Coup Revives Thailand’s Democracy Movement

By admin | June 14, 2014

First published by The Diplomat

General Prayuth Chan-ocha may have received a royal endorsement for launching a coup in Thailand, but the junta could face serious opposition from a nascent citizen democracy movement.

In the past several days, hundreds of Thais have joined anti-coup protests across the country, defying an army directive against the gathering of more than five persons in public places. Compared to the anti-coup protests in 2006, the rallies last weekend were bigger and more ambitious. Street protests are not new in Thailand, but the growing anti-coup opposition has the potential to develop into a broad and popular democracy campaign that could challenge not just the military dictatorship, but also the credibility of mainstream parties.

For six months, Thailand experienced large and provocative anti-government rallies. Government buildings were occupied, a “Bangkok Shutdown” campaign paralyzed the commercial district for several days, and major highways were barricaded. The protests were similar to a 2008 airport blockade that also destabilized the government.

Looking back, the protests succeeded in consolidating opposition to Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra’s government. However it is curious that, for a supposedly pro-democracy movement, the protests led by the People’s Democratic Reform Committee didn’t get the support of global human rights groups and activist networks.

Malaysia’s Bersih (Coalition for Clean and Fair Elections) earned the sympathy of election reform advocates, Cambodia’s labor unrest inspired solidarity action for striking garment workers, and the Million People March in the Philippines exposed the continuing corruption in that country. They were clearly political protests, but they were never dismissed as anti-democratic or elitist. They were also clearly linked to citizen campaigns for good governance, economic reform, and election modernization.

In Thailand, the protests articulated legitimate populist issues like corruption, but many people were concerned about the protesters decision to reject the electoral process. Many couldn’t understand why the protesters demanded the appointment of an unelected body to govern the country. Perhaps anti-government protesters could have pushed for greater voting reforms, but instead they allowed their spokespersons to make inflammatory statements, for instance claiming that Thailand is not ready for Western-style democracy, or that voters can’t be trusted because the majority are incapable of making intelligent decisions.

The protesters had a valid point about the influence of money politics in elections, but instead of focusing exclusively on the Shinawatra family, they could also have held other elitist parties accountable, including members of the opposition.

For these reasons, Thailand’s anti-government protest campaign was never really recognized by the international community as an Arab Spring-inspired movement.

However, the coup and the opposition it has sparked could now revive world interest in a Thai democracy movement.

Everyone can now get together behind the idea of restoring democracy by calling for an end to the military rule. Thais from various political backgrounds can agree on the need to protect free speech. They can demand the release of detained leaders, academics, journalists, and protestors. They can take their cue from the international community, which has expressed disappointment over the declaration of martial law and the subsequent coup itself.

After months of protesting against a government perceived as corrupt, perhaps Thais can reclaim the streets once more – this time to fight for democracy. If they do, then maybe this time around their voices will be amplified by people around the world.

Thailand’s Coup Will Worsen Political Crisis

First published by The Diplomat

Two days after declaring martial law, the Royal Thai Army has launched a coup in a bid to end the violent conflict between government supporters and opposition forces.

Historians may debate whether to consider the imposition of martial law as the start of the real coup, although some have already called it a soft or disguised coup. For now, the essential question is whether it will succeed in solving the country’s political crisis.

Based on Thailand’s history of coups over the past century, there is little reason to suggest the current military intervention will restore political stability. It is possible that Thailand’s deep political divisions can partially be attributed to the 2006 coup, which led to the ouster of then Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra.

When the army announced the suspension of the 2007 Constitution (excluding provisions concerning the monarchy), several Thai analysts noted it was the army that drafted the document. Perhaps it will initiate the drafting of a new constitution to again this time reform the country’s political system. But what if the envisioned reforms don’t materialize?

Understandably, there are many Thais who have already grown weary of the incessant political fighting in recent years. Many have also become cynical toward the electoral process, which has been discredited because of the money involved. Perhaps for these reasons, among others, some frustrated Thais favor intervention by the military to restore the country’s confidence in its political system.

But Thailand’s political impasse can partially be laid at the army’s feet. Through the 12 successful coups it has staged since 1932, the army has had several opportunities to prove that it can be the key to stabilizing Thai politics. This has yet to happen, so why repeat the process over and over?

Some Bangkok residents may have felt relieved to see their streets clear of anti-government protesters, or government supporters threatening to launch political action. The police were unable to disperse the protesters over the past six months, yet the army did so within the last two days.

As a result, the army imposed a nighttime curfew, banned public gathering of five or more people, and closed down TV and radio stations. When martial law was declared, free speech was threatened. The army deployed soldiers to control the newsrooms and offices of media stations, and attempted to censor social media.

The protesters have gone home, but the army is now in control of the government. Before the coup, there were reports that elections would be conducted after substantial reforms were undertaken over the next two years. After the coup, election chatter was replaced by news of the army chief becoming the country’s de facto prime minister.

Even as Thailand’s neighbor Myanmar formally shuns direct military rule in favor of a shift toward a parliamentary democracy, Thailand seems to be regressing.

Many Thais claimed they were not afraid to see soldiers patrolling key intersections in Bangkok, the country’s capital. Some of them even snapped photos of themselves with these soldiers. Take away these happy snaps, however, and what is left is the image of an old guard seeking to silence dissent and take power.

Thailand’s democracy is imperfect, but it is not beyond redemption. With its coup, the military has made it more difficult to fix the problems that challenge Thai society.

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The 3-in-1 revolution

By admin | June 3, 2014

Written for Bulatlat

At the risk of oversimplifying the definition of revolution, I dare say it involves three dynamics: critique and destruction of the existing social order, building a new world, and the continuous reinvention of the self.

Of the three, the most familiar is the first – activists denouncing the bankrupt society and revolutionaries aggressively pushing for the rapid disintegration of the present. Everyone is capable of ranting but this often needs to be systematized and individual hardships must be linked with other pestering social evils until we grasp their structural bases. The primary task of a revolutionary, therefore, is to master the art and science of critiquing everything.

In the Philippine context, at least in the case of the national democratic revolution, this means exposing and resisting the triple plagues known as imperialism, bureaucrat capitalism, and feudalism. Thanks largely to more than a half century of unceasing propaganda work, these terms are no longer esoteric or alien sounding to many Filipinos. But for those who still need convincing about the relevance of these isms, my advice for them is to read a newspaper. Edca, Napolist pork scam, Hacienda Luisita – are these not current manifestations of a supposedly outmoded analysis of the Left?

If activists are still mouthing the hipster slogans of the 1960s, it is because the horrid conditions of the country during that time have fundamentally remained the same. We are all trapped in the twilight zone.
Of course the three isms cannot possibly cover every problem in our country but so far they are the most comprehensive and useful in understanding and changing the political situation.

Beyond the isms, however, activists are duty bound to lead the masses by campaigning for their democratic rights. Whether it is the insane traffic in the metro or mining pollution in the countryside, activists can be seen and heard tackling these issues not just because they are linked to the three isms (of course they are) but also because they violate the rights of our people.

There are other popular analytical tools used mainly in the academe and by the so-called New Left but many of these concepts are either empirical, inapplicable to Philippine realities, and even subservient to the status quo. The hardcore adherents of these ideologies are obsessed with too much theorizing while disdaining practical political work. On the other hand, the natdem framework provides us with a holistic approach to confront the problems besetting the country. It is a scientific school of thought and a veritable guide to revolutionary political action.

Indeed, the other enduring appeal of the revolution is the opportunity to crowdsource the building of an alternative. While it is easy to persuade many people to oppose something, especially those experiencing oppression, their commitment to the cause becomes stronger if they are actively involved in the drafting of a new blueprint to remake the old society. One does not become a revolutionary by simply joining like-minded people in attacking the citadels of power but also by participating in an innovative and radical social experiment that would substantially alter our lives and how we interact with others.

Again, in the Philippine context, this is best achieved by immersing oneself in the national liberation movement. It means fighting multiple social evils until the beastly machine is defeated. And while working to realize the collapse of the system, activists are also building the foundations of a new social order (not to be confused with the nightmarish New Society of Marcos).

A new type of government or power dynamics, a new economy or wealth distribution, the popularization of a democratic culture, the transition towards a socialist construction. We are given a glimpse of this Red future through the fantastic work of various collectives across the country. Protest actions are not simply aimed at opposing something; they are also an articulation of a political vision. The role of mass organizations is not to recruit voters but to assert political empowerment at the grassroots level. The strength of community organizing sustains the success of small and big land reforms in the provinces.

Of course there is no more socialist bloc in the world. Red China is now capitalist and Soviet Russia has abandoned socialism. But there are existing leftwing movements and countries with socialist aspirations that remain truly inspiring. Besides, the future of any revolution should not be tied to the debacles suffered by other countries. The Philippine Revolution has the distinct advantage of learning from the positive legacies of Marxist and even non-Marxist movements.

The Bolshevik Doctrine is not a prescription but merely one of the alternatives that Filipino revolutionaries can use to overhaul the Philippine society. For one thing, there are no soviets in the Philippine archipelago. Meanwhile, the Chinese commune model could very well energize our rural sector. Also, the philosophy behind the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution is really interesting from a pedagogic point of view.

So perhaps we can borrow from varied sources such as Russia’s centralized economic planning, the Maoist teachings on art and social contradictions, Vietnamese guerilla tactics, the Cuban health system, the Finnish education set-up, American innovation, and including the English tea as inspirations to move forward the revolution. Recall too the original vision of our 1896 revolutionaries. I think Mabini has a proposal that university presidents should compose the senate.

Learning from history is enlightening; creating history is more exciting. But this revolution should be more democratic than the previous ones which means ordinary people – the peasants, workers, and urban poor – should play an active part in planning the future. It will be a genuine people’s movement which will require the mobilization of the entire population.

To put it simply, the revolution invites us to do the following: Oppose and then propose. Propose while oppose.

But there is a third important but rarely mentioned dynamic: change of self.

The revolution is not simply about changing the world. Because in the process of performing our political tasks, we become changed persons as well. You can’t fight the old world and build a new one and all the time remain the same person. Remoulding of the self is also an equally important ethic of an activist. Criticism and self-criticism sessions are habits that activists must regularly practice. That’s why the accusation that activists and revolutionaries are dull automatons is totally unfair.

Activists are often chided by conservative ideologues for supposedly being a fanatic in wanting to change society but hypocritically uninterested in changing oneself. It is an echo of what elitist rulers often remind their constituents to preserve power: “Reforming the individual is the key to change society. Focus on improving yourself and the whole community will improve as well. Before changing the world, start with yourself.”

This is a popular but often a dangerous idea. It reinforces individualism and prevents social engagement by teaching people that the best way to help others is to be selfish and inward looking. It brainwashes young people into believing that a change in values and attitudes or a so-called revolution of the hearts is the necessary first step to change what is wrong in society. But while the last point is partially correct, it should be pursued while being guided by the goals of social and political revolution.

Authentic and long lasting individual freedom is possible but only after society has removed the fetters that impede the full flowering of human potential. In other words, the success of the political revolution is the first condition to achieve individual freedom. A revolutionary is also a humanist.

The revolution, all things considered, is an irresistible option we can’t refuse because it offers an alternative way of life. Yes, it is not a cure-all but it provides a complete (in fact the most complete) life improvement package through the 3-in-1 formula of interpreting the world, changing the world, and reinventing the self.

Indeed, new age philosophies and Eastern mantras are growing in popularity but they are focused too much on the self while being divorced from the realities of the world. They promise a distorted version of nirvana that allows a person to feel good about himself even if the world around him is already crumbling. Healing the world takes a backseat as one becomes lost and addicted in the metaphysical labyrinth of finding inner peace.

What is to be done? Choose a philosophy that inspires both social change and self-awareness. Choose a political program that frees all people from their material, intellectual, and spiritual bondage. Choose life that rewards self-help and collective action. Choose no less than a revolution. And if you’re in the Philippines, choose the national democratic revolution with a socialist perspective.

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Happy with the ban plastic laws? Then thank activism

By admin | June 1, 2014

Written for Bulatlat

Next to tree planting, the most popular green initiative of politicians today is the adoption of ‘ban plastic’ ordinances. The new normal is the total dislike for anything plastic and the coming together of various stakeholders in the community to save the future generation from the scourge of garbage, and plastic in particular.

But the idea of ‘ban plastic’ was not always popular. Just a few years ago, there was a strong lobby against it and the public (including mass media) accepted the reasoning that it is simply impossible and irrational to ban plastic in the whole city or municipality.

There was widespread support for the waste segregation movement, and the state even incorporated the ‘reduce, reuse, recycle’ mantra in the education apparatus. But ban plastic? Authorities said it won’t work because it can’t be done. Besides, consumers allegedly preferred plastic because it is durable and non-replaceable even though it is non-biodegradable.

So how did ‘ban plastic’ become mainstream? Most likely the alarming impact of worsening pollution convinced many people about the need to enact drastic measures to reverse the rapid deterioration of the environment. But there was one more important factor: Some groups or networks of environmental activists stubbornly pushed the ‘ban plastic’ proposal and they persevered until it gained popular backing.

The public didn’t wake up one day and magically acquired an aversion against plastic. The idea came from somewhere, and it was processed through painstaking struggle in various ideological sites like schools, media, government agencies, and public spaces.

The clamor for ‘ban plastic’ was created by embarking on an aggressive education and information drive, network building, and intense lobbying. It became a material force because somebody and even anonymous nobodies fought hard to make the public understand and accept the necessity of the supposedly utopian idea.

Today, ‘ban plastic’ is no longer a quixotic dream. In fact, it has become a safe advocacy. Politicians are happy to sponsor it, the media finally understood it, and the public are ready to embrace it. A strong constituency has emerged that is capable of defeating the opposition lobby (mostly from the industrial sector).

Government records will reveal how the ‘ban plastic’ ordinance was passed – when was it filed, when did the committee hearing take place, who served as resource persons, who co-authored the measure, how many votes it got during the deliberation – but they do not provide us the whole and accurate story.

The more interesting but understated history was how green activists never gave up to achieve their goal. Because before ‘ban plastic’ became a common idea, so simple that it could be reduced already into a government ordinance, it was first a radical and incomprehensible proposal. It took several years of researching, pamphlet and leaflet making, forum organizing, school hopping, media writing, government lobbying, and rallying in the streets before ‘ban plastic’ became a popular public opinion of our time.

It is now easy to map the number of local governments which have already adopted ‘ban plastic’ laws. But nobody is counting the number of primers, community assemblies, school meetings, and rallies that made ‘ban plastic’ legislation possible.

The ‘ban plastic’ ordinance, though the most familiar and effective document in the advocacy, is actually the least creative form compared to the numerous icons, brochures, research papers, information materials, and placards made by activists.

Nevertheless, why complain over trivial matters when the goal has been achieved.

Still, it is interesting that nobody is claiming ownership of the ‘ban plastic’ movement. No group has dared to come forward to impose a patent or copyright on it. Perhaps it is a good thing because it is a useful reminder about the value of activism. When in doubt about the relevance of activism, always remember the ‘ban plastic’ phenomenon.

Many of the public goods we enjoy today are actually legacies of the brave campaigns of activists of previous generations. Labor benefits, voting rights, gender equality, free speech, basic education – the list goes on. But unlike capitalists who wanted to gain super profits from the goods they are producing, activists are not motivated to impose a price on what they have accomplished.

Unlike a businessman philanthropist who never forgets to remind us about what he is doing for the community, an activist always reminds the community about what they have done successfully together and what they should continue to be doing for the sake of the greater good.

But where are the ‘ban plastic’ activists? Probably some are actively immersed in a new radical advocacy while others could be quietly conspiring to create new truths and popular opinions. They have willingly allowed others to continue and build on what they have started since they are now focused on other challenges. Because for many activists, it is more important (and more fun too) to be engaged in radical causes rather than simply working for advocacies that are already deemed safe by the state.

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Obama in Philippines: ‘Our Goal Is Not to Contain China’

By admin | May 30, 2014

Written for The Diplomat

The Philippines and the United States have signed a new defense agreement that would boost the presence of U.S. troops in the Philippines. But President Barack Obama, who arrived in Manila yesterday on a state visit, claims that the new accord is not meant to contain China.

After eight rounds of negotiations that took almost two years to complete, the Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement (EDCA) was finally signed. It will would cover “capacity building towards (Philippine military) modernization, strengthening (the Philippine military) for external defense, maritime security, and humanitarian assistance and disaster response.”

The text of the agreement has not yet been released to the public but the Philippines government has published a primer on it.

The holding of joint military exercises is already permitted under previous agreements signed by the two countries, but the EDCA would allow the “construction of facilities and infrastructure upgrades” and “storage and prepositioning of defense equipment.”

Critics contend that this is tantamount to permanent basing, which is prohibited by the 1987 Philippine Constitution. Government negotiators retort that the EDCA is guided by the framework of “full Philippine control over facilities to be used, non-exclusivity of use of the designated areas for U.S. armed forces, and prohibition of nuclear weapons.” In other words, there would be no building of a permanent U.S. military base or a reclaiming of the former U.S. military bases in Clark and Subic.

U.S. Ambassador Philip Goldberg reiterated this point when he said, “I will tell you what it will not do. It will not reopen U.S. bases.”

The Philippine government added that the Philippines will have full ownership of the facilities to be constructed by the U.S. military. Further, there will be “preference for Philippine suppliers of goods, products and service in U.S. military procurement.” According to the government primer, the U.S. will not be obliged to pay rent for the use and access of Philippine bases.

Aside from allowing the U.S. to construct military facilities in the Philippines, the EDCA would also increase the number of visiting U.S. personnel in the country. The primer stated that the number “will depend on the scale and the frequency of the activities to be approved by both Parties.”

Supporters of the agreement believe it will strengthen the military capabilities of the Philippines, which is currently embroiled in various maritime disputes with China. They see the EDCA as a concrete commitment of the U.S. to protect and defend the Philippines if tensions escalate in the West Philippine Sea (South China Sea). The Philippines and the U.S. are defense treaty partners since 1951.

But Obama doused the high expectations of many Filipinos when he failed to give a clear commitment to help the Philippines in its maritime conflict with China.

“Our goal is not to counter China; our goal is not to contain China. Our goal is to make sure that international rules and norms are respected, and that includes in the area of maritime disputes,” he said in a press conference at the Malacanang presidential palace.

“And we don’t even take a specific position on the disputes between nations,” he added. Nevertheless, he said he is supportive of the decision of the Philippines to seek international arbitration to resolve the problem peacefully.

Filipino journalists contrasted this position with the unequivocal statement of Obama a few days ago affirming the readiness of the U.S. to defend Japan’s ownership of the Senkaku Islands, which are also being claimed by China.

Another problem is the legal and political hurdles that could prevent the government from implementing the EDCA.

Senator Miriam Defensor Santiago, chair of the Committee on Foreign Relations and a member of the majority coalition, said the signing of the EDCA was an “unfair surprise” to the Senate, which was not given a copy of the agreement. She also expected activists to question the constitutionality of the pact before the Supreme Court.

Earlier, a former vice president and two other senators led a group of petitioners who questioned the haste in signing the EDCA.

“Just as we decry the lack of transparency in the crafting of the (EDCA), so do we oppose the rush to have the deal signed in time for the Obama visit. We insist that such an agreement should undergo thorough and extensive deliberations by the Senate as well as wide-ranging public discussion,” they said in a statement.

The EDCA will expire after 10 years but it can be renewed by both parties.

Xenophobia and Public Discontent in Singapore

Written for The Diplomat

The online ruckus over the planned Philippine Independence Day celebration on Orchard Road in Singapore is the latest ominous sign of rising xenophobia in the prosperous city state. But racism aside, it also revealed that Singaporeans are growing increasingly dissatisfied with their government.

A group of Filipinos in Singapore has organized a Philippine Independence Day assembly on June 8, but this was loudly opposed by some Singaporeans who described the event as inappropriate and disrespectful. Filipinos were surprised by this reaction given that they have been celebrating the occasion in Singapore for several years already. There are 180,000 Filipino workers in Singapore.

Angry Singaporeans flooded the social media with comments denouncing the event. They warned that holding the event in the iconic Orchard Road would “seriously provoke” the national pride of Singaporeans. They questioned the “insensitive intention” to fly the Philippine flag in Singapore, which they interpreted as an “invasion” of their country.

Gilbert Goh of transitioning.org, which assists unemployed workers, is worried that this event would set a bad precedent. “If we allow Filipinos to celebrate their national day at Orchard Road, who will be next? The Indians, PRC Chinese or Malaysians? Will Orchard Road be turned into a playground for foreigners only to wave their own national flags?”

Acting Minister for Manpower Tan Chuan-Jin was quick to disown the Internet “trolls” who used foul language against the Filipino organizers of the event.

“These actions by those who peddle hate are not acceptable, repulsive even. We should make a stand to say no to such bigotry. They do not reflect who we are as a people and as a nation,” he wrote on his Facebook page.

Even Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong, who celebrated Singapore Day in London last March, called the protesters a “disgrace to Singapore.”

“We must show that we are generous of spirit and welcome visitors into our midst, even as we manage the foreign population here,” he posted on Facebook.

Perhaps Lee is already aware that much of the anger that exploded in the Internet has something to do with the government’s program to hire more foreign workers, something that is resented by many locals. Foreign residents account for about 40 percent of Singapore’s total population.

Right or wrong, many Singaporeans attribute deteriorating conditions, including such as stagnating wages, inflation, and even overcrowding on buses and trains, to the influx of foreign workers. Since last year, several huge rallies were held by locals criticizing the government’s policy of further increasing the number of foreign workers in the country.

Blogger Ravi Philemon asks whether the protest is more an indictment of the government: “To a certain extent, this anger by these protesters is understandable. I am not sure if their anger, even if it seems directed at the people of Philippines, is directed instead at the Government of Singapore.”

Activist Kirsten Han believes there are numerous factors in this complex issue but she does not support the outburst against Filipinos: “This is not about pushing for more democracy in Singapore. It’s not about empowering Singaporeans. It’s not even about problematic immigration policies.”

It’s about time for Singapore to review its social policies that have contributed to the rise of anti-foreigner sentiment among the local population. If this trend continues, Singapore might have to deal with more serious racial conflict in the future.

And as for the Philippines, it must seriously review its labor export policy, which was initially conceived in the 1970s as a temporary measure to fill the gaps in the employment sector. After four decades, the country continues to drive away the best of its skilled workers, creating a terrible shortage of manpower in several critical domestic industries. The greater challenge for the Philippines is not to help its citizens celebrate the country’s Independence Day in a foreign land but to entice them to return home.

In other words, Singapore and the Philippines, both proud independent states, must act aggressively to improve the living conditions of their respective citizens.

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The intriguing newness of the New People’s Army

By admin | May 23, 2014

Written for Bulatlat

The ‘new’ in the communist New People’s Army signifies many things and each deciphering is helpful to understand why this rebel force has never been defeated by successive governments.

The original communist-led people’s army was the Hukbong Bayan Laban sa Hapon and Hukbong Mapagpalaya ng Bayan. The Huks were a guerrilla force that fought for our independence during World War II; later, it aspired to establish a communist state in the country. The Huk rebellion was quashed in the mid 1950s; although some veteran Huk commanders became pioneering members of the NPA in 1969.

The name NPA was both appealing and threatening. For the oligarchs and landlords, it could have reminded them of the Huk menace. For the poor and landless, it probably gave them hope and courage. And for the radical youth, it certainly inspired them to become part of a movement that wanted to create history.

The Communist Party, which was re-established in 1968, could have chosen a more sinister name for its armed wing but it proved that it has a sense of history when it acknowledged the popular legacy of the Huk and the various armed uprisings in the provinces. The message was simple yet powerful: The NPA will continue the ‘Unfinished Revolution’ of our ancestors.

It was appropriate to herald the rise of the NPA as a new development in Philippine politics. Suddenly, the Filipino everyman has an army that can challenge the private armies of politicians. But looking back, it seemed only logical that a people’s army like the NPA would surface in the 1960s. During that time, the nationalist movement was resurgent, the youth were rebelling against the Establishment, and traditional politics were moribund. The newborn NPA was welcomed as an alternative and fighting weapon that can replace the decaying political order represented by elitist parties.

Fast forward to 2014. Should the 45 year-old NPA drop its tag as a political force that represents the ‘new’? How can it remain ‘new’ when it is already old?

No new army from the margins has superseded the NPA. It is still the people’s army that has the potential of garnering greater political and military clout. More importantly, it still stands for new politics. It continues to be guided by the principles of the national democratic revolution. In other words, the NPA remains the army of the weak that aims to dismantle the oppressive structures of bourgeois and feudal rule in the country.

Some are ridiculing the NPA as it persists in asserting its revolutionary principles instead of maximizing the so-called democratic space in the post-dictatorship era. Many intellectuals reject the violent methods of the NPA. The problem with this thinking is that it ignores the real and symbolic violence in society. The NPA thrives not simply because of its aggressive recruitment drive but mainly because the unjust system continues to make rebellion a necessary and attractive choice for the marginalized. If the NPA combatants are determined in their struggle, it is because we have despotic reactionaries who are unwilling to give up or even share their wealth, pork, and power.

As a revolutionary force in the past half century, the NPA has already achieved numerous political and military victories. It has waged a Maoist guerrilla war in an archipelago, the first in the world. It is officially the longest continuing communist insurgency in Asia. It is neither winning at the moment nor is it losing the war. Surprisingly, it remains the top security threat in the Philippines despite the repeated pronouncements of the government that it is already a dying army.

It is quite difficult not to admire the NPA for its pursuit of genuine land reform, environmental justice, and human rights protection. It is a trailblazer in promoting women empowerment, LGBT rights, and grassroots democracy. It has immensely contributed to the preservation and development of Filipino language and IP heritage. Mountaineering is more fun if it is done the NPA way.

In recent years, the NPA became more active in the cyberspace. For a supposedly underground organization, it is prolific in posting statements, primers, photos, and videos through its website. Its programs, goals, and accomplishments can be read online. It is perhaps the most transparent armed group in the country.

But is it still a people’s army? Is it still affectionately referred to by many rural villagers as Nice People Around? The NPA claims majority of its members are still from the peasant sector. In many provincial towns, it is the preferred sumbungan ng bayan.

Interestingly, it is the anti-Left bashers who are indirectly affirming that the NPA remains an approachable army of the poor. Every once in a while they would ask natdem activists to remind the NPA about some of its alleged excesses and blunders. Some are guilty of red baiting but others seem serious in their intention to reprimand the NPA. It is to NPA’s credit that even its ideological adversaries are convinced that it can be influenced through informal networks. Try sending a similar message to the bureaucratic and corrupt-ridden military of the Republic of the Philippines.

At 45, the NPA looks youthful. Its membership, tactics, goals, politics – they all stand for something new and revolutionary.

How long will the NPA endure? We know that there are World War II veterans but we haven’t heard about NPA veterans or soldiers who participated in the war against communist rebels. Why? Because World War II already ended in 1945 while the civil war is ongoing. After 45 years, the NPA is still the great enigma of Philippine politics.

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Para sa mga Magsisipagtapos: Boom Panes!

By admin | May 17, 2014

Ilang piling bahagi ng aking talumpati sa graduation ng STI Meycauayan. Bulacan Provincial Gym, Mayo 16, 2014

Bakit ba may graduation samantalang pwede namang kunin na lang ang diploma sa registrar? Dahil ang okasyong ito ay spesyal. Una, para ito sa inyo na mga magsisipagtapos.

Nararapat lamang na batiin kayo pagkatapos ng mahabang panahong nilagi ninyo sa loob ng paaralan mula kinder, elementary, hayskul, hanggang kolehiyo. Hindi biro ang maupo sa loob ng klasrum ng maraming taon at magkunwaring nakikinig sa lecture, o kaya’y tiisin ang paghihintay sa recess (ang paboritong subject ng lahat) o uwian. Pero nagawa ninyo ito, at naipasa ang mga exam (kahit marami sa mga sagot ay hula lamang), natapos ang term paper (salamat sa magic formula na control a, control c, at control v), at nakakuha ng magandang grado kahit hindi mo tiyak kung sumobra na ang pagiging absent mo o late sa klase.

Puwera biro, dapat lang na ipagdiwang ang pagkuha ninyo ng diploma mamaya dahil ibig sabihin may dumagdag sa bilang ng mga kabataan na may kasanayan, kapabilidad at kahandaang tumanggap ng mas mabibigat na hamon sa buhay na pakikinabangan ng komunidad. Ginagawa natin ang ritwal na ito taun-taon upang ipakita sa lahat – sa inyong pamilya, mga guro, mga kaibigan – hindi lamang ang inyong tagumpay bilang bagong graduate kundi pati ang inyong pagsang-ayon na mula ngayon, gagampan kayo ng mas maraming responsibilidad.

Pero bago natin pag-usapan ang mga dapat ninyong gawin pagkatapos ng buhay estudyante, kailangan muna nating kilalanin ang mga taong nagsakripisyo at nagbuhos sa atin ng sobra-sobrang pagmamahal upang kayo ay tuluy-tuloy na makapag-aral. Sa totoo lamang, ang graduation ay higit para sa kanila kaysa sa inyo.

Kung may Napoles List, dapat may listahan din kayo. Pero hindi listahan ng utang at lalong hindi listahan ng mga ninakaw na pork barrel. Ang tinutukoy ko ay listahan ng mga taong dapat ninyong pasalamatan, mga taong nag-ambag ng malaki sa inyong pag-aaral, mga taong humubog sa inyong pagkatao, mga taong hindi nagduda sa inyong kakayahan at karakter.

Sinu-sino sila? Hindi si tanda, sexy, at pogi. Pero marami sa kanila may katandaan na, dating sexy o maaaring hanggang ngayon ay sexy pa rin sila, at pwede rin namang pogi pa rin. Nangunguna sa listahan ang inyong mga magulang at kamag-anak. Nandito sila bilang saksi sa inyong tagumpay. Batch 2014, bigyan ninyo ng pinakamalakas na palakpak ng pasasalamat ang inyong mga magulang at kamag-anak.

Kung masaya kayo dahil graduate na kayo, tinitiyak ko sa inyo na mas nag-uumapaw sa galak ang inyong mga magulang. Lahat ng kanilang paghihirap ay biglang gagaan mamaya pag nakita nila kayong kukuha ng diploma. Lahat ng pagod at gutom ay kanilang tiniis upang maibigay sa inyo ang pinakamahalagang pamana na pwede nilang ipagkaloob; at ito ang inyong edukasyon.

Marahil yung iba nagtrabaho pa sa ibang bansa, at kinaya nila ang mapalayo sa inyo, dahil mas tinimbang nila ang inyong kapakanan at pag-aaral. Walang magulang ang gustong mawalay sa kanilang anak subalit kailangang gawin upang mas mas guminhawa ang inyong buhay.

Mamaya, please lang, umamin na kayo, sabihin ninyo na minsan yung baon ninyo ay pinanlaro ninyo ng dota. At yung mahal na school project na ang pangalan ay Google at Wikipedia ay wala naman talagang bayad. At yung field trip sa isang luxury hotel, ay swimming lang ng inyong barkada.

Mamaya, pusta ko sa inyo, mga magulang ninyo ang mangunguna sa pagkuha ng selfie dito sa stage. Sila rin ang unang mag uupload ng pictures sa social media. Kung mayroon mang selfie na dapat ipagmalaki, ito yun.

Sunod sa listahan ng mga dapat pasalamatan, ang inyong mga guro. Literal na mahirap ang maging guro: ilang oras nakatayo at nagsasalita. Tapos maingay pa o hindi nakikinig ang klase. Pag-uwi kailangang ihanda ang lesson plan. Batch 2014, bigyan ninyo ng malakas na palakpak ng pagpupugay ang inyong mga guro.

Sabi ng ilan, dahil sa teknolohiya, liliit ang papel ng mga guro sa loob ng paaralan. Bakit kailangan pa ng guro kung pwedeng i-google ang lahat ng tanong, instant ang komunikasyon, at mabilis ang transmisyon ng karunungan gamit ang iba’t ibang apps at mga sopistikadong gadget?

Tama, sa panahon ngayon, pwedeng i-fact check ang lahat. Subalit huwag nating isipin na iisa lang ang kahulugan ng impormasyon at katotohanan. Marami ka ngang nakikitang biswal na datos sa computer subalit hindi ibig sabihin ay karunungan na ito o kaya’y katotohanan. Pwedeng nabasa mo ang mga artikulong minungkahi sa google result subalit paano kung ito pala ay mga maling impormasyon. Sa Internet, maraming spam at trash. Ang kailangan natin ay batayang kasanayan upang matukoy ang tama at mali.

Dito pumapasok ang napakamakabuluhang ambag ng ating mga guro. Natuto ka ng ABC hindi dahil may makinang nagturo sa iyo kundi dahil may nagtiyagang guro upang malaman mo kung paano magbasa at magsulat. May gumabay sa iyo kung anong mga paksa ang dapat mong pag-aralan, ano ang mga usaping dapat mong unahin, paano ang tamang tugon sa iba’t ibang sitwasyon. At higit sa lahat, may nagtiwala sa iyong galing at potensiyal kahit na minsan o madalas ay hindi mo siniseryoso ang pag-aaral.

At ngayong gagraduate na kayo, masaya din ang inyong mga guro. Hindi dahil aalis na ang mga maiingay at makukulit, kundi dahil nagbunga ang kanilang trabaho, sakripisyo, at pagmamahal. Hindi ninyo sila pinili, hindi rin nila kayo pinili, subalit nagtiwala kayo sa isa’t isa at nagtulungan upang higit na mapayaman ang inyong karunungan.

Mamaya, magselfie kayo kay Ma’am at Sir. At bago kayo tuluyang umalis ng paaralan, ay huwag kalimutang magpasalamat sa kanila.

Sunod sa listahan na dapat pasalamatan, ang inyong mga kaklase. Masaya mag-aral kung kasama mo ang iyong mga kaibigan. Masaya ang buhay kolehiyo dahil marami kayong pinagdaanan na kasama ang iba pang mga tao na pareho ninyo ng edad, sirkumstansiya sa buhay, at pare-parehong may matatayog na pangarap.

Marami sa kanila naging katunggali ninyo, kakumpetisyon, kabiruan, kasintahan. Kung ano mang mapait na karanasan na mayroon kayo na may kinalaman sa kanila, isipin ninyo na lang na bahagi ito ng pagtanda. Habang bata, matuto sa mga pagkakamali. Sa paglipas ng taon, magiging mas kumplikado ang buhay. Pagtatawanan ninyo lang ang mga sinayang na oras sa pakikipag-away sa mga bagay na hindi naman talaga mahalaga.

Pagkatapos ng araw na ito, marami sa kanila ay hindi ninyo na muling makikita sa mahabang panahon. Siguro sa tulong ng FB, magtutuluy-tuloy ang inyong ugnayan. May reunion once or twice a year.

Pero sa tuwing magkikita kayo sa hinaharap, huwag gawing batayan ng tagumpay ang mga materyal na bagay. Hindi sa kotse, taas ng sahod, laki ng bahay nasusukat ang kaligayahan sa buhay.

Paumanhin pero sa yugtong ito ay gusto kong talakayin ang aking buhay. Wala akong kotse, wala akong mansion, wala akong mamahaling ari-arian subalit kahit kanino pwede kong ipagmalaki ang naging direksiyon ng aking buhay.

Nagiging makabuluhan ang buhay hindi dahil nabibili mo ang lahat ng gusto mo kundi dahil inaalay mo ito sa mas dakilang layunin. At kasama mo sa byaheng ito ang iba pang mga tao na may pareho ding perspektiba.

Para sa akin, hindi sapat na ang edukasyon ay gawing pamamaraan lamang upang makakuha tayo ng tarabaho sa hinaharap. Nag-aral tayo upang maging mas mabuting tao, upang maunawaan natin ang kasaysayan ng ating sibilisasyon, upang ang nakasanayang gawi sa pag-aaral ay maging panghabang buhay na aktitud.

Magtrabaho kayo pero huwag kalimutan ang tuluy-tuloy na pag-aaral. Magbasa, magsulat, alamin ang mga bagong kasanayan. Hindi humihinto ang sabik sa mga karunungang kapaki-pakinabang.

Huwag matakot mabigo, huwag malungkot kapag nagkakamali, huwag isipin na ang dominanteng pamantayan sa lipunan ang siyang pwede lang nating gamitin.

Si Van Gogh sikat na pintor sa buong mundo pero isang painting lang ang nabenta niya noong siya ay nabubuhay. Si Francisco Balagtas namatay na mahirap pero bawat Pilipino ngayon ay binabasa ang kanyang akda.

Nabubuhay tayo sa panahon na bawat galaw natin ay nalalaman ng lahat. Hindi maiwasang makumpara ang buhay ng bawat isa. Imbes na tangkaing lagpasan ang nakamit ng kaibigan sa FB, hindi ba’t mas tama kung may sarili tayong pamantayan o kaya’y nangangahas tayong magtakda ng mas malalaking misyon sa buhay?

Nabubuhay tayo sa panahong malakas, napakalakas ng impluwensiya ng indibidwalismo. Na ang pag-angat sa sarili ay nangunguna imbes na isipin kung paano aangat ang lahat.

Isipin na lang natin, nag-aral tayo ng ilang taon, at ilang dekada lang ang ating ilalagi sa mundong ito, ibig sabihin ba ang buong buhay natin ay walang katapusang paghahangad lamang ng pansariling kaginhawaan? Pangulo ka ng bansa ngayon pero bukas pwedeng nasa kulungan ka; oops hospital arrest pala.

Bukod sa ating edukasyon, mayroon tayong kayamanan na wala na si Enrile at iba pang matatanda. Ito ang biyaya ng oras. Mayroon tayong panahon, sapat na panahon, upang makamit natin ang ating mga pangarap. At ang payo ko sa inyo, ang aking apela, na sana ay isama natin sa pangarap natin kung paano ang susunod na henerasyon ay hindi na mararanasan ang mga paghihirap na dinanas natin.

May mali sa ating lipunan, pansinin natin at huwag talikuran. Paano? Magpakahusay sa pipiliing karera sa buhay subalit maglaan ng panahon upang makisangkot sa mga usaping pambayan.

Batch 2014, huwag lang magdala ng foods sa condo. Huwag maniwala sa lahat ng sinasabi ni Kris Aquino. Huwag maging Napoles. Huwag tularan si tanda, sexy, at pogi at lahat sila na kurakot at abusado. Huwag mawalan ng pag-asa. Si Bonifacio, ang kanyang alyas ay Maypagasa. Tayo ang pag-asa. Kayo ang pag-asa. Batch 2014, binabati ko kayo. Maghasik kayo ng mas marami pang karunungan para sa bayan. Batch 2014, isigaw at ipagyabang sa lahat: Boom Panes!

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The Legacy of Writer and Activist Win Tin

By admin | May 14, 2014

Written for The Diplomat

Myanmar is grieving the death of Burmese writer and pro-democracy leader U Win Tin, who died of renal failure on April 21 at the age of 85.

Win Tin was editor of a popular newspaper in the 1960s, when he became critical of the military junta. Perhaps his most enduring legacy was his role in establishing the National League for Democracy (NLD), the political party of global democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi.

He was arrested in 1989 and remained in detention for 19 years, making him Myanmar’s longest-held political prisoner. Unlike Aung San Suu Kyi, who was placed under house arrest, Win Tin was detained in a cell designed for military dogs.

He continued to write inside his cell by using a strip of bamboo as pen and powdered brick as ink. In 1996, his jail term was extended seven years after he sent an 83-page report to the United Nations about the poor prison conditions in Myanmar and the human rights violations perpetrated by the ruling junta. About 115 prisoners signed the petition.

Because of his refusal to cooperate with authorities, he was regularly tortured and denied medical attention. His health deteriorated but he remained steadfast in his fight for democracy.

Win Tin was finally released in 2008 but he refused the amnesty given by the president because he didn’t want to recognize the legitimacy of the military-backed government. After regaining his freedom, he surprised many when he insisted on wearing a blue prison shirt in solidarity with other political prisoners.

Win Tin was seen as a hardliner and influential figure in the democracy movement, which explains why the government imprisoned him for almost two decades. In recent years, he was one of those who remained skeptical of Myanmar’s so-called transition to modern democracy. He even expressed misgivings over the decision of Aung San Suu Kyi and NLD to participate in the elections and the parliamentary process.

He once said in an interview that Aung San Suu Kyi only wanted to “to push the military into Kandawgyi Lake” (in central Yangon) while many people wanted to drive the army generals into the Bay of Bengal. Despite this critical comment, Win Tin remained on good terms with Aung San Suu Kyi, seeing her as the only political figure capable of uniting the country.

Win Tin reportedly wished to be buried quickly but this is quite impossible with so many people and organizations wanting to honor him. Even the government acknowledged his many sacrifices for the sake of the nation.

“We have different political views than Win Tin, but we all take our hats off to him for his commitment to his beliefs and for his sacrifices. Though we don’t agree with him, we take seriously his good intentions to make the country developed, democratic and prosperous in the ways he believed,” said Ye Htut, deputy minister of information.

Aung Zaw of The Irrawaddy described Win Tin as a guiding light of the democracy movement: “Win Tin was a keen, unrelenting government critic to the very end, intent on taking down all the obstacles on Burma’s long road to democracy. Without his guiding light, it’s hard to imagine how the democracy movement will treat the many challenges ahead during this unpredictable democratic transition, where there are still many wolves in sheep’s clothing.”

Kay Mastenbroek, who made a documentary about Win Tin, remembered the late journalist as an uncompromising activist: “For me, the film tells a story of a strong and independent mind – a man who dared to say ‘No’, when all others said ‘Yes’.”

Many others have paid tribute to Win Tin and all were inspired by his intellect, commitment and passion in pursuing his principles. His unbending political stance will continue to exert a profound impact, on the opposition forces and indeed on all Myanmar politics.

Myanmar’s ‘Black Page’ Media Protest

Written for The Diplomat

In a rare protest, several Myanmar newspapers and journals blacked-out their front pages on April 11 after a provincial court sentenced a video reporter to one year in prison for trespassing and disrupting the work of a government official.

The case involved Zaw Pe, a multimedia reporter of the Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB), who was accused of trespassing an education department office in central Myanmar while reporting about a Japanese-funded scholarship program in 2012. It is difficult not to sympathize with Zaw Pe since his alleged crime of disrupting the duties of a civil servant took place during office hours. How can a media interview constitute disruption?

For Toe Zaw Latt, bureau chief of DVB, the case negates the government boast about the supposed rise of press freedom in the country.

“These are not good signs for press freedom, if journalists have to face a lawsuit for covering news during office hours. We are worried that these actions might be a sign of restrictions in press freedom again, as it was in the past,” he said.

But it was not just the bizarre charge that pushed the Myanmar Journalist Network to organize the “black page” protest. The bold move was also intended to call for the release of five journalists who have been detained since December on various spurious cases.

Last year, Eleven Media reporter Ma Khine was charged with trespassing and the use of abusive language in connection to a news expose about judicial corruption. Meanwhile, the CEO and four reporters of the weekly Unity Journal are still in prison and refused bail after they reported allegations of secret chemical weapons production. According to government prosecutors, the report undermined national security and violated a colonial-era law, the Official Secrets Act.

The Irrawaddy, one of the local media groups that spearheaded the protest, described the jailing of reporters as a worrying throwback to the dark days of dictatorship: “President Thein Sein’s promise to lift censorship and uphold press freedom rings hollow. Reforms in Burma have stalled, if not reversed. We call on the government to immediately free all reporters in custody.”

This was echoed by Shawn Crispin of the Committee to Protect Journalists. He warned that the “once-promising democratic reform program (of the government) is rapidly being reversed.”

Indeed, an important phase in Myanmar’s transition toward modern democracy is the abolition of censorship and repressive media regulation. When the government finally removed its notorious censorship board, this was praised by global media groups. But journalists continued to face harassment suits as obsolete laws remain in effect.

Many politicians still expect the media to be less critical when reporting about controversial government policies. This attitude was revealed in a public forum when Deputy Information Minister and presidential spokesperson U Ye Htut lambasted foreign journalists for their coverage of ethnic tensions in Rakhine State.

Without belittling the reforms undertaken by the government, it must be underscored that the political situation in Myanmar is still hostile to a free and independent press.

The Eleven Media group succinctly explained how censorship persists in the post-Junta rule: “Myanmar journalists have to practice the self-censorship by themselves although they no longer need to submit their works for censorship before publishing. A reporter may go to jail anytime for his or her reporting. There are too many laws that authorities can use to control the freedom of expression. But there are hardly any laws to protect the freedom of expression for the journalists.”

But despite these challenges, the “black page” protest also means that Myanmar journalists are ready to defend and assert their rights.

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Who will rejoice if the NPA is defeated?

By admin | May 2, 2014

Written for Bulatlat

Is the military already acceding that the communist New People’s Army is the modern-day Katipunan? Because why would an army general tag Benito Tiamzon as NPA supremo when the government is adamantly insisting that the rebel group is neither revolutionary nor belligerent. In Philippine history, the only other notable supremo was Andres Bonifacio.

The Katipunan reference is apt since the NPA views its struggle as the continuation of the unfinished 1896 revolution. Then and now, the aim of the revolution is to end the brutal rule of the landowning elite. Those who are terrorized by the NPA specter should re-learn the meaning of Katipunan: it is the violence of the ruling system that provokes people to take up arms against the government. Injustice is the real violence in society and not the resistance of the weak and marginalized.

But reactionaries and their ideologues prefer to highlight and exaggerate the visible violent acts of the oppressed. Thus, Katipuneros were vilified as criminal thugs, bandits, tulisans, insurrectos. It took some years before Katipuneros were officially recognized by mainstream society as heroes and liberators.

Today, the NPA is accused of being a gangster army of extortionists and arsonists. (Oh how could they be so cruel for burning those mining equipment that bring so much good to our economy and environment!) But why has the NPA endured for half a century if it is a mere mobster squad in the boondocks? Perhaps the same reason why Dagohoy’s uprising lasted for 80 years; or recall the numerous peasant revolts such as the Tapar Rebellion (Panay), Basi Revolt (Ilocos), Tamblot Revolt (Bohol). Remember Palaris and Pule. The Sakdals, the Huks.

The NPA, like many guerilla groups in our history, has been struggling for genuine land reform. It is the rebel group’s fighting demand and the primary reason why it has thrived despite the nonstop offensives of the military. It has challenged every puppet president in Malacanang since 1969 because, well, every one of them had refused to end feudal bondage in the country. The protracted people’s war is caused mainly by the perpetual bogus land reform schemes concocted by spoiled hacienderos in power.

But for the military, the NPA is not an army of the poor but a communist terrorist organization. However, this official categorization is somewhat problematic. Because why would successive governments negotiate peace with terrorists? Why pursue peace talks with terrorists?

A few years ago, the late Ka Roger was asked in a radio interview about why the NPA has not assassinated all corrupt and despotic politicians of the country. Ka Roger quickly replied that it would be easy to kill all the unloved and notorious trapos but he clarified that the NPA is not an anarchist hit squad. He added that it is a revolutionary group which advocates the overthrow and overhaul of the old system rather than the liquidation of epals and garapals of local politics. Indeed, the removal of Marcos and Estrada courtesy of the phenomenal People Power didn’t lead to substantial change because the system remained largely intact.

Viewed from this perspective, the NPA ceases to look like a beastly killing machine as portrayed by the state. It has guns and ammo which are used exclusively in aid of revolution. The NPA soldier is no pistol shooting hobbyist. The NPA gun is not a toy but a weapon of the poor against their oppressors. Unlike the notorious death squads and private armies of politicians, the underground NPA admits responsibility if it has carried out a military operation. It can easily deny that it collects taxes if its agenda is profiteering but instead it prefers to publicly assert the taxation power of an existing revolutionary government. And what is unique about this armed group is its willingness to apologize and seek amends if it has committed a wrongdoing.

In other words, do not fear the NPA as long as it is guided by revolutionary politics. But be afraid of the kabarilan taliban in power which is quick to renounce violence but is silent as to why the so-called nonviolence advocates are obsessed in becoming gun experts.

The NPA is often blamed for stunting the growth of the local economy. Its critics argue that the country’s underdevelopment is caused by the communist insurgency. End the war so that progress will trickle down into the islands. But isn’t the reverse formulation more correct? End poverty and inequality to render war-mongering irrelevant.

The government of BS Aquino claims it offers a holistic approach to achieve peace in the country. Indeed, its peace program reeks of NGOspeak but essentially it is a rehash of previous anti-insurgency campaigns: Militarize the barrio, jail the dissident, kill the recalcitrant, and terrorize the sympathizers and civilians.

In conflict areas, deliver services through the Pamana cash transfer. But this program actually exposes the bankruptcy of the government. A remote barangay will receive aid only if it is mapped as a red stronghold. Pamana not only distorts the concept of social service and social justice; it also reveals the unwillingness of BS Aquino to address the roots of the armed conflict. Cash distribution is effective election tactic but it does not eliminate widespread poverty. Microgrants do not solve the fundamental problems of society. Reforms, especially the petty reforms anchored on anti-insurgency, can never be superior to the revolution as a genuine alternative.

As long as it exists, the NPA serves as a reminder that there is a radical and better way of doing politics. Why choose the Cojuangco-style land reform when the NPA has proven that free land distribution is possible? Why tolerate elite rule when the people can opt for democratic governance? Why accept the legalized hoarding of wealth by a tiny segment of the population when this can be subverted to make our economy more egalitarian?

If we think the NPA is unreasonably uncompromising in asserting its principles, what about the reactionary elite and their sense of entitlement? Those who are in power will never easily surrender their hegemony and they will use all the guns, goons, and gold at their disposal to preserve the eternal present.

Our task, therefore, is to hasten the birthing of the new and to push peripheral politics into the mainstream. We have many ideas on how to pursue the revolutionary path but can we at least recognize that in the past half-century there existed a political force whose commitment to social change has become the standard for all progressive groups. This political force is represented by the NPA which continues to fight for national liberation. More than being an icon of the Philippine revolution, the NPA is also our fighting chance to claim a new world and a new future.

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Singapore Criminalizes Cyber Bullying and Stalking

By admin | April 30, 2014

Written for The Diplomat

Singapore’s netizens have a new legal weapon to defeat the “trolls” of the Internet after Parliament recently approved an anti-harassment law.

Under the new law, anti-social acts such as cyber harassment, bullying of children, sexual harassment in the workplace, and stalking are now deemed illegal. A person found guilty of unlawful stalking will get a fine of up to S$5,000 ($3922.00) or a jail term not exceeding 12 months. Repeat offenders may face a fine of up to S$10,000 and/or a jail term of not more than two years.

Harassment is already a crime in Singapore under the Miscellaneous Offences (Public Order and Nuisance) Act but online harassment is not clearly defined. Hence, many welcomed the passage of the anti-harassment law since it would give more protection to ordinary citizens, including children who are using the Internet. The law also extended protection to public sector employees such as healthcare workers and railway personnel.

Legal experts noted that the new law gives victims of cyber bullying the option to avail of civil remedies. Victims may apply for Protection Orders requiring harassers to desist from causing further harm to them. The Protection Order also requires the harasser or a third party to remove the offending material which caused harassment.

A person wishing to correct wrongful online personal information can invoke Section 15 of the law to convince the court to order the correction of the publication.

Perhaps to avoid misinterpretations, the law provided explicit examples of harassment and stalking

X and Y are classmates. X posts a vulgar tirade against Y on a website accessible to all of their classmates. One of Y’s classmates shows the message on the website to Y, and Y is distressed. X is guilty of an offense.

Meanwhile, these acts are acts associated with stalking of X by Y:

(a) Y repeatedly sends emails to Y’s subordinate (X) with suggestive comments about X’s body.
(b) Y sends flowers to X daily even though X has asked Y to stop doing so.
(c) Y repeatedly circulates revealing photographs of a classmate (X) to other classmates.

Hri Kumar, a Member of Parliament, believes that the law rightly makes people accountable for the crimes they commit online: “If we agree that a person should be made accountable for causing harm to another by making hurtful statements and uttering falsehoods in the physical world, why should he obtain a free pass because he does it on-line, and anonymously?”

But he is worried that the measure might not be effectively implemented since there are no clear guidelines on how to ascertain the identities of anonymous offenders.

Another Member of Parliament, Pritam Singh, supports the measure. But he warned about how the provision against stalking can be used to undermine the critical work of journalists and bloggers: “I am concerned that the Bill may be subject to abuse especially by individuals who seek to use the law for illegitimate reasons like avoiding or strategically delaying public scrutiny which some journalists or bloggers may seek to pursue.”

He also reminded the government that the issue of school bullying is a complex problem which cannot be adequately resolved through legislation. He wanted policymakers to be more lenient to children.

“I do hope we can address the issue of bullying in schools outside the legal domain, with this Bill employed as a last resort on students who are at a stage in their life where mistakes are made and poor judgment is exercised, a reflection of youthful folly,” he said.

Surprisingly, MP Zaqy Mohammad of the ruling party declared his support for the measure on the condition that it won’t be used to suppress criticism: “I support this as long as it’s not a tool to be used in any manner to censor information and responsible views, alternative as they may be, on the Internet.”

Indeed, the law must be strictly implemented to end the harassment activities of bullies, trolls, and unlawful stalkers. It must not be used to harass government critics and those who are aggressively speaking on social and policy issues.

Cambodia’s Draft Cyber Law Threatens Free Speech

Written for The Diplomat

A leaked draft of Cambodia’s anti-cybercrime bill has human rights groups worried about several provisions that could be used by authorities to further suppress free speech in the country.

The Phnom Penh Post, Cambodia’s premier English-language newspaper, has reported that the bill was drafted by the Cybercrime Law Formulation Working Group of the Council of Ministers. The London-based media advocacy group Article 19 was able to obtain an unofficial English translation of the document.

The government first announced its intention to pass an anti-cybercrime law in 2012; although it has been advocating for stricter Internet regulation since 2010. In 2011, it was accused of ordering internet service providers to block certain websites that are critical to the government.

Cambodia’s proposed cyber law is ostensibly designed to improve safety for Internet users and protect “legitimate interests.” Similar to the cybercrime laws of other countries, Cambodia’s bill also has specific provisions on data interference, computer fraud, illegal access, and child pornography.

But activists have highlighted article 28 of the bill as a concern. The provision would criminalize web content that “hinders the sovereignty and integrity of the Kingdom of Cambodia.” If this is not vague enough, the same provision penalizes any online publication that “generates insecurity, instability, and political cohesiveness.” What exactly is the crime of “political cohesiveness?”

Another criminal offense is the publication of Internet material that is deemed to be “non-factual which slanders or undermines the integrity of governmental agencies, ministries, not limited to departments, federal or local levels.” This would clearly discourage criticism of government officials.

As expected, publishing something that is deemed “damaging to the moral and cultural values of society” is prohibited. The bill even specified these harmful values: “Writings or pixilation that display inappropriate activities of persons, copulations between humans or animals; or devalue the moral of family values and pixilation that displays domestic violence.”

The aim of this particular provision is to prevent political cartoonists from using cyberspace to spread their message.

Aside from jail terms of one to three years, those found guilty of committing cybercrimes would face a fine of two million to six million riel ($500 to $1,500). Critics noted that the penalties prescribed in the cyber bill are tougher than they are under existing laws.

The proposed cyber bill was drafted without the benefit of public consultation. Opponents will be hoping that the hostile reaction of advocacy groups and netizens to the content of the leaked draft will encourage the government to revise the document.

But the current political crisis in Cambodia may well mean more online repression. During last year’s election, the opposition successfully tapped the power of social media to recruit supporters and gain more votes. Young people openly criticized politicians and corruption in the government through online platforms. Since TV stations are dominated by pro-government companies, news about the labor strikes and opposition rallies in recent months were reported and widely shared through the Internet.

Is the proposed cybercrime legislation intended to restrict the role of the Internet in spreading dissent? What is clear is that the bill, if passed in its present form, would shackle Cambodia’s burgeoning Internet community.

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Cambodia and Indonesia in the Oscars

By admin | April 26, 2014

Written for The Diplomat

Two Oscar-nominated films tackled some very controversial issues involving the modern histories of Cambodia and Indonesia. Rithy Panh’s The Missing Picture made history by becoming the first Cambodian film to be nominated for an Academy Award. Meanwhile, Joshua Oppenheimer’s The Act of Killing was the documentary about Indonesia to get the nod.

The Missing Picture, filmed without any actors or script, is based on the life of director Rithy Panh, who survived the brutal regime of the Khmer Rouge in the 1970s. The Act of Killing, meanwhile, was a brave retelling of the anti-communist purge in Indonesia in the 1960s which resulted in the slaughter of almost a million people.

For Rithy Panh, it is important to make a film about the Khmer Rouge from the perspective of a Cambodian: “Before me, nobody made films about genocide, except the foreigners. No point of view came from Cambodia. It’s not easy, you know? People here want you to show the sunset on the Angkor Wat temple, the Water Festival, the boat-race boat, the smiling countryside, Country of Wonder. I understand. I like watching films with special effects, romance films. But we have also to face our history.”

Aside from incorporating archival video footage and Khmer Rouge propaganda clips, the filmmaker used clay figurines to represent Cambodians in the film.

“I couldn’t make a film about genocide using actors and actresses like Steven Spielberg did with Schindler’s List. I lived through this genocide, so it’s very difficult for me to explain to actors and actresses what death is like, what it’s like to watch an execution,” the director said in an interview.

The title of the film is also a poignant reference to the lost images of Rithy Panh’s parents who died in a Khmer Rouge labor camp.

“It’s the one that I miss the most. It’s to see my parents get older, to be able to share time with them, to help them, to love them, to give them back what they gave me…I would prefer to have my parents with me than to make movies about the Khmer Rouge,” the director explained.

If the genocidal legacy of the Khmer Rouge is globally recognized, the anti-communist purge in Indonesia is not generally acknowledged. Perhaps Oppenheimer’s The Act of Killing quickly earned accolades because of its daring attempt to discuss a taboo subject in Indonesian society.

The documentary reminded the world that a million people were murdered, raped, and enslaved in Indonesia in 1965 to 1968 to allegedly protect the country from the scourge of communism. And Oppenheimer’s team succeeded by interviewing veteran gangsters in North Sumatra who gamely re-enacted the massacres they committed in the past.

“I spent two years filming every perpetrator I could find across North Sumatra, working from death squad to death squad up the chain of command, from the countryside to the city. Everybody was boastful, everybody would invite me to the places they killed, and launch into spontaneous demonstrations of how they killed,” wrote the director.

Reacting to the documentary, the Indonesian government objected to Indonesia being “portrayed as a cruel and lawless nation.”

“The film portrayed Indonesia as backwards, as in the 1960s. That is not appropriate, not fitting. It must be remembered Indonesia has gone through a reformation. Many things have changed,” said Teuku Faizasyah, the presidential spokesman for foreign affairs.

But for Oppenheimer and his Indonesian crew, the documentary is an indictment of the present government which has failed to officially probe and punish officials involved in the bloody anti-communist witch hunts.

“People may assume The Act of Killing is a historical documentary about what happened in 1965. But our purpose was to expose a present-day regime of fear for what it is. In that sense, the film is not a historical narrative, but a film about history, about an unresolved traumatic past that continues to haunt and color the present,” the director asserted.

Some of those responsible for the killings are still in power, which explains why Oppenheimer’s Indonesian co-director has chosen to hide his/her identity. The co-director denied that it was their intention to tarnish Indonesia’s reputation when they made the documentary.

“A negative image is to make the architect of the mass killing a hero. A negative image is when there is an absence of efforts to start a true reconciliation process but instead displayed a fake reconciliation that basically contained a process to forget and made it as if it was the only possible way,” the co-director said.

Oppenheimer hopes that the film would stir more open debates in Indonesia: “It’s a really important time for Indonesians to be talking about this film, and an important time for Indonesians to find the courage to confront their painful past, and the role of their present political leaders in masterminding that past and lying about it for decades.”

Neither film won an Oscar, but both have already created an impact in the modern politics of Cambodia and Indonesia. The youth of the two countries will benefit from the greater historical awareness inspired by the films. Perhaps Cambodian and Indonesian leaders will learn from the mistakes of the past. In the case of Indonesia, the upcoming presidential election is an opportunity to make human rights a major campaign topic, including an appeal to acknowledge the anti-communist massacres orchestrated by top military leaders.

Thailand’s Deadly Highways

Written for The Diplomat

On March 24 a bus accident in Tak province in western Thailand killed more than 30 people. The chartered double-decker bus was carrying municipal workers on a field trip.

A month earlier, 15 school bus passengers died after their vehicle collided with an 18-wheeler truck in Prachinburi province. More than 40 people were seriously injured in the accident. The crash took place on a mountainous slope that is regarded by the Department of Highways as the most dangerous highway section in the country. Since 2007, more than 100 people have been killed and 500 injured by road accidents in that particular area.

On December 27, at least 29 tourists died after their bus plunged into a deep gorge in Petchabun province.

Road accidents in Thailand shoot up during the two most popular holidays in the country: New Year and Songkran Festival (April). More than 600 people are killed on Thailand’s highways during these two festivities or an average mortality rate of 49 person per day. Because of the high rate of accidents during this period, the police are calling it the “Seven Dangerous Days” of the New Year.

But despite the government’s information push on road safety and responsible driving, a high number of road mishaps were still registered last December and January. According to the Road Safety Center, 366 people were killed and 3,345 injured in 3,174 road accidents during the danger period. Another such period will take place next week during the Songkran festival.

Road safety has been a major issue in Thailand for many years. Despite its large number of tourist arrivals, Thailand seems unable to improve its road safety record. In fact, several foreign embassies have already advised their citizens about the dangers of land travel in Thailand.

The statistics confirm this bad reputation. According to the World Health Organization, Thailand registered the highest record for fatal road accidents in Southeast Asia. About 38 out of 100,000 people die from road accidents in Thailand annually compared to the global average of 18.

Bus accidents may have figured prominently in the past few months, but statistically-speaking, it’s more dangerous to ride motorbikes in Thailand. More than 11,000 motorbike drivers or passengers die from road accidents annually, representing 70 percent of the country’s road fatalities.

Aside from legislation and proper implementation of traffic laws, the WHO recommends the adoption of crash avoidance technologies. For example, Thailand can strengthen its road traffic injury data systems.

Immediately after the fatal bus crash last week, the Land Transport Department ordered all double-decker bus drivers to undergo retraining and apply for a new license. It also announced that provincial buses are now required to install safety features such as an anti-lock braking system. The department also wants to limit the height of double-decker buses to four meters.

The deadly road accidents in recent months have forced the government to review its road safety policies. Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra has vowed to improve road infrastructure especially in the affected provinces.

Public awareness campaigns should also target the young. For Weerawit Wajjanapukka, chief of the Traffic Police Division in Bangkok, strict enforcement of traffic rules would be meaningless if drivers continue to be irresponsible on the road.

“It seems most drivers only display road etiquette to pass their driving test. It’s very important that everyone puts those values and correct practices into practice. Strict law enforcement alone can only fix the tip of the problem; we need contributions from every driver,” he said.

Thailand has grabbed global headlines in the past six months because of the street rallies in Bangkok; in particular the clashes between the police and anti-government protesters. Without belittling the number of casualties caused by this political conflict, it must be emphasized that more people have died riding buses in Thailand than joining protests in the capital. There should be an aggressive and continuous initiative to make roads safer in Thailand.

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