April 20 – Speaker at the Baguio chapter convention of BM-Youth.

April 23 – Fluvial parade protest organized by Pamalakaya from Laguna Lake to Pasig River. We started from Binangonan, Rizal and sailed towards Napindan Dam in Pasig. Fisherfolk blamed the dam for the deterioration of the lake which negatively affected their livelihood.

April 24-25 – National convention of the College Editors Guild in Bohol where I facilitated a workshop about the peace talks aside from giving voters’ education.

April 27 – Picket protest and noise barrage in Cubao against the maneuvering of the Estrada camp to reclaim power.

April 28 – Motorcade with senatorial candidate Perfecto Yasay from Lagro to San Jose del Monte, Bulacan. We also attended a community assembly in Area B of Sapang Palay.

April 30 – Press conference of Edsa Dos groups in San Beda in response to the political mobilization of the pro-Estrada camp.

May 1 – Labor Day rally at Liwasang Bonifacio, then caravan from Manila to Ortigas, EDSA.

May 3 – I was emcee during the BM press conference against the attempt of the Estrada faction to regain the presidency.

May 4 – I represented BM at the ABS-CBN news online chat program. I also talked about political dynasties in the DZRJ radio program of Ruth Cervantes and Sonia Capio.

May 6 – BM motorcade in Camanava area.

May 10 – I represented BM-Youth at the BM miting de avance.

May 11 – BM press conference denouncing the state-sponsored attacks against our partylist campaigners.

May 12 – Voters’ education in Sta. Quiteria, Caloocan sponsored by the Parish Pastoral Council

May 15 – I talked about the role of young people in the polls at the Eleksyon 2001 live coverage of GMA-7.

May 17 – Supreme Court picket protest demanding action on the BM petition for the disqualification of fake partylist groups.

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