Philippines Must Protect Internally Displaced Persons, Warns UN Expert

By admin | October 3, 2015

Written for The Diplomat

A few days after Philippine President Benigno Aquino III enumerated the achievements of his government during his final state of the nation address, a UN expert issued a report which highlighted the deplorable conditions of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) in various parts of the country.

United Nations Special Rapporteur on the human rights of internally displaced persons Chaloka Beyani was in the Philippines for 10 days last month to review the situation of IDPs in Tacloban, Zamboanga, Cotabato, Maguindanao, South Cotabato, and Davao.

Tacloban was the ‘ground zero’ of typhoon Haiyan which battered the central part of the Philippines in 2013. Haiyan killed more than 6,000 people and it was the strongest typhoon in recorded history.

Zamboanga, located in the southern part of the country, was attacked by armed separatist groups in 2013 which displaced about 120,000 people.

Cotabato and Maguindanao are Muslim-dominated provinces where clashes between government soldiers, private armed groups, and revolutionary forces are known to be frequent.

South Cotabato is the potential site of the country’s largest open pit mining project. Davao is currently hosting some 700 Lumads (ethnic peoples) displaced by militarization in a nearby region.

Dr Beyani’s report on the present circumstances of Haiyan victims validated the concern of grassroots networks about the inadequate assistance provided by the national government.

“Many families remain housed in collective “bunkhouses” that do not meet necessary minimum standards for the provision of basic needs and services and create numerous safety and protection challenges, particularly for women and girls,” wrote Beyani.

He praised the leadership of the government for placing “institutional and policy structures and frameworks that have proved to be effective in the immediate crisis response period” but he also expressed concern about the “financial constraints on [local] authorities that have impacted on their ability to move forward towards durable solutions.”

He was questioning the “funding shortfalls” and the “waning” attention given by the national government to the IDPs.

He also noted the lack of transparency in implementing programs that affect the typhoon victims.

“A common concern expressed to me was the need to increase the level of consultation and information flow to IDPs to ensure that their voices and concerns are heard and included in future planning and their rights respected.”

The media focused on Dr Beyani’s assessment of the Haiyan recovery efforts which is understandable because of the global significance of the issue. After all, international aid poured in after Haiyan devastated the Visayas region and it is only right to ask authorities about the utilization or non-utilization of these funds.

But Dr Beyani’s report on other parts of the country deserves to be given prominence too since it involves the peace process and mining investments. These are issues which the international community should also be aware of.

For example, Dr Beyani described the situation in some parts of Cotabato and Maguinadao as a “forgotten crisis”.

“For many in this region displacement has become the pattern of life,” he wrote.

In South Cotabato, he learned that some leaders and members of the indigenous communities have been killed over the past years reportedly due to their anti-mining activities.

In Davao, he met Lumad leaders who cited the presence of paramilitary groups as the major factor that “creates anxiety” among indigenous communities.

Dr Beyani offered some concrete recommendations. He proposed the building of permanent housing for IDPs in Zamboanga, including the delivery of livelihood assistance to displaced fisherfolk. He also endorsed the passage of a law protecting the rights of IDPs which was vetoed by the president in 2013. He noted that the failure to enact the draft law “sends a wrong signal about the commitment of the government” to ensuring the rights of IDPs.

Reacting to Dr Beyani’s report, the presidential spokesman assured the UN expert that more funds have been allotted by the government to fast track the rehabilitation of Haiyan-affected areas.

Meanwhile, the country’s vice president and opposition leader mentioned the UN report as an indicator of the incompetence of the ruling party.

Human rights group Karapatan asserted the immediate pull-out of government troops in mining communities and other ancestral domains of indigenous peoples.

Dr Beyani will deliver his complete report next year. His concluding words should alert Philippine policymakers and other concerned stakeholders about the need to protect the country’s IDPs and indigenous populations: “Displacement, whether due to conflict or development, not only destroys the homes and livelihoods of indigenous peoples, but has an incalculable impact on their cultures and ways of life that are part of the rich and diverse heritage of the Philippines that must be protected or otherwise lost, perhaps forever.”

Leading Philippine Presidential Candidate Unveils Platform

Written for The Diplomat

Who will be the next president of the Philippines? Will it be administration candidate Mar Roxas, opposition leader and incumbent Vice President Jejomar Binay, or Senator Grace Poe who is currently leading in the surveys?

Roxas is expected to continue the programs of President Benigno Aquino III, whose term will end in nine months. Binay was part of Aquino’s cabinet over the past five years but resigned his post last June and criticized the president. He vowed to lead a better government if elected next year.

Who is Grace Poe? She topped the senatorial race in 2013, which many attributed to the popularity of her parents: actress Susan Roces and actor Fernando Poe Jr. The latter ran for president in 2004 but lost to former president Gloria Arroyo.

As a neophyte senator who championed good governance and transparency, Poe’s popularity surged and many urged her to run for president as an alternative candidate. Even Aquino acknowledged her potential and even asked her to run as the administration’s vice presidential candidate. She politely refused the offer and instead declared her bid for the presidency last September 16.

“No one man or group holds a monopoly on ‘Tuwid na Daan’ (straight path)”, Poe said in reference to the political slogan of the ruling party. But Poe also hinted that she will not join the opposition when she praised Aquino’s anti-corruption campaign: “He has done much to curb corruption and I am thankful that it has restored the people’s faith in an honest leader.”

Poe also outlined her governance program. She affirmed some of the policies of Aquino, like the conditional cash transfer. But she also indirectly tackled the perceived failures of Aquino such as solving the heavy traffic in Metro Manila and improving the country’s public infrastructure.

“We will make infrastructure development our priority, whether in terms of streets, trains, airports, seaports or the internet. We should build more roads and trains not only in Metro Manila but all over the Philippines. We should ensure that our train project is awarded to a contractor with strong capability and track record in long-term maintenance,” Poe said alluding to the botched train contract signed by the government.

Poe vowed to increase the annual infrastructure budget to seven percent of GDP.

Furthermore, she also mentioned several issues that affect both consumers and businesses, including her commitment to reduce individual income taxes, lower the power rates, and apprehend criminals.

Poe also stated her position on the maritime dispute between the Philippines and its neighbors – specifically China – in the Asia-Pacific. “The West Philippine Sea (South China Sea) is ours. We will protect our right through peaceful means, and according to international law. We will beef up our Coast Guard and armed forces so that we need not be intimidated by other countries.”

Poe said her government will draft an industrialization and information technology (IT) plan as part of an effort to encourage greater domestic production to create jobs. To combat corruption, she emphasized the need to pass the Freedom of Information bill. She also vowed to pursue peace talks with all armed groups operating in the country. She advocated the establishment of a separate Emergency Management Department that will focus on national preparedness, climate change and geo-mapping.

The following day, Senator Chiz Escudero was introduced as Poe’s running mate. Both will run as independent candidates. Escudero is seen as Poe’s mentor; in charge of expanding political and electoral machinery. During his acceptance speech, Escudero christened the candidacy of Grace Poe as GP or “Gobyernong may Puso” (“A Government with Heart” in the local Tagalog language). More importantly, he specified how the duo, if elected, will implement its election agenda.

“The next president will appoint and delegate over 5,000 people in government who will fill positions in 500 agencies, and will spend 18 trillion pesos over a six-year term,” he said.

The Poe-Escudero tandem will face tremendous obstacles, especially since they are running as independents. Poe is also facing a disqualification case since her citizenship is being questioned by some petitioners.

To be sure, Poe is a popular candidate. But this is not a guarantee of electoral victory or effective leadership. Now that her agenda for reform has been made public, one hopes that it will lead to more conversations and debates about the respective programs of all candidates. That will then provide an opportunity for the public to challenge or critique the visions and track records of all political parties.

Posted in election, nation | Tagged , , , | 3 Comments

Time to Rethink the Reasons Our Parents and Everybody Else Told Us about Why We Go to School

By admin | September 29, 2015

Written for Manila Today

We are familiar with the economics and mechanics of education because these are often fiercely debated but the idea of schooling can still be improved if we initiate more conversations about the philosophy or philosophies that sustain it. Simply put, we should endeavor to give better answers to the question ‘Why do we need to go to school?’

It can be argued that the question is unnecessary since everybody is united in the goal of providing universal education. Besides, education is a human right and it is guaranteed by the constitution of almost all countries in the world.

But the question is not simple; rather it is deceptively simple, and it is necessary.

What are the ‘known knowns’ of education: that it promotes the social good, that it leads to social mobility, and that it nurtures individual talent. But education also has its ‘known unknowns’: that education can make us rich, or that at least it can help us get decent employment, and that it rewards those with talent and dedication.

The first set is publicly admitted and popularly endorsed; the second is privately affirmed. There are those who equate the first with the second and so they have no problem identifying with either category. The first is too broad and seldom elaborated which leads many to interpret the second as the particulars of the noble goals of education. This is wrong. But this thinking is rarely contested so we grew up believing that individual and social misfortunes are mainly caused by an obscene absence or lack of education. This is not entirely incorrect because education is an important factor that can address multiple social ills. The problem, however, is reflected in our other unrealistic expectations about what the schooling process can deliver.

That formal education as we know it enjoys our utmost confidence is unsurprising considering that we are constantly bombarded with messages that extol its value. For example, we have movies that simplify the correlation of scholastic achievement and career advancement, politicians who preach the centrality of education in the social reform agenda, overpaid technocrats who bemoan the disconnect of the academic and corporate sectors, and the most persuasive of them all: the hard work and sacrifice of families who financed the schooling of their children, a gesture of love and unforgettable proof of our faith in the power of education.

What exactly is wrong with these obviously benign motives? Well, to put it mildly, they narrow and distort the humanistic goals of education.

The desire to be rich is an old vice but the aspiration to be rich by acquiring a university diploma is a modern thing. It is an unhealthy impulse because it contravenes ALL philosophies of education. To cultivate wisdom actually requires a negation of materialistic pursuits. An educated person rejects transience as he or she seeks the truth about our existence. If the goal is to possess things, it is false education. In other words, we should not justify the hoarding of tangible goods by claiming that it is the consequence of academic excellence.

But is it wrong to pursue education so that we can acquire the skills that give us the opportunity to seek gainful employment? Again, this is a modern concept. Admittedly, a major aspect of formal education includes the training of individuals on how to properly live in the future world of work. Indeed, a school is a fun place to learn the trades in the company of friends.

But education should be more than just about job preparation. After centuries of preserving the idea of the university and after the painstaking struggle of transferring knowledge from one generation to another, should we readily accept the assertion that the function of modern education is to support the needs of the business sector? That the main role of schools in society is to promote efficiency in the employee-employer relationship?

What happened to the grand idea of producing philosopher-kings? What about citizenship? A school is more than just a repository of knowledge, it represents human civilization. It is where children study the classics, experiment with new concepts, investigate the reality of the present, and sketch the blueprint of the future. The school is supposed to be a disruptive force in society.

The radical campaign to institutionalize mass education succeeded in the 20th century but it was hijacked by corporate interest. Children of the working classes were provided with a specific set of values in schools that reflected the worldview of the ruling elite. Innovation was praised as long as it did not threaten the political order. Discipline and conformism were formally and indirectly endorsed at the same time.

Critical pedagogy was ignored in favor of practical objectives to help citizens confront the various challenges of modern living. Schools maintained its social character but overall its political role tended to favor conservative interest.

The capitalist principle of competition was transplanted in schools, which perverted the dynamism of the education system. As transmitters of official knowledge and incubator of progress, schools are viewed as an institution that can uplift the economic conditions of the poor. Unfortunately, schools in the neoliberal age performed this role by teaching children that competition is the key to success. The schools as ‘sorting machine’ elevated individual achievement as superior over other desirable social goals. Who can blame parents for wanting their children to live the good life? But once again, individualism prevailed by spreading the propaganda that we can escape poverty by focusing first on self-improvement. Instead of fighting the evils of society as a collective body, we abandon that crucial task to prominent, educated individuals. Instead of finding satisfaction in our participation in a group effort, we prefer to indulge in self-praise.

A college graduate is recognized for possessing the proper skills and attitude that made him or her successful. What is overlooked is the social capital that was invested that allowed the graduate to finish schooling. It is natural to feel good about ourselves but it is a mistake to assume that we completed our formal education without needing any subsidy or assistance from various social bodies.

Believing that we survived and surged ahead of others mainly by relying on our talent and perseverance, we flaunted this perspective that reproduced the superficial thinking that schools exist to breed a few outstanding individuals.

But schools can do more than merely transform us all into highly-skilled, productive, and obedient workers. Through schooling, we can still celebrate our humanity. We can still aim for holistic education to develop our full potential as a person. We can still learn to be critical citizens whose individuality is affirmed without undermining the rights of others. Collective work, not destructive competition, can still become the norm.

But this is only possible if we alter our understanding about the function of schools in society.
First, we must cease to view schools as a politically-neutral space.

Second, we must not divorce theoretical knowledge, which is obsessively protected in the academe, from practical politics.

Third, we should develop pedagogical practices that enhance our full humanity and promote collective values.

Fourth, we should build schools whose mission is to challenge tradition, and these inventive institutions should be given the freedom to implement their vision in society.

We can still live the good life, we can still become superstar intellectuals and scientists, and we can still aim for that elusive job. Schools will help us achieve these dreams. But this time we are working to realize these goals while building a better society because education is futile and self-serving if the world remains unfree, unequal, and unjust.

This means struggling to learn and learning to struggle. There is a nice word for it: Dissent.

Dissent is the unmentionable discourse in any school curriculum; it should be the core teaching goal of any place of learning. It is the ‘unknown known’ of schools which should inspire us to question authority, probe the present, imagine the new, and build a more humanistic world.

Posted in education, youth | Tagged , | 1 Comment

Malay Pride Rally Stokes Race Politics in Malaysia

By admin | September 24, 2015

Written for The Diplomat

More than 250 licensed non-government organizations in Malaysia are planning to mobilize 30,000 people on September 16 to protect and promote Maruah Melayu (Malay dignity). The event also aims to show support for the beleaguered leadership of Prime Minister Najib Razak, who is being implicated in a corruption scandal.

The event was clearly organized to counter the Bersih (which means ‘clean’ in Malay) protest last August 29 and 30, which gathered more than 100,000 people in Kuala Lumpur. Some leaders of the Malay Pride Rally have ridiculed Bersih as a Chinese conspiracy. To prevent the Chinese protesters from undermining the government, they urged their fellow Malays to join the September 16 gathering and to wear red in order to oppose the yellow color of Bersih.

This framing of the issue is rejected by many who insist that it is a distortion of the real politics of Bersih. While it is true that Chinese protesters were present during the Bersih protest, they were joined by Malays and other citizens who believe that Najib must resign and that a clean election is needed to promote good governance in the country. Last month’s Bersih, and the three previous Bersih protests, didn’t pit the Chinese versus the Malays, although some allies of the government wanted the public to believe that racial sentiments are undermining the country’s stability.

From the beginning, the issue was about corruption and abuse of power by the ruling coalition, which has been in power since the 1950s, yet leaders of the Malay Pride Rally continue to speak about Chinese machinations.

Even a lawmaker from the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS) has warned against using the race issue in local politics.

“It is their right (to hold a rally) but we must not get into the mindset that Malaysia is only for one race. This will eventually cause tensions among the races,” said PAS lawmaker Mahfuz Omar.

This point was echoed by several influential Muslim organizations, which issued a statement against the planned demonstration.

“We do not redeem our honor and dignity by blaming other races whilst helping an embattled political elite cling to power,” the statement read.

Marina Mahathir, a human rights activist and daughter of former Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad, is not convinced that the rally is worth supporting: “I have a problem trying to figure out what the so-called Red Shirts stand for. They seem to want to protest for the sake of protesting against protesters, specifically Bersih protesters.”

Mahathir was one of those who joined Bersih, though he claimed he was only supporting the call for Najib’s removal.

Meanwhile, some members of the administration coalition Umno have signified their intention to join the activity. Permatang Pauh Umno chief Zaidi Mohd Said clarified that the event is simply a show of unity: “This is actually a gathering to support the government. It is not racist.”

Though Najib arguably stands to benefit from the so-called Malay Pride gathering, the government has distanced itself from the rally and the police has refused to give a permit to the organizers.

Whether or not the rally ends up drawing more crowds than Bersih, it highlights a dangerous turn for Malaysian politics where the race card is increasingly being exploited by some groups and politicians to further their divisive political agenda.

September 16 coincides with Malaysia Day, which commemorates the formation of Malaysia in 1963. And perhaps some may find it proper to celebrate Malay pride. But the issue is not if the occasion should be celebrated, but how it is done. For scholars like Dr. Mohamad Tajuddin Mohamad Rasdi, Malaysians have a choice: they can wear the neutral color white to represent Muslims “who believe in humility and love of the brotherhood of man (in) contrast against the zealotry, bigotry and madness of the Red Shirt.”

Malaysia Silences the Press Amid Corruption Scandal

Written for The Diplomat

Malaysia’s Home Ministry has suspended two newspapers for three months after the latter published a series of reports exposing corruption in a government-managed investment company that implicated Prime Minister Najib Razak. Meanwhile, a news website was blocked in the country last week after a government agency found it guilty of publishing unverified information in relation to the similar corruption issue.

The licensing permit of The Edge Financial Daily and The Edge Weekly was suspended because their 1MDB reports were deemed by the Home Ministry to be “prejudicial or likely to be prejudicial to public order, security or likely to alarm public opinion or is likely to be prejudicial to public and national interest”.

The 1MDB issue refers to the controversial financial transactions of the company that allegedly benefited some politicians, including the prime minister. Early this month, the Wall Street Journal published a report linking Najib to a bank money transfer totaling $700 million. The government is currently investigating 1MDB as Najib denies the allegations. Some opposition leaders including former Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad have called for the resignation of Najib over the 1MDB scandal.

The Edge is challenging the suspension order by filing a judicial review. It emphasized that its reports were based on hard evidence and that it has already handed over bank documents to government investigators.

“Our report is based on evidence corroborated by documents that include bank transfers and statements. How can the work that we have done be deemed as a political conspiracy?”

Meanwhile, the Malaysian Communications and Multimedia Commission (MCMC) has ordered the blocking of the Sarawak Report “based on complaints received from the public” that it is spreading misinformation about the 1MDB issue. Sarawak Report described the order as a “blatant attempt to censor our exposures of major corruption.” It dismissed the “strong arm, anti-democratic media clamp-down” as a futile attempt of the ruling party to hide the truth about the financial mess.

The blocking of Sarawak Report and the suspension of two papers of The Edge were viewed by many as an attack on Malaysia’s media sector. “Blocking a website and threatening critics with prosecution will not make the firestorm over alleged government corruption go away,” said Brad Adams, Asia director of Human Rights Watch.

The Center for Independent Journalism asserted that the blocking of Sarawak Report “without a clear, legitimate purpose and without reference to a proper law authorising such blocking of content is a breach of the guarantee to freedom of expression.”

Meanwhile, uman rights group Suaram urged the government to uphold truth and transparency.

“This latest action by MCMC is totally against its own mission statement which is “providing transparent regulatory processes to facilitate fair competition and efficiency in the industry”.

The Lawyers for Liberty group reminded authorities that “journalism is not a crime.” It added that “Press freedom is an indispensable component of any modern and democratic society as it functions as a form of check and balance against government excesses. Such authoritarian behaviour unfortunately sends a chilling message to the press to self-censor on issues such as 1MDB or else they may invite retaliation.”

But Datuk Abdul Rahman Dahlan, who is the urban wellbeing, housing and local government minister and director of strategic communications of the ruling party Barisan Nasional, defended the suspension order issued by the government against The Edge:

“The government suspended The Edge publications because there was a real possibility that the contents of their reporting were not authentic. If this possibility turns to be true then the impact on the government and the economic stability due to irresponsible reporting cannot be understated.”

Aside from condoning corruption, the government is now accused of silencing the press. Reacting to the perceived media persecution, five local media networks have banded together and are planning to hold a public rally on August 8 to assert the right the free speech.

Posted in east asia, media | Tagged , , , , , , | Leave a comment

Crowds and Champions: What An Inauthentic Fan Saw During the Golden State Warriors Victory Rally

By admin | September 20, 2015

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Written for Manila Today

How I wish I could hold the placard which reads ‘Authentic Fan’, take a selfie with it, and share on my social media networks. But I simply couldn’t do it because I am not an ‘authentic fan’ of the 2015 National Basketball Association champion Golden State Warriors. I do not even know the names of their players, their franchise history, and their winning strategy. Yet I was there during their victory parade in Oakland and celebrated the occasion with hundreds of thousands of ‘authentic fans’ from all over the Bay Area.Here’s how I experienced it: When I arrived in Oakland, a confetti of blue and yellow was raining down on 19th Street and Broadway, I reached the tail end of the parade in Snow Park, I think I saw some of the players near the public library, the march swept us in front of Laney College, and finally I found myself on the fringes of the civic center; too far from the main stage outside the Kaiser Convention Center but near enough to feel the spectacle.

So what was a non-fan doing there? I also wrestled with the question during the 35-minute train ride from Colma to downtown Oakland; and before leaving the station, I thought I convinced myself that I have answered it already.

I really have simple motives for being a joiner that day. But wait, it was not an ordinary day. It was 40 years ago when a similar event was held in Oakland. It took 40 years of waiting and struggle before the Warriors became champions again. This alone is enough reason to show up and participate in the street festivities.

The Warriors clinched the championship title and received their trophy in Cleveland but this victory has to be reaffirmed by their loyal fans in the Alameda County. The winning moment is only half-complete if it isn’t shared with the public.

I had to be there to witness the re-enactment of history.

Will history be made again next year? Maybe, but this year’s victory is definitely more special and memorable.

That’s basically it. I wanted to be present during the crowning of the Warriors. I was curious to know how the community will gather and express their pride on that historic occasion. I was there to congratulate the winners. I came to have fun in the company of an ecstatic crowd.

Besides, basketball is a familiar sports. I cannot understand American football and baseball (apologies to fans of 49ers and Giants) but I grew up watching and playing basketball. After all, it’s the unofficial national pastime in the Philippines. I may not be a fanatic but I appreciate the game. There was a time when I knew the slam dunk winners of the 1980s, we cheered for the Bulls in the 1990s, and we all wanted to be like Mike. Basketball was a major influence during our formative years. It was probably the kid in me that roused my interest to celebrate the basketball glory of the Warriors.

But it’s also more than nostalgia or a desire to relive the feeling of being young.

I was more intrigued by the Warriors phenomenon. When I arrived in San Francisco last month, everybody was talking about their Warriors. That it’s the best team in the league, that the players are all nice and talented people, and that this is going to be the year of the Warriors.

There seems to be a Warriors effect every time they win a game: Motorists are kinder, neighbors are talking to each other once more (“Hey buddy, did you see the game last night? It was a really good game, right?”), and strangers can instantly become friends by talking about the Warriors. Families and barkadas bonded by watching the finals. On a personal note, the games gathered relatives which helped in uplifting the spirit of my younger brother who was recovering from a heart condition.

Perhaps scholars can measure the social impact of the Warriors’ victory in the recently concluded NBA season. In terms of consumer economics, there was a lot of buying and advertising of Warriors-related merchandise. It’s probably good for the domestic economy but I am doubtful whether this is the right kind of stimulus that can reverse the hardships endured by working-class families. A $30 dollar original Warriors fan shirt? Ah, for the love of the team and the game! Somebody is definitely making a ton of money because of this spontaneous consumer spending.

But there are other ways of probing the various manifestations of the Warriors phenomenon. On my part, I wanted to verify the broad appeal of the team and the reach of their fan base. I wanted to size up their popularity beyond the TV ratings, the trending hashtags and the fan merchandise. One way of doing this is to check the crowd that will congregate in Oakland. And so I went to the Warriors’ parade.

The turn-out was impressive especially since it was not a weekend event. Fans did not disappoint by arriving in record number to celebrate the basketball victory of their beloved team. People from diverse backgrounds were there. The hardcore fans, the loyal cheerleaders, the new converts, the inauthentic ones like me, and Oakland residents mingled as one. All are assumed to be there because they are rejoicing for the Warriors.

Some parents carried baby strollers. Some students accompanied by mentors seem to be having a summer field trip in the lakeside park. Frontline families of the Warriors’ support team joined the parade. Local sponsors and institutions were represented as well. Meanwhile, enterprising individuals sold Warriors paraphernalia such as t-shirts, caps, framed posters, and banners which are cheaper compared to the official team store.

The feel of the crowd was electrifying. Of course there were some marchers who easily gave up the long walk (satisfied that they already got selfie photos of the players during the parade), tired rallyists who spread false updates about the available space or lack of it in a specific area of the plaza; there were loud fans, drinkers, smokers, and Republicans in the crowd.

But overall, the crowd was behaving like what it was supposed to do. A collective body exercising its power. A sea of warm bodies moving and interacting while remaining in place to stage a significant social and historic event. It is a crowd made self-aware of its massive presence and power to speak. They may not be able to buy the expensive arena tickets during the finals but here they are part of the game and here they are supreme.

It is a veritable proof of the persuasive appeal of a crowd, the creative coming together of the spontaneous, and the invincibility of a collective that exists to achieve a purpose. The multiple as one.

During the start of the program, a local leader mentioned the role of the Warriors in enhancing community unity. This cannot be denied. But the public must be reminded too that sports is not the ultimate mojo that can ignite the wonderful charm we call solidarity. Just a few months ago, Oakland was a site of resistance that echoed the struggle against racial discrimination and economic oppression. It did not reach half a million but nobody can deny that it was popular among the grassroots, that it united various segments of the population, and that it campaigned something in behalf of a collective.

We are told to fear the so-called irrational mob but what they really wanted us to reject is the rise of a politically-conscious crowd.

Struggle is noble and its beauty is reflected in the emergence of a crowd. When experiencing the vastness of nature, we feel overwhelmed. We appear tiny compared to oceans, canyons, cliffs, and mountains. But when we are part of a crowd, the effect is quite different. Instead of being intimidated by the presence of anonymous bodies, we feel empowered. We think we can be immortals. Suddenly, nothing seems impossible. Humanity will prevail.

A sports crowd is massive and dispersed; but the rulers often use it to distract the fighting potential of the masses.

Let the Warriors crowd celebrate today, let us have our moment. But tomorrow we will fight. Tomorrow, the community will confront reality. Imagine the Warriors crowd slaying other beasts in society.

Any crowd is potentially subversive. Authentic and inauthentic followers coalesce, strangers form networks, and voices become stronger. Warriors fans have a nice phrase for it: Strength in numbers.

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Prison Notes of a Singaporean Teenager

By admin | September 13, 2015

Written for The Diplomat

“There is barely any sense of time in prison, there are no clocks in cells. Our only indications of time is the little light that seeps out from the vent. And everyday my cellmates would eagerly wait for that light to dissipate, knowing that another day has passed, and they’re one day closer to attaining their freedom.”

This is a sample of the prison reflections written by 16-year-old video blogger Amos Yee from Singapore. Yee was remanded for three weeks last month to assess if he is prepared to undergo reformative training. He was transferred to a mental health facility last week after a judge ordered him to be evaluated for autism.

What crime did Yee commit? He posted a video criticizing the late Lee Kuan Yew, the beloved founding prime minister of Singapore. He was charged for causing “distress” to his viewers. He was also accused of offending the religious sentiments of Christians and for posting obscene material on the Internet.

Many felt that Yee’s video was inappropriate, insensitive, and disrespectful. But many also felt the punishment he received was wrong and irrational. After all, Yee is only a teenager who happened to be vocal about his offensive opinions. It was a nonviolent offense.

Despite his age, Amos was nonetheless arrested and detained by authorities. Because of this, some believe he is already the world’s youngest “prisoner of conscience.” And through Facebook, we are able to learn his ordeal.

“I had never been exposed to sunshine. The closest thing I had to going outdoors was a daily (except for weekends), 1- hour activity called the outdoor ‘yard’ where inmates get to play basketball or sepak takraw. But we’re not doing it outdoors, but in a 5th floor enclosure similar to that of an indoor sports hall. And of course, there is no opening in the ceiling for cellmates to have direct contact with sunlight,” he wrote.

It is quite disturbing to read a prison diary of a teenager who is penalized for thinking differently.

“Cellmates, often thinking about the implications of them being in jail, or getting frustrated by the tedium of being in a cell, become enraged and hyperactive. In a state of restlessness and anxiety, they start singing high-pitched songs, punching the walls, banging their cups and boxes. The unrelenting sounds send me into a deep state of nervousness and apprehension,” Yee wrote.

Yee’s prison notes are posted on Facebook despite his incarceration, prompting many to speculate that he scheduled his posts or that another person is maintaining his account.

Regardless of who updates Yee’s Facebook page, it cannot be denied that he is in detention. His mother shares his experience: “Since his arrest in March and the many twists and turns in the court case, Amos is now exhausted, and yes, frightened. He has been so tired in Changi Prison where he is kept in a cell for 23 hours everyday, with the bright lights kept switched on most of the time, for the past three weeks.”

Human Rights Watch has confirmed that Yee was treated as a regular prisoner. “By the time he was convicted, Yee had spent 18 days in jail for a nonviolent offense. When brought to court for his trial on May 7, he was handcuffed, had his legs shackled, and was wearing a prison-supplied t-shirt with “prisoner” emblazoned across the back.”

The United Nations Human Rights Office for South-East Asia described the criminal sanctions leveled against Yee as “disproportionate and inappropriate in terms of the international protections for freedom of expression and opinion.” It urged Singapore authorities “to give special consideration to [Amos’] juvenile status and ensure his treatment is consistent with the best interests of the child.”

By releasing Yee, it does not mean the teenager is correct about the way he articulated his views on Lee Kuan Yew and Christianity. Instead, it will demonstrate that the Singapore government is mature enough to handle the behavior of a teenager and that it can tolerate contrary views.

Why are the Elderly Collecting Cardboard Boxes in Prosperous Singapore?

Written for The Diplomat

Two weeks ago, Singapore’s Social and Family Development Minister Tan Chuan-Jin joined a youth group in interviewing some elderly cardboard collectors to learn more about the latter’s conditions, motivations and the challenges they face. The minister shared his observations on Facebook which immediately sparked an intense public debate over the country’s poverty situation, the hardships experienced by elders, and the government’s lack of adequate knowledge about the daily struggles of many Singaporeans.

What exactly did the minister write that provoked many to accuse the government of being insensitive to the plight of ordinary people?

First, he questioned the popular opinion about the economic situation of the collectors. “The normal perception that all cardboard collectors are people who are unable to take care of themselves financially is not really true.”

Then, he described cardboard collecting as a “form of exercise”.

“Some prefer to earn extra monies, treat it as a form of exercise and activity rather than being cooped up at home. They do this to remain independent, so that they can have dignity and not have to ask their families for help.”

Finally, he urged the public to rethink their views about the elderly collectors. “More often than not, people make judgements without finding out the facts of the matter, in this instance, the stigma surrounding cardboard collectors.”

The backlash was instant. The minister was criticized for ‘whitewashing’ the issue. Some described his position as a naïve understanding of the problems facing many elders. Writer Kirsten Han reminded him and other public servants to conduct a better probe of the general situation of the cardboard collectors instead of making a conclusion based on a one-time encounter with the elders. “We shouldn’t romanticize their self-sufficiency, absolving ourselves of all responsibility at the same time,” she wrote.

Sociologist Daniel PS Goh acknowledged the sincerity of the minister but he pointed out the limitation of the interview to assess the real conditions of the people. “They committed the basic error sociologists would warn our students against in social research: accepting what people say in surveys or interviews as representing the truth without contextual and deeper interpretation.”

Ariffin Sha of the Happy People Helping People Foundation insisted that it’s inaccurate to equate cardboard collecting with exercise. “Slogging it out under the scorching sun while pushing heavy loads is not something many do ‘for fun’ or ‘to exercise in their free time.’ If given a choice not to collect cardboard and rest or work somewhere else, most will take that choice without hesitation.”

Mohammed Nafiz Kamarudin, also from Happy People Helping People Foundation, is hoping that the issue will create more awareness about the existence of poverty in the country.

“I think it’s important for us to understand that Singapore is not always as the media portrays us to be, like very glamorous. We think Singapore is very rich and there’s no one poor, but if you come down to these areas you’ll see that some people barely earn enough for a meal in one day.”

Gilbert Goh, who works with an agency that assists unemployed workers, highlighted the need to give more attention to elderly workers in Singapore. “Our belief is that our elderly should not even be doing such tough manual work in our prosperous first world economy even though some may enjoy the work for personal reason. I have travelled widely to many first world countries and have never see their elderly work as hard as ours in their twilight years.”

For its part, Youth Corps Singapore, which conducted the interview with the minister, clarified that it is aware of the need to implement a more comprehensive program to improve the lives of the cardboard collectors.

“We acknowledged the need for a long-term solution; one that would perhaps get them off the streets, but in the short-term, we wanted to respect and support them in what they are doing and making it safer for them,” wrote Cheng Jun Koh, the leader of the project.

If the minister’s aim is to inform the public about the situation of cardboard collectors, then he has succeeded. In the past two weeks, the media have been consistently reporting about these elderly workers. The public learned that a kilogram of used cardboard could fetch about 10 cents and that collectors earn about $4 to $5 a day.

But the most important issue is the question raised by the youth group that inspired the minister to visit the cardboard collectors. “Why are there still cardboard collectors in our first world country?” This question is relevant as Singapore prepares to celebrate its 50th founding anniversary.

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The conscience of a radical or how the Left can join parliament and reject opportunism at the same time

By admin | August 31, 2015

Written for Bulatlat

Some academics lauded a partylist legislator who resigned from Congress because of the latter’s inability to faithfully represent and defend the majority position of his political party. In particular, the legislator said he already disagrees with the stand of his party to remain a coalition partner of the president whom he described as inept and callous. The legislator was praised for his principled decision to give up his seat in Congress; further, it was cited as an outstanding example of how party politics should be practiced. Perhaps the reaction of the academics is understandable since everyday politics in the country is dominated by the boorish antics of trapos and spoiled dynasts. They needed something decent to teach our students. But for us who are involved in upholding progressive politics, there’s more to say on this matter. We should not be easily impressed especially since the former legislator and his former party see themselves as activists and Leftists. If we were ordinary politicians, we would have quickly joined others in acknowledging the honorable decision of the former legislator; but as activists and Leftists, what should be our judgment?

It is fine that the so-called democratic Leftist party is exposed by its former representative as a group that continues to support a regime which authored an unconstitutional pork barrel program, masterminded a bungled operation in Mamasapano, and signed an anomalous and lopsided military agreement with the United States. However, these revelations didn’t surprise us anymore since many of us have long been accustomed to seeing the self-declared Leftist party parroting the spin of Malacanang. Isn’t it often referred to by many pundits as the junior partner of the government? Still, the resignation of the intellectual-turned-legislator confirmed what everybody is thinking: that social democrats have been blindly collaborating with the despotic order.

If the preceding line is a bit harsh, it is because in the past five years the haciendero president has been replicating the worst policies and the most abhorrent, anti-people programs of his predecessors yet our Leftist ex-solon and his party chose to be quiet about these. There were attempts to appear critical but in the end they openly flaunted their intimacy with the Yellow Mafia boss. The president may be likeable because he is always smiling and he is related to celebrities but it is not enough to exculpate him from the sins he committed against the people. Even if we assume that he is moral, it does not justify non-action amid the obvious rise of a powerful political faction committed to the preservation of the old order.

Is it really too hard for anyone who claims to be progressive to realize that the new government in 2010 is still hostaged by landlord interest and that it is subservient to the dictates of imperialism?

Reforms can be won even if the Left is expelled from the coalition in power. But if the Left will anchor the success of its goals on its proximity to the Palace, then it will stubbornly cling to the president even if the latter is guilty of many crimes. Damn the mass movement if compromise can persuade the ruling faction. This leads to fatal consequences, politically-speaking. The role of the grassroots in the struggle for reforms is diminished while the president’s noble intentions are exaggerated. It makes people think that what matters is not our commitment to the struggle but our readiness to integrate our demands with the narrow framework of the bureaucracy. It is also presumptuous to assume that the people’s victories in the parliamentary arena were achieved because of one party’s close encounter with the president.

Whose politics are being promoted when we elevate a particular reform as a substantial aspect of governance? For every reform bill passed by Congress, there are dozens of creepy measures and other laws that undermine this initiative. That is why the rallying call should not be made to glorify the sitting president but to inspire the masses to keep on mobilizing not just for one reform, two reforms, or even multiple reforms, but to complete the revolution.

It is one thing to support a presidency, but to christen it as a reform coalition? It misleads the people, it disempowers the poor, and it delays the birth of a genuine alternative.

Waging a struggle for reforms is not wrong but the reformism being practiced by the pseudo Left in the past five years is a horrible case of political sell out. This must be named for what it really is because if we fail to learn from this tragedy, we might end up legitimizing this behavior as an acceptable tactic of the Left. If the cycle is repeated, woe to us who will be forced to be grateful with piecemeal reforms (minus the FOI and land distribution) and we are left with nothing but hope that someday ex-activists in government will remember their conscience.

Can we afford to be more lenient to the ex-legislator by acknowledging that at least he didn’t fully surrender to the dark side of the force? Let us put it this way: a master politician knows when to abandon a sinking ship. He is able to survive but he is still a politician. Is this applicable to our Leftist ex-legislator? Again, let us consider it in another perspective: in hospitals (via The Fault in our Stars), patients are asked about their pain threshold on a scale of 1 to 10, with 10 as the most painful. Applied to activists about their tolerance to conservative regimes, a level of 1 is enough to speak out loudly against it but our ex-legislator disowned the incumbent government when the level has almost reached its maximum threshold.

There were allegedly non-stop debates within the so-called Leftist party about its relationship with the government. So while working within the Liberal-led coalition, they were purportedly arguing against each other about political tactics. If only their political activities were restricted to these matters, we could have given a more positive judgment. But what really happened in the past five years? They lent the prestige of their identity as a Leftist force to deodorize the image of an unabashedly bourgeois government, they used Leftist vocabulary to justify the implementation of elitist policies, they mimicked the Palace in badmouthing the political rivals of the Liberal party, and they joined other conservatives in demonizing national democratic activists and revolutionaries. They were hardly the dedicated group of activists fighting for social transformation; they degenerated into a cabal of loyal partisans of the Yellows. They busied themselves protecting the public image of their political ally even if it already contravenes the fundamental principles of all shades of the Left. They acted not as heirs of the noble tradition of the Left but as pathetic minions of the reactionary regime. They didn’t fight their class enemies; instead, they used the resources of their class enemies to wage war against other political forces. When one of their senior members in government felt threatened, he kept AK-47 and M-16 rifles in his car. Non-violence my foot!

This Leftist party is preachy about pluralism yet it abandons it in practice. So what is wrong if their principal representative in Congress has a different opinion? It should be tolerated in the name of pluralism. Still, they forced him many times to keep silent and conform to the majority opinion. This is not wrong because it is a democratic principle but it shows the limits of pluralism. We can debate ceaselessly but at the end of the day, it is politics which must prevail. Political decisions must be made favoring a specific perspective. When they practice it, they call it democratic pluralism. But when National Democrats do it, they ridicule it as dogmatic Stalinism.

Years from now, the Left’s participation in Congress will be interpreted in many ways. As an active participant of this strategy, my views are inevitably biased. But let me say that I derive a humble pride in the fact that I entered and left parliament without flirting with opportunism, collaborationism, and other ghastly tendencies that seduce activists in government. For others who sought to regain their political integrity, severing ties with the ruling faction is not enough. Conscience? What about radical ethics? Will there be political atonement?

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In defense of negativity and rah-rah activism

By admin | August 21, 2015

Written for Bulatlat

If you think activists are too negative, then would you rather prefer the silent optimism of the apathetic? If unimpressed by the political value of streetnoise activism, would you follow the uncritical collaborationism as exemplified by the politics of former activists in the yellow regime? It is doubtful if people are exposed to an overdose of negative activism; but if they are already tired of whining activists, they are free to indulge in the good news courtesy of government-sponsored news broadcast. However, it should not stop us from pursuing activism that really matters, or radicalism that negates a negative to bring forth the positive.

Politicians disdain negativism and they often exhort the public to share the same sentiment as if it promotes the general good. In the eyes of these politicians and their apologists, no one can surpass activists as fanatic purveyors of negativity. At least United States Vice President Spiro Agnew was a bit creative in dissing critics with his “nattering nabobs of negativism” quote while others are simply acting like spoiled hacienderos who try to deny the pitiful conditions of the country by accusing those who disagree with the government of engaging in too much negativism.

Instead of refuting the indictment, we should affirm it. Yes, we are guilty of being negative. We thrive on negativity and we even eat negative thoughts for breakfast. There is nothing perverse with having this attitude; on the contrary, it reflects a rational knowledge of history which informs us that humanity endured not by ceaselessly cheering the reigning power but by toppling it. What we should worry about is not the existence of stubborn pessimists but the lack of negativity in society. Even if we fail to perceive it, the truth is that there is too much positivity ricocheting all around us.

We exaggerate the presence of negativity which explains our brutal reaction to anything and anyone expressing a contrary opinion. The cost of this behavior is immense. If we mute the noisy activists and if we further shrink the space where they can articulate their views, we are left with only the happy minds crowding our public consciousness. Nothing wrong with this but what if most of the minds belong to sleazy bureaucrats, greedy capitalists, and conservative intellectuals? Indeed, they only constitute the minority but they have the resources, influence, and motivation to project their class-specific and creepy worldview as legitimate and official knowledge.

So when minimum wage workers willingly endorse the privatization of the train service, it reveals more than anything else the triumph of corporate interest in shaping public opinion. It underscores the hegemony of the neoliberal agenda; it is positive ideology at work which we misread as common sense. And so when someone contradicts privatization, we quickly dismiss it as negative knowledge and nuisance criticism.

There is a proliferation of unchallenged positive ideas sustained by the rapid dismissal of negative thinking. The first is dangerous, the latter is tragic. The emperor is no longer naked but someone has to remind him that his clothes were made by slave workers.

Suffering from selective amnesia, politicians have to be continually reminded about the role of negative critique in establishing modern and stronger democracies.

Who would support Agnew now and his defense of US involvement in the Vietnam War? It seems the haciendero has already forgotten that his mother was an eminent ‘negative’ critic of the Martial Law regime. Despite the fundamentalism of hooligan economists, we now know that privatization boosts corporate profit and public misery at the same time.

In other words, democracy and democratic discourse benefit from dissent, which is a nicer way of saying that negativity is essential in modern polity.

Nevertheless, there is a sophisticated way of rejecting the negativity of activists and it is done by alluding to the scandalous lack of sophistication of activists. Negativity is welcome but it must not be a rah-rah brand of activism. Simply put, activists are deemed as simpletons incapable of participating in an intellectual debate. The proofs often cited are the slogans shouted by activists, their placards bearing “formulaic” demands, and their supposed dogmatic adherence to “obsolete” political paradigms.

Apparently, there is an alternative type of activism and it is regarded as intelligent since it disavows the slogans, the street marching, and mob behavior. It is also said to be refreshing as it offers platforms guided by the principles of non-violence and pluralism. Suddenly, activism as we know it appears dull and dictatorial.

As rational beings, and based on the foregoing, should we then already abandon this kind of activism and embrace the third way, the new Left?

The answer is yes if we agree that rah-rah activism is dumb and our fidelity to it makes us dumber.

Indeed, activists use slogans to simplify and popularize a political demand but it doesn’t mean they are unable to comprehend complex political theories. The slogans have propaganda value but beyond the placards, activists are always conceptualizing and preparing various other forms to share their message to different kinds of audience. These materials can range from 140 characters to thesis statements that represent the particular objectives of a political campaign. Are you expecting to embed a Supreme Court petition in a placard?

Yes, shouting is sensational, it attracts attention, and it is also effective. But remember too that rallies mobilize the poor and marginalized who are finally able to express their frustrations and aspirations against the system that exploited them by joining a collective action. Authorities dismiss these political activities as urban inconvenience, we call it direct democracy.

During university basketball games, there is a lot of shouting, hissing, and raising of fists. But you wouldn’t call this crowd behavior as irrational, would you? Activists also shout, heckle and raise fists in rallies, and they do these things not just for fleeting emotional reasons but also to demand tangible goods such as jobs, food, services, and you know, democracy.

Even the activists’ attempt for clarity is suspect. A clear, comprehensive, and hard hitting critique is frowned by some academics who prefer abstract analysis and vague theories that claim to be political and non-political at the same time. ‘Imperyalismo ibagsak!’ is scorned because it is passe but criticizing the ‘Empire’ is intelligent. Don’t call it land reform, it is already asset reform. Language games are fun but when applied to real politics, it ends up serving the status quo because it confuses the public which leads to, well, inaction.

If activists continue to use political categories which we first read in the 1960s such as imperialism and people’s democratic revolution, it is because they wanted to be precise. It is also an assertion that no substantial change has taken place in recent decades, thus the need to continue the struggle.

Peaceful activism is the goal of all but an understanding of historical and political context is necessary. Try preaching non-violence to an indigenous tribe in a militarized mining site. When the grassroots resort to armed struggle to defend their ancestral domain, is it right to call them terrorists? What looks like senseless political violence is actually armed resistance. Context, context.

A street rally is an outstanding example of peaceful activism but we have pseudo-activists who readily equate it with mob rule. Instead of defending the idea of the masses in action, they are quick to assure authorities that their brand of struggle is different because it is lawful, polite, and temporary. Their obsession to disown rah-rah activism reflects their desire to appear respectful in the eyes of the state (as if it is the great aim of politics). No wonder it is easy for some of them to compromise their principles and support the reactionary regime. Intelligent activism degenerates into political opportunism. The horror, the horror!

Do you complain too much against the government? Do you shout slogans? Do you heckle? Are you a hooligan? If the answer is yes, then you must be one of us. Now let’s talk about Hegelian dialectics.

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Thailand: Prayut’s TV Speeches Give Hints on Transition

By admin | August 13, 2015

Written for The Diplomat

Since 2014, Thailand’s Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha has been addressing the public through his weekly speeches, which are broadcast live on all television channels. This is government propaganda but democracy advocates can also invoke some of the statements made by the former army general to push for the early restoration of civilian rule in the country.

For example, on May 29, Prayut said that he doesn’t intend to remain in power for many years.

“The reform of the country in all aspects may take many years. I am not aiming to carry out all the reforms myself by staying in office for years. It is something that must be passed on to the next elected government.”

Prayut even offered an advice to the next government: “For those who are about to be elected to administer the country, please do not let the Thai people return to fighting with each other again, thus leading to another divided society, without a sense of rule of law, the underprivileged being exploited, widening social disparities and the lack of social justice.”

On June 12, he summarized the mission of the military which grabbed power last year. “The [military government] took approximately six months to restore peace and calm. The other six months was spent to administer and expedite plans and disburse state budgets. Further reforms will be done after phase 3, when an elected government takes office.”

But Prayut also hinted that the army is also ready to intervene again if the new government fails to rule effectively. “What to do if the elected government cannot take office due to opposition by the other faction? The [military] will take responsibility over this issue, and the government will also monitor this situation.”

It is difficult to ascertain if TV viewers are receptive to Prayut’s pronouncements, since public protests are still banned and criticizing the government, whether online or offline, can provoke army surveillance and investigation. Popular or not, the junta is assured of a captured audience. Reviewing Prayut’s speeches is therefore important to understand how he communicates the government’s policies to ordinary Thais.

The speeches reveal what Prayut thinks are the major problems besetting the nation. In the past month, he devoted a lot of time to discuss the plight of poor farmers, the impact of climate change, and innovations to improve agricultural productivity.

Prayut is also known for delivering unusual references in his remarks so it’s hard to know if he is being humorous or not.

Commenting on water scarcity, he mentioned this: “The foreign community is already well-aware of the climate change issue. They are also concerned about having no water to use. Some are fortunate in having snow. We only have rain to rely on.”

Perhaps referring to journalists who have been persistent in inquiring about the country’s political roadmap, he frankly stated that he has little patience over this issue.

“Please do not ask these matters of me again. I have to spend a lot of time to answer these questions over and over again, instead of getting things done. So I sometimes become agitated when I am deprived of working time, so please ask more substantive questions.”

Prayut has been consistent in pointing out the weaknesses of politicians he ousted from power.

“Please disregard the false information that some people (such as politicians from previous governments) have tried to feed you with. All they want to do is denounce and blame the current government. With this, national resilience is undermined.”

Prayut even mentioned a Western scholar when he discussed the decision of the army to launch a coup and declare martial law. “Today, I will quote Prof Michel Troper, a well-known scholar from the University of Paris, who said a military coup does not always sabotage democracy, as in the case for some countries, it has been done in order to prepare a country for a an imminent democratic system.”

The average length of Prayut’s TV addresses is 49 minutes, although he cut his latest appearance to 30 minutes to allow more time for broadcasting the Southeast Asian games in Singapore. That was bad news for deputies and Cabinet members who were deprived of a free platform to air their message but it must be good news for the bored TV viewers who had more time to view a different Friday entertainment program.

Does Cambodia Really Need a New NGO Law?

Written for The Diplomat

Cambodia’s National Assembly unanimously passed the Law on Associations and Non-Governmental Organizations (LANGO) despite the fierce opposition of local civil society groups, the boycott of opposition lawmakers, and the strong international lobby against the measure.

The government said the law is necessary to prevent international terrorist groups from using Cambodia as a base for their operations. But critics contend it is a repressive legal tool that will undermine citizens’ constitutional right of political participation. LANGO was first proposed in 2011 but it was shelved after Cambodian NGOs criticized it.

Opponents of LANGO claim that the government failed to properly consult various stakeholders about the bill. They warned that LANGO will affect not only NGOs but also every local group, community association, and grassroots organization in the country. The provision on mandatory registration will criminalize the activities of groups that fail or refuse to register with the government. Further, registered local associations must commit to being politically neutral or else they will face penalties and lose government accreditation.

Human rights groups decried other provisions in the LANGO for being draconian and onerous. Article 8 empowers authorities to deny the application of a group that engages in activities that “jeopardize peace, stability and public order or harm the national security, national unity, culture, and traditions of the Cambodian national society.” Article 9 expands the ban on all unregistered domestic NGOs and associations, while Article 12 requires local NGOs with short term international projects to seek approval first from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation. At present, NGOs are only ordered to notify the Ministry about their activities with international partners. Article 30 gives discretionary powers to the government minister to remove the registration of domestic NGOs for activities listed under Article 8 mentioned above.

Maina Kiai, the UN special rapporteur on the rights to freedom of peaceful assembly and of association, echoed the criticism of Cambodian activists about the negative impact of LANGO on the right to political participation.

“Any group of people coming together to pursue a common cause, be it a human rights issue or cleaning up their neighborhood, is an association. And under this draft, every single one of them will be a criminal organization if they do not register,” Maina Kiai wrote.

After the passage of LANGO at the National Assembly, 38 civil society organizations signed a statement urging the Senate to reject the measure. Licadho, a local human rights group, asserted that “the real purpose of this law is to exercise control over groups of citizens who want to speak out.”

“Civil society is absolutely vital for democracy and legitimizes the democratic institutions we rely on. If LANGO passes, this will be wiped out in an instant, replaced by a bleak environment of unchallenged governance and its myriad consequences,” it added.

In recent months, several international bodies have expressed their concern about the “pernicious” provisions of LANGO, and they joined Cambodian activists in urging the government to review the draft. The European Parliament warned that Cambodia may lose $600-700 million in development projects annually once the law has been passed. It could be referring to the various financial regulations imposed by LANGO on international NGOs. The EU is Cambodia’s largest partner in terms of development assistance.

In response, Interior Minister Sar Kheng reiterated that Cambodia is adhering to international standards in passing the LANGO: “I cannot understand why some other foreign countries are also against this law. We have prepared this law based on their laws. Why can they have [such a law] and Cambodia cannot?”

Meanwhile, lawmaker Hun Many, son of Prime Minister Hun Sen, is confident that LANGO “will help increase cooperation with the government.”

As the Senate prepares to deliberate the LANGO, opposition to the bill is expected to intensify across the country.

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Besides the West Valley Fault, Show Us the Maps of Poverty and Injustice which are Already Killing our People Today

By admin | August 3, 2015

Written for Manila Today

We are told to prepare for the next big one, the great disaster that will destroy the metropolis. After Fukushima and Nepal, we paid greater attention to the unusual inactivity of the West Valley Fault. Rather than wait helplessly, we are rightly reviewing our capacities and vulnerabilities to increase our chances of survival when the catastrophic earthquake finally arrives. In the past month, we have been bombarded with news reports, government notices and detailed maps showing the danger zones in Metro Manila, especially those located near the fault line. The maps confirm what everybody already knows: Metro Manila is disaster-prone. Bawal tumira, nakamamatay.

The widespread distribution of the maps probably aims to inform the public about the real and serious dangers posed by the fault. Only the most irresponsible city planners and local community leaders would ignore the value of these maps to improve the disaster preparation programs of their localities.

Meanwhile, a troubling consequence of the decision to disclose the geographically hazardous locations in the nation’s capital is the rise of panic among residents. Whether intended or not, this weakens the ability of the public to question or challenge the extralegal activities of the state. When everybody is desperate to survive, the violence of the state is often overlooked.

Beware, the maps that are supposed to empower us can be used to violate our fundamental rights. Soon, demolition of urban poor communities will be done and justified by invoking disaster preparation. There are already reports about the possible removal of some schools in Bulacan because of their location near the West Valley fault. Interestingly but not surprisingly, there are no proposals to demolish the high-risk subdivisions of Blue Ridge, White Plains, Green Meadows, and Valle Verde despite their proximity to the fault line. High-rise SMDC condominium Blue in Katipunan Avenue was allowed to be constructed and was recently completed.

Unlike some bureaucrats who are quick to order the displacement of the poor from their dwellings, we are not inclined to advocate the same thing for the rich and powerful living in disaster-prone areas. It is not really due to empathy but more of a scientific analysis that casualties during natural calamities are mainly related to political economy. It is not enough to know where the rocks will collide but more crucial is the mapping of the state of development of our communities. We cannot change the terrain but we can alter how we distribute resources and organize our society.

We should not restrict the threat of the West Valley Fault into those areas situated along the earthquake zone. At the same time, we should broaden our concept of what it means to live in a habitable and sustainable community. This is the right time to pinpoint the various threats facing Metro Manila and its 12 million inhabitants. The West Valley Fault may be the biggest threat but there are other “faults”, not seismic but systemic, that make life in Metro Manila extremely difficult and dangerous.

The West Valley Fault should not intimidate us; rather, it should motivate us to explore the other threats that undermine our disaster readiness. The next big one represented by the West Valley Fault is still a threat but there are numerous ‘big ones’ that are already killing people and making the poor suffer. If we are serious in our commitment to protect the lives of many, we should then explore these non-geographical evils to end unnecessary deaths and miseries.

For example, after the Kentex fire tragedy, we demand to know the safety of workplaces. We should map out the factories that pose a danger to workers. Where are the companies that hire contractuals? What cities are most notorious for violating the minimum wage law? Where are the sweatshops? Are there child laborers in the export enclaves?

What is the cost of living in Metro Manila? Are wages keeping up with the rising prices of goods?

Where are the poorest villages in Metro Manila? Are they located too along the West Valley Fault? Where are the maps that show us chronic hunger rates, child malnutrition trends, school drop-out statistics, and waterless communities? How many are dying from preventable diseases?

How was the unconstitutional Disbursement Acceleration Program distributed in Metro Manila?

Where are the homeless staying? Compare the housing situation with the number of condominium constructions. Identify the relocation sites in the past three decades. It seems many of these resettlements are located along the West Valley Fault.

How many are the ongoing large-scale infrastructure projects in the region? When politicians discuss the Public-Private-Partnership program, they salivate over profits but neglect to mention the displacement of the poor. How many are the victims of these development aggression projects and where are they living now?

Where is drug abuse prevalent? Which city registered the highest number of criminal cases? Which has the most number of gated communities? Are public markets being demolished to make way for the construction of super malls and air-conditioned grocery stores? Where is the fan base of KathNiel?

If Metro Manila’s situation is precarious, then why the rush to reclaim some parts of Manila Bay and Laguna Lake? Where are the polluted waterways? Which city produces the largest volume of trash?

The maps of the West Valley Fault, which we enthusiastically shared on the Internet, will be more meaningful and useful if we place them side by side with the maps that expose the extent of corruption, poverty, and environmental degradation in Metro Manila.

Mapping and re-mapping procedures are not enough to survive an earthquake. Knowledge of geography should be enhanced by a rudimentary awareness of progressive political economy. Why do we feel powerless every time earthquakes are mentioned in news reports? It is because we were taught to believe that nature’s wrath is something we should surrender to fate or chance instead of recognizing that it is foremost a political issue which we can decisively confront as a collective body.

If we fear the West Valley fault, it must be because we are familiar with the epic incompetence of the government when Pablo, Sendong, and Yolanda wrought havoc in Mindanao and the Visayas. Panic is a natural reaction but it should not distract us from our permanent duty of building a society where real development exists in a democratic setting. What should the residents living near the West Valley Fault ask themselves today? It should not be limited to this, “What is my escape route?” or “How far I am from the fault”; this should be asked too, “Are we organized as a community to survive this catastrophe?” The West Valley Fault issue is not a reason to abandon politics in order to focus solely on disaster preparation. On the contrary, it is a compelling reason to think and act politically so that disaster preparation will be more effective. Only politicians and big business opportunists (together with their overpaid publicists) want depoliticized disaster preparation activities so that they can boost their influence and profits without encountering critical opposition from the public.

It is because of haphazard development across the country, bad governance, and chaotic urban planning that forced our people to establish their homes in an unstable lump of Earth which we came to know as the West Valley Fault. The people running this system are the same people telling us to be afraid today and instructing us to obey their instructions if we want to live. But why should we give them more power to remake our society? Do we want more of the same?

The West Valley Fault issue invites us to rethink the present and to build a new political order where communities are resilient and the grassroots are truly empowered despite the turbulent existence of unfriendly elements below the surface of the Earth. To accomplish this, what we need is a radical reframing of how we view our situation today. We will only have greater tragedies if we continue to adhere to the old and discredited way of doing things. Wouldn’t this be the real disaster? The coming catastrophe is a crisis in search of a political alternative.

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A Tough Year for Southeast Asia’s Opposition Parties

By admin | July 31, 2015

Written for The Diplomat

If protests and minor election setbacks hounded the ruling parties across Southeast Asia in the past two years, their situation this year has already improved somewhat as opposition leaders in the region run into varying difficulties.

In Myanmar, opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi still cannot run for the presidency because of a constitutional provision which disqualifies candidates who have a foreign spouse or child. Her party, National League for Democracy, is calling for a constitutional referendum, an idea that has widespread support, but the military-backed government has the final say. But this legal issue is not the only problem for Suu Kyi. Recently, her credentials as a democracy icon were tarnished when the international community questioned her silence over the persecution of the Rohingya, a Muslim ethnic group that is not recognized by the government. Some believe Suu Kyi is unwilling to speak in favor of the Rohingya so as not to displease some Buddhist nationalists and other influential electoral forces.

In Malaysia, opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim is serving a five-year prison term for sodomy. Anwar insists the charge is politically motivated and he is most likely correct; but if he fails to get a royal pardon, his continued incarceration could leave the fragile opposition coalition in disarray. Yesterday, Anwar appealed for unity after an Islamic party passed a resolution to cut ties with one of the opposition parties. How long can Anwar remain an effective leader and voice of the opposition while he is behind bars? Fortunately for him, the prime minister is also embroiled in a political and leadership crisis after being linked to an investment fund mess.

In the Philippines, opposition leader and the country’s incumbent Vice President Jejomar Binay has been accused of corruption, which could derail his bid to become president in 2016. Binay has consistently topped pre-election surveys but his ratings have tumbled after his rivals have stepped up a campaign to expose his alleged involvement in some dodgy government projects. As election season nears, more and more people are voicing their apprehension over the dangers of a Binay presidency. If the administration succeeds in disqualifying Binay in the next several months, the opposition doesn’t have a viable alternative who can match the popularity of the vice president.

In Thailand, the junta remains in power more than a year after the army launched a coup and declared martial law to end the country’s political crisis. It vowed to restore civilian rule and free elections but it delayed the holding of a constitutional referendum until next year. Politicians are regularly summoned by the army and those who are suspected of undermining the government are ordered to undergo ‘attitude-adjustment’ sessions. Protest actions are still banned. Former Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra is facing trial over a rice subsidy scheme while her brother, former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, is being investigated anew for a lèse-majesté violation.

Singapore’s People’s Action Party, which has been in power for five decades already, remains the dominant party in the country. It has lost some seats in several elections in the past and a growing number of young people are challenging the PAP brand and way of doing politics, but it still represents the supreme power in Singapore. The recent death of Singapore founder Lee Kuan Yew inspired many to review the successful transformation of the island state into a prosperous global city under the leadership of PAP. Singapore’s 50th anniversary this year is another opportunity for PAP to boost its image and consolidate its political base.

Cambodia’s ruling party lost a significant number of seats in 2013, but Hun Sen remains prime minister, allowing him to retain his unofficial title as Southeast Asia’s longest-serving leader. The opposition, led by Sam Rainsy, has boycotted parliament and accused the government of electoral fraud. After months of protests, the opposition finally agreed to attend parliament. Some analysts believe the current “dialogue” between the ruling party and the opposition is a Machiavellian ploy by Hun Sen to strengthen his power by targeting the constituency that supported the opposition in the last election.

Only in Indonesia has the opposition been able to defeat the ruling party. Jakarta Governor Joko “Jokowi” Widodo won despite lacking ties with the old order represented by the military and cronies of the late strongman Suharto. Jokowi’s victory offers valuable lessons for other rising leaders and opposition forces across the region. His rapid rise up the political ladder is attributed to his innovative leadership as mayor and governor, which endeared him to the youth and middle classes. He also won the support of ordinary Indonesians who were impressed with his modest background. But a year after in power, Jokowi is accused of being beholden to a powerful political patron. His detractors call his leadership weak. Will he survive the machinations of Indonesian politics?

All in all, 2015 is turning out to be a good year for ruling parties in Southeast Asia. Some are plotting to win back voters, others are succeeding in eroding the appeal of rival political forces, and others still are tightening their grip on power. The existence of a genuine opposition is part of any modern democracy. Can Southeast Asia’s opposition parties regain their momentum?

Southeast Asia’s Unlikely Young Dissidents

Written for The Diplomat

The 14 anti-junta protesters in Thailand. The teenager who criticized Singapore’s founding prime minister. The student who heckled the Philippine president during the country’s Independence Day celebration. They are young activists and critics who were penalized for speaking out against their respective governments. This week they walked to freedom. But their struggles are far from over.

Amos Yee is a 16-year-old video blogger from Singapore who posted a video which offended the admirers of the late Lee Kuan Yew. For causing ‘distress’ to many Singaporeans he was charged, arrested, and placed under police custody for 55 days. He was released on July 7.

On the same day, a local court dismissed all cases against student leader Pio Emmanuel Mijares, who was charged for direct assault, tumult and public disturbance after he unfurled a banner denouncing the lack of reforms under the government of Philippine President Benigno Aquino III when the latter was delivering a speech more than a year ago.

Meanwhile, in Thailand, 14 protesters who are mostly university students were allowed to go home on July 8, 12 days after they were arrested for organizing a protest action against the military-backed government of Prayut Chan-o-cha. Protests and the public gathering of five or more people are prohibited in the country where the army grabbed power last year.

Perhaps ‘dissident’ is an inaccurate term to describe these critics. After all, they are neither opposition politicians nor veteran revolutionaries. Yee is clearly just an articulate teenager who is not connected to any political party. But their peaceful protests and the subsequent legal persecution they suffered highlighted the sorry state of political freedom in their own countries. They became icons of free speech even if many of their fellow citizens disagreed with their views and bold actions. By challenging the propaganda of the state, despite the existence of restrictive media laws, they somewhat earned the recognition as dissidents who could inspire others to defy authorities.

Their cases attracted national and even international attention. Yee’s ordeal reminded us once more that Singapore continues to practice media censorship. Mijares’ arrest on Independence Day confirmed the allegation that human rights violations persist in the Philippines. And the recent detention of the 14 Thai protesters embarrassed many institutions which kept quiet when the Thai army refused to restore civilian rule in the country.

These beleaguered activists got a respite this week after winning on some legal issues, but they continue to face several challenges. Yee was forced to take down his ‘offensive’ posts from the Internet and he reportedly made a commitment to refrain from making commentaries with sensitive content. The 14 Thai activists are now free but they will still have to face a military tribunal.

Except for Yee, who didn’t talk to reporters, these young activists vowed to continue with their struggles. Mijares hailed the court decision as a victory for truth and free speech. After attending his hearing, he challenged the Philippine president to focus more on improving the welfare of the youth and poor Filipinos.

Jatupat Boonpatararaksa, one of the 14 Thai protesters, assured his fellow Thais that their group will still fight for the restoration of democracy. “We will not negotiate. We will not compromise. Twelve days in prison has made us stronger. If they want to send us back there, we are ready for it.”

These young activists join other celebrated democracy advocates in the Asia-Pacific like Hong Kong’s Joshua Wong and Alex Chow who represent a new generation of change seekers. They are all brave, idealistic, media savvy, and combative. Despite their teenage status, states treat them as dangerous individuals. Yee was thrown in a facility with adult prisoners. Hong Kong’s Joshua Wong was barred from entering Malaysia.

When the elders are silent or cowed into submission, perhaps it is a good thing that the young take more responsibility in society. Governments should encourage this activist attitude, instead of suppressing the inherent idealism and curiosity of the youth. Indeed, while young people can be swayed by irrational emotions, it is more disturbing if they surrender to apathy and cynicism. Let these young activists have their chance in history to revive the spirit of democracy in their respective countries.

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