The Legacy of Writer and Activist Win Tin

By admin | May 14, 2014

Written for The Diplomat

Myanmar is grieving the death of Burmese writer and pro-democracy leader U Win Tin, who died of renal failure on April 21 at the age of 85.

Win Tin was editor of a popular newspaper in the 1960s, when he became critical of the military junta. Perhaps his most enduring legacy was his role in establishing the National League for Democracy (NLD), the political party of global democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi.

He was arrested in 1989 and remained in detention for 19 years, making him Myanmar’s longest-held political prisoner. Unlike Aung San Suu Kyi, who was placed under house arrest, Win Tin was detained in a cell designed for military dogs.

He continued to write inside his cell by using a strip of bamboo as pen and powdered brick as ink. In 1996, his jail term was extended seven years after he sent an 83-page report to the United Nations about the poor prison conditions in Myanmar and the human rights violations perpetrated by the ruling junta. About 115 prisoners signed the petition.

Because of his refusal to cooperate with authorities, he was regularly tortured and denied medical attention. His health deteriorated but he remained steadfast in his fight for democracy.

Win Tin was finally released in 2008 but he refused the amnesty given by the president because he didn’t want to recognize the legitimacy of the military-backed government. After regaining his freedom, he surprised many when he insisted on wearing a blue prison shirt in solidarity with other political prisoners.

Win Tin was seen as a hardliner and influential figure in the democracy movement, which explains why the government imprisoned him for almost two decades. In recent years, he was one of those who remained skeptical of Myanmar’s so-called transition to modern democracy. He even expressed misgivings over the decision of Aung San Suu Kyi and NLD to participate in the elections and the parliamentary process.

He once said in an interview that Aung San Suu Kyi only wanted to “to push the military into Kandawgyi Lake” (in central Yangon) while many people wanted to drive the army generals into the Bay of Bengal. Despite this critical comment, Win Tin remained on good terms with Aung San Suu Kyi, seeing her as the only political figure capable of uniting the country.

Win Tin reportedly wished to be buried quickly but this is quite impossible with so many people and organizations wanting to honor him. Even the government acknowledged his many sacrifices for the sake of the nation.

“We have different political views than Win Tin, but we all take our hats off to him for his commitment to his beliefs and for his sacrifices. Though we don’t agree with him, we take seriously his good intentions to make the country developed, democratic and prosperous in the ways he believed,” said Ye Htut, deputy minister of information.

Aung Zaw of The Irrawaddy described Win Tin as a guiding light of the democracy movement: “Win Tin was a keen, unrelenting government critic to the very end, intent on taking down all the obstacles on Burma’s long road to democracy. Without his guiding light, it’s hard to imagine how the democracy movement will treat the many challenges ahead during this unpredictable democratic transition, where there are still many wolves in sheep’s clothing.”

Kay Mastenbroek, who made a documentary about Win Tin, remembered the late journalist as an uncompromising activist: “For me, the film tells a story of a strong and independent mind – a man who dared to say ‘No’, when all others said ‘Yes’.”

Many others have paid tribute to Win Tin and all were inspired by his intellect, commitment and passion in pursuing his principles. His unbending political stance will continue to exert a profound impact, on the opposition forces and indeed on all Myanmar politics.

Myanmar’s ‘Black Page’ Media Protest

Written for The Diplomat

In a rare protest, several Myanmar newspapers and journals blacked-out their front pages on April 11 after a provincial court sentenced a video reporter to one year in prison for trespassing and disrupting the work of a government official.

The case involved Zaw Pe, a multimedia reporter of the Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB), who was accused of trespassing an education department office in central Myanmar while reporting about a Japanese-funded scholarship program in 2012. It is difficult not to sympathize with Zaw Pe since his alleged crime of disrupting the duties of a civil servant took place during office hours. How can a media interview constitute disruption?

For Toe Zaw Latt, bureau chief of DVB, the case negates the government boast about the supposed rise of press freedom in the country.

“These are not good signs for press freedom, if journalists have to face a lawsuit for covering news during office hours. We are worried that these actions might be a sign of restrictions in press freedom again, as it was in the past,” he said.

But it was not just the bizarre charge that pushed the Myanmar Journalist Network to organize the “black page” protest. The bold move was also intended to call for the release of five journalists who have been detained since December on various spurious cases.

Last year, Eleven Media reporter Ma Khine was charged with trespassing and the use of abusive language in connection to a news expose about judicial corruption. Meanwhile, the CEO and four reporters of the weekly Unity Journal are still in prison and refused bail after they reported allegations of secret chemical weapons production. According to government prosecutors, the report undermined national security and violated a colonial-era law, the Official Secrets Act.

The Irrawaddy, one of the local media groups that spearheaded the protest, described the jailing of reporters as a worrying throwback to the dark days of dictatorship: “President Thein Sein’s promise to lift censorship and uphold press freedom rings hollow. Reforms in Burma have stalled, if not reversed. We call on the government to immediately free all reporters in custody.”

This was echoed by Shawn Crispin of the Committee to Protect Journalists. He warned that the “once-promising democratic reform program (of the government) is rapidly being reversed.”

Indeed, an important phase in Myanmar’s transition toward modern democracy is the abolition of censorship and repressive media regulation. When the government finally removed its notorious censorship board, this was praised by global media groups. But journalists continued to face harassment suits as obsolete laws remain in effect.

Many politicians still expect the media to be less critical when reporting about controversial government policies. This attitude was revealed in a public forum when Deputy Information Minister and presidential spokesperson U Ye Htut lambasted foreign journalists for their coverage of ethnic tensions in Rakhine State.

Without belittling the reforms undertaken by the government, it must be underscored that the political situation in Myanmar is still hostile to a free and independent press.

The Eleven Media group succinctly explained how censorship persists in the post-Junta rule: “Myanmar journalists have to practice the self-censorship by themselves although they no longer need to submit their works for censorship before publishing. A reporter may go to jail anytime for his or her reporting. There are too many laws that authorities can use to control the freedom of expression. But there are hardly any laws to protect the freedom of expression for the journalists.”

But despite these challenges, the “black page” protest also means that Myanmar journalists are ready to defend and assert their rights.

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Who will rejoice if the NPA is defeated?

By admin | May 2, 2014

Written for Bulatlat

Is the military already acceding that the communist New People’s Army is the modern-day Katipunan? Because why would an army general tag Benito Tiamzon as NPA supremo when the government is adamantly insisting that the rebel group is neither revolutionary nor belligerent. In Philippine history, the only other notable supremo was Andres Bonifacio.

The Katipunan reference is apt since the NPA views its struggle as the continuation of the unfinished 1896 revolution. Then and now, the aim of the revolution is to end the brutal rule of the landowning elite. Those who are terrorized by the NPA specter should re-learn the meaning of Katipunan: it is the violence of the ruling system that provokes people to take up arms against the government. Injustice is the real violence in society and not the resistance of the weak and marginalized.

But reactionaries and their ideologues prefer to highlight and exaggerate the visible violent acts of the oppressed. Thus, Katipuneros were vilified as criminal thugs, bandits, tulisans, insurrectos. It took some years before Katipuneros were officially recognized by mainstream society as heroes and liberators.

Today, the NPA is accused of being a gangster army of extortionists and arsonists. (Oh how could they be so cruel for burning those mining equipment that bring so much good to our economy and environment!) But why has the NPA endured for half a century if it is a mere mobster squad in the boondocks? Perhaps the same reason why Dagohoy’s uprising lasted for 80 years; or recall the numerous peasant revolts such as the Tapar Rebellion (Panay), Basi Revolt (Ilocos), Tamblot Revolt (Bohol). Remember Palaris and Pule. The Sakdals, the Huks.

The NPA, like many guerilla groups in our history, has been struggling for genuine land reform. It is the rebel group’s fighting demand and the primary reason why it has thrived despite the nonstop offensives of the military. It has challenged every puppet president in Malacanang since 1969 because, well, every one of them had refused to end feudal bondage in the country. The protracted people’s war is caused mainly by the perpetual bogus land reform schemes concocted by spoiled hacienderos in power.

But for the military, the NPA is not an army of the poor but a communist terrorist organization. However, this official categorization is somewhat problematic. Because why would successive governments negotiate peace with terrorists? Why pursue peace talks with terrorists?

A few years ago, the late Ka Roger was asked in a radio interview about why the NPA has not assassinated all corrupt and despotic politicians of the country. Ka Roger quickly replied that it would be easy to kill all the unloved and notorious trapos but he clarified that the NPA is not an anarchist hit squad. He added that it is a revolutionary group which advocates the overthrow and overhaul of the old system rather than the liquidation of epals and garapals of local politics. Indeed, the removal of Marcos and Estrada courtesy of the phenomenal People Power didn’t lead to substantial change because the system remained largely intact.

Viewed from this perspective, the NPA ceases to look like a beastly killing machine as portrayed by the state. It has guns and ammo which are used exclusively in aid of revolution. The NPA soldier is no pistol shooting hobbyist. The NPA gun is not a toy but a weapon of the poor against their oppressors. Unlike the notorious death squads and private armies of politicians, the underground NPA admits responsibility if it has carried out a military operation. It can easily deny that it collects taxes if its agenda is profiteering but instead it prefers to publicly assert the taxation power of an existing revolutionary government. And what is unique about this armed group is its willingness to apologize and seek amends if it has committed a wrongdoing.

In other words, do not fear the NPA as long as it is guided by revolutionary politics. But be afraid of the kabarilan taliban in power which is quick to renounce violence but is silent as to why the so-called nonviolence advocates are obsessed in becoming gun experts.

The NPA is often blamed for stunting the growth of the local economy. Its critics argue that the country’s underdevelopment is caused by the communist insurgency. End the war so that progress will trickle down into the islands. But isn’t the reverse formulation more correct? End poverty and inequality to render war-mongering irrelevant.

The government of BS Aquino claims it offers a holistic approach to achieve peace in the country. Indeed, its peace program reeks of NGOspeak but essentially it is a rehash of previous anti-insurgency campaigns: Militarize the barrio, jail the dissident, kill the recalcitrant, and terrorize the sympathizers and civilians.

In conflict areas, deliver services through the Pamana cash transfer. But this program actually exposes the bankruptcy of the government. A remote barangay will receive aid only if it is mapped as a red stronghold. Pamana not only distorts the concept of social service and social justice; it also reveals the unwillingness of BS Aquino to address the roots of the armed conflict. Cash distribution is effective election tactic but it does not eliminate widespread poverty. Microgrants do not solve the fundamental problems of society. Reforms, especially the petty reforms anchored on anti-insurgency, can never be superior to the revolution as a genuine alternative.

As long as it exists, the NPA serves as a reminder that there is a radical and better way of doing politics. Why choose the Cojuangco-style land reform when the NPA has proven that free land distribution is possible? Why tolerate elite rule when the people can opt for democratic governance? Why accept the legalized hoarding of wealth by a tiny segment of the population when this can be subverted to make our economy more egalitarian?

If we think the NPA is unreasonably uncompromising in asserting its principles, what about the reactionary elite and their sense of entitlement? Those who are in power will never easily surrender their hegemony and they will use all the guns, goons, and gold at their disposal to preserve the eternal present.

Our task, therefore, is to hasten the birthing of the new and to push peripheral politics into the mainstream. We have many ideas on how to pursue the revolutionary path but can we at least recognize that in the past half-century there existed a political force whose commitment to social change has become the standard for all progressive groups. This political force is represented by the NPA which continues to fight for national liberation. More than being an icon of the Philippine revolution, the NPA is also our fighting chance to claim a new world and a new future.

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Singapore Criminalizes Cyber Bullying and Stalking

By admin | April 30, 2014

Written for The Diplomat

Singapore’s netizens have a new legal weapon to defeat the “trolls” of the Internet after Parliament recently approved an anti-harassment law.

Under the new law, anti-social acts such as cyber harassment, bullying of children, sexual harassment in the workplace, and stalking are now deemed illegal. A person found guilty of unlawful stalking will get a fine of up to S$5,000 ($3922.00) or a jail term not exceeding 12 months. Repeat offenders may face a fine of up to S$10,000 and/or a jail term of not more than two years.

Harassment is already a crime in Singapore under the Miscellaneous Offences (Public Order and Nuisance) Act but online harassment is not clearly defined. Hence, many welcomed the passage of the anti-harassment law since it would give more protection to ordinary citizens, including children who are using the Internet. The law also extended protection to public sector employees such as healthcare workers and railway personnel.

Legal experts noted that the new law gives victims of cyber bullying the option to avail of civil remedies. Victims may apply for Protection Orders requiring harassers to desist from causing further harm to them. The Protection Order also requires the harasser or a third party to remove the offending material which caused harassment.

A person wishing to correct wrongful online personal information can invoke Section 15 of the law to convince the court to order the correction of the publication.

Perhaps to avoid misinterpretations, the law provided explicit examples of harassment and stalking

X and Y are classmates. X posts a vulgar tirade against Y on a website accessible to all of their classmates. One of Y’s classmates shows the message on the website to Y, and Y is distressed. X is guilty of an offense.

Meanwhile, these acts are acts associated with stalking of X by Y:

(a) Y repeatedly sends emails to Y’s subordinate (X) with suggestive comments about X’s body.
(b) Y sends flowers to X daily even though X has asked Y to stop doing so.
(c) Y repeatedly circulates revealing photographs of a classmate (X) to other classmates.

Hri Kumar, a Member of Parliament, believes that the law rightly makes people accountable for the crimes they commit online: “If we agree that a person should be made accountable for causing harm to another by making hurtful statements and uttering falsehoods in the physical world, why should he obtain a free pass because he does it on-line, and anonymously?”

But he is worried that the measure might not be effectively implemented since there are no clear guidelines on how to ascertain the identities of anonymous offenders.

Another Member of Parliament, Pritam Singh, supports the measure. But he warned about how the provision against stalking can be used to undermine the critical work of journalists and bloggers: “I am concerned that the Bill may be subject to abuse especially by individuals who seek to use the law for illegitimate reasons like avoiding or strategically delaying public scrutiny which some journalists or bloggers may seek to pursue.”

He also reminded the government that the issue of school bullying is a complex problem which cannot be adequately resolved through legislation. He wanted policymakers to be more lenient to children.

“I do hope we can address the issue of bullying in schools outside the legal domain, with this Bill employed as a last resort on students who are at a stage in their life where mistakes are made and poor judgment is exercised, a reflection of youthful folly,” he said.

Surprisingly, MP Zaqy Mohammad of the ruling party declared his support for the measure on the condition that it won’t be used to suppress criticism: “I support this as long as it’s not a tool to be used in any manner to censor information and responsible views, alternative as they may be, on the Internet.”

Indeed, the law must be strictly implemented to end the harassment activities of bullies, trolls, and unlawful stalkers. It must not be used to harass government critics and those who are aggressively speaking on social and policy issues.

Cambodia’s Draft Cyber Law Threatens Free Speech

Written for The Diplomat

A leaked draft of Cambodia’s anti-cybercrime bill has human rights groups worried about several provisions that could be used by authorities to further suppress free speech in the country.

The Phnom Penh Post, Cambodia’s premier English-language newspaper, has reported that the bill was drafted by the Cybercrime Law Formulation Working Group of the Council of Ministers. The London-based media advocacy group Article 19 was able to obtain an unofficial English translation of the document.

The government first announced its intention to pass an anti-cybercrime law in 2012; although it has been advocating for stricter Internet regulation since 2010. In 2011, it was accused of ordering internet service providers to block certain websites that are critical to the government.

Cambodia’s proposed cyber law is ostensibly designed to improve safety for Internet users and protect “legitimate interests.” Similar to the cybercrime laws of other countries, Cambodia’s bill also has specific provisions on data interference, computer fraud, illegal access, and child pornography.

But activists have highlighted article 28 of the bill as a concern. The provision would criminalize web content that “hinders the sovereignty and integrity of the Kingdom of Cambodia.” If this is not vague enough, the same provision penalizes any online publication that “generates insecurity, instability, and political cohesiveness.” What exactly is the crime of “political cohesiveness?”

Another criminal offense is the publication of Internet material that is deemed to be “non-factual which slanders or undermines the integrity of governmental agencies, ministries, not limited to departments, federal or local levels.” This would clearly discourage criticism of government officials.

As expected, publishing something that is deemed “damaging to the moral and cultural values of society” is prohibited. The bill even specified these harmful values: “Writings or pixilation that display inappropriate activities of persons, copulations between humans or animals; or devalue the moral of family values and pixilation that displays domestic violence.”

The aim of this particular provision is to prevent political cartoonists from using cyberspace to spread their message.

Aside from jail terms of one to three years, those found guilty of committing cybercrimes would face a fine of two million to six million riel ($500 to $1,500). Critics noted that the penalties prescribed in the cyber bill are tougher than they are under existing laws.

The proposed cyber bill was drafted without the benefit of public consultation. Opponents will be hoping that the hostile reaction of advocacy groups and netizens to the content of the leaked draft will encourage the government to revise the document.

But the current political crisis in Cambodia may well mean more online repression. During last year’s election, the opposition successfully tapped the power of social media to recruit supporters and gain more votes. Young people openly criticized politicians and corruption in the government through online platforms. Since TV stations are dominated by pro-government companies, news about the labor strikes and opposition rallies in recent months were reported and widely shared through the Internet.

Is the proposed cybercrime legislation intended to restrict the role of the Internet in spreading dissent? What is clear is that the bill, if passed in its present form, would shackle Cambodia’s burgeoning Internet community.

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Cambodia and Indonesia in the Oscars

By admin | April 26, 2014

Written for The Diplomat

Two Oscar-nominated films tackled some very controversial issues involving the modern histories of Cambodia and Indonesia. Rithy Panh’s The Missing Picture made history by becoming the first Cambodian film to be nominated for an Academy Award. Meanwhile, Joshua Oppenheimer’s The Act of Killing was the documentary about Indonesia to get the nod.

The Missing Picture, filmed without any actors or script, is based on the life of director Rithy Panh, who survived the brutal regime of the Khmer Rouge in the 1970s. The Act of Killing, meanwhile, was a brave retelling of the anti-communist purge in Indonesia in the 1960s which resulted in the slaughter of almost a million people.

For Rithy Panh, it is important to make a film about the Khmer Rouge from the perspective of a Cambodian: “Before me, nobody made films about genocide, except the foreigners. No point of view came from Cambodia. It’s not easy, you know? People here want you to show the sunset on the Angkor Wat temple, the Water Festival, the boat-race boat, the smiling countryside, Country of Wonder. I understand. I like watching films with special effects, romance films. But we have also to face our history.”

Aside from incorporating archival video footage and Khmer Rouge propaganda clips, the filmmaker used clay figurines to represent Cambodians in the film.

“I couldn’t make a film about genocide using actors and actresses like Steven Spielberg did with Schindler’s List. I lived through this genocide, so it’s very difficult for me to explain to actors and actresses what death is like, what it’s like to watch an execution,” the director said in an interview.

The title of the film is also a poignant reference to the lost images of Rithy Panh’s parents who died in a Khmer Rouge labor camp.

“It’s the one that I miss the most. It’s to see my parents get older, to be able to share time with them, to help them, to love them, to give them back what they gave me…I would prefer to have my parents with me than to make movies about the Khmer Rouge,” the director explained.

If the genocidal legacy of the Khmer Rouge is globally recognized, the anti-communist purge in Indonesia is not generally acknowledged. Perhaps Oppenheimer’s The Act of Killing quickly earned accolades because of its daring attempt to discuss a taboo subject in Indonesian society.

The documentary reminded the world that a million people were murdered, raped, and enslaved in Indonesia in 1965 to 1968 to allegedly protect the country from the scourge of communism. And Oppenheimer’s team succeeded by interviewing veteran gangsters in North Sumatra who gamely re-enacted the massacres they committed in the past.

“I spent two years filming every perpetrator I could find across North Sumatra, working from death squad to death squad up the chain of command, from the countryside to the city. Everybody was boastful, everybody would invite me to the places they killed, and launch into spontaneous demonstrations of how they killed,” wrote the director.

Reacting to the documentary, the Indonesian government objected to Indonesia being “portrayed as a cruel and lawless nation.”

“The film portrayed Indonesia as backwards, as in the 1960s. That is not appropriate, not fitting. It must be remembered Indonesia has gone through a reformation. Many things have changed,” said Teuku Faizasyah, the presidential spokesman for foreign affairs.

But for Oppenheimer and his Indonesian crew, the documentary is an indictment of the present government which has failed to officially probe and punish officials involved in the bloody anti-communist witch hunts.

“People may assume The Act of Killing is a historical documentary about what happened in 1965. But our purpose was to expose a present-day regime of fear for what it is. In that sense, the film is not a historical narrative, but a film about history, about an unresolved traumatic past that continues to haunt and color the present,” the director asserted.

Some of those responsible for the killings are still in power, which explains why Oppenheimer’s Indonesian co-director has chosen to hide his/her identity. The co-director denied that it was their intention to tarnish Indonesia’s reputation when they made the documentary.

“A negative image is to make the architect of the mass killing a hero. A negative image is when there is an absence of efforts to start a true reconciliation process but instead displayed a fake reconciliation that basically contained a process to forget and made it as if it was the only possible way,” the co-director said.

Oppenheimer hopes that the film would stir more open debates in Indonesia: “It’s a really important time for Indonesians to be talking about this film, and an important time for Indonesians to find the courage to confront their painful past, and the role of their present political leaders in masterminding that past and lying about it for decades.”

Neither film won an Oscar, but both have already created an impact in the modern politics of Cambodia and Indonesia. The youth of the two countries will benefit from the greater historical awareness inspired by the films. Perhaps Cambodian and Indonesian leaders will learn from the mistakes of the past. In the case of Indonesia, the upcoming presidential election is an opportunity to make human rights a major campaign topic, including an appeal to acknowledge the anti-communist massacres orchestrated by top military leaders.

Thailand’s Deadly Highways

Written for The Diplomat

On March 24 a bus accident in Tak province in western Thailand killed more than 30 people. The chartered double-decker bus was carrying municipal workers on a field trip.

A month earlier, 15 school bus passengers died after their vehicle collided with an 18-wheeler truck in Prachinburi province. More than 40 people were seriously injured in the accident. The crash took place on a mountainous slope that is regarded by the Department of Highways as the most dangerous highway section in the country. Since 2007, more than 100 people have been killed and 500 injured by road accidents in that particular area.

On December 27, at least 29 tourists died after their bus plunged into a deep gorge in Petchabun province.

Road accidents in Thailand shoot up during the two most popular holidays in the country: New Year and Songkran Festival (April). More than 600 people are killed on Thailand’s highways during these two festivities or an average mortality rate of 49 person per day. Because of the high rate of accidents during this period, the police are calling it the “Seven Dangerous Days” of the New Year.

But despite the government’s information push on road safety and responsible driving, a high number of road mishaps were still registered last December and January. According to the Road Safety Center, 366 people were killed and 3,345 injured in 3,174 road accidents during the danger period. Another such period will take place next week during the Songkran festival.

Road safety has been a major issue in Thailand for many years. Despite its large number of tourist arrivals, Thailand seems unable to improve its road safety record. In fact, several foreign embassies have already advised their citizens about the dangers of land travel in Thailand.

The statistics confirm this bad reputation. According to the World Health Organization, Thailand registered the highest record for fatal road accidents in Southeast Asia. About 38 out of 100,000 people die from road accidents in Thailand annually compared to the global average of 18.

Bus accidents may have figured prominently in the past few months, but statistically-speaking, it’s more dangerous to ride motorbikes in Thailand. More than 11,000 motorbike drivers or passengers die from road accidents annually, representing 70 percent of the country’s road fatalities.

Aside from legislation and proper implementation of traffic laws, the WHO recommends the adoption of crash avoidance technologies. For example, Thailand can strengthen its road traffic injury data systems.

Immediately after the fatal bus crash last week, the Land Transport Department ordered all double-decker bus drivers to undergo retraining and apply for a new license. It also announced that provincial buses are now required to install safety features such as an anti-lock braking system. The department also wants to limit the height of double-decker buses to four meters.

The deadly road accidents in recent months have forced the government to review its road safety policies. Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra has vowed to improve road infrastructure especially in the affected provinces.

Public awareness campaigns should also target the young. For Weerawit Wajjanapukka, chief of the Traffic Police Division in Bangkok, strict enforcement of traffic rules would be meaningless if drivers continue to be irresponsible on the road.

“It seems most drivers only display road etiquette to pass their driving test. It’s very important that everyone puts those values and correct practices into practice. Strict law enforcement alone can only fix the tip of the problem; we need contributions from every driver,” he said.

Thailand has grabbed global headlines in the past six months because of the street rallies in Bangkok; in particular the clashes between the police and anti-government protesters. Without belittling the number of casualties caused by this political conflict, it must be emphasized that more people have died riding buses in Thailand than joining protests in the capital. There should be an aggressive and continuous initiative to make roads safer in Thailand.

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The Philippines’ addiction to dirty coal and dirty politics

By admin | April 17, 2014

Published by Rappler

If there is a country that needs to aggressively fight climate injustice, it must be the Philippines. Its global carbon emissions are minimal yet it is highly vulnerable to the harsh impact of extreme weather events. This was most vividly demonstrated by Super Typhoon Yolanda (Haiyan) which wrought havoc in central Philippines.

Yolanda reminded the world that the failure to reduce carbon emissions at the global level creates massive catastrophes in small island nations like the Philippines. Haiyan also exposed some of the country’s structural weaknesses such as widespread poverty in the provinces, inept bureaucracy, and deteriorating environment. For many Filipinos, Haiyan was a clear proof about the need to quickly improve disaster risk management and the strict enforcement of environmental laws.

‘Dirty legacy’

But the big elephant in the ground zero of Haiyan is coal. Looking back, it seems there was no sustained discussion in the mainstream media about the dirty legacy of coal. Media commentators spoke bluntly about the slow government relief but they failed to link coal and fossil fuels in general with Yolanda. The public was informed about disaster preparation but not about coal pollution. This is quite disappointing considering that coal is the single biggest contributor to global carbon emissions.

Climate change cannot be explained without mentioning coal. And in recent years, the Philippines has become more dependent on coal in generating its power supply. The Aquino government is guilty of increasing the number of coal projects across the country – 17 ongoing construction of coal plants and 10 slated for expansion. In his 2012 state of the nation address, Aquino singled out the oppositors of the Subic coal plant project for blocking the progress of the local economy.

The government’s addiction to coal reflects several fundamental wrongs in governance: Dirty development model (focus on extractive activities), contradictory laws (Mining Act vis-a-vis total log ban), and privatized energy sector. The Philippines pioneered renewable energy legislation in the region but the government abandoned power generation and left it in the hands of a few favored family tycoons. Naturally, the latter preferred cheap but dirty coal over renewable sources which are abundant in the country.

Disaster risk reduction and preparedness would be rendered meaningless if coal addiction is not eliminated. The ‘No Build Zone’ policy is presented as if coastal habitats pose the greatest danger to the lives of our people in the Visayas. What about large-scale mining, expanding plantations, and coal pollution?

Coal policies should make us more aware of the other manifestations of climate injustice. In the Philippines, it is reflected in the suffering of poor farmers and fisherfolk who have to survive the adverse impact of coal projects on their health and livelihood. It is evident too in the displacement of marginalized communities caused by development aggression and pollutive industries. Worse, the poor are often blamed for choosing to settle in critical habitats and high-risk areas.

Most affected

The poor are more vulnerable to the deadly impact of climate change yet they are either asked to make the greater sacrifice or castigated for being irresponsible residents. Is this not climate injustice too?

The continuing coal addiction of our money-hungry politicians despite the documented negative impact of coal plants highlights the relevance of strong political actions as we battle climate change.

Laws are important, and we need more meaningful green policies, but they lose value if corrupt bureaucrats won’t implement them.

Today, saving the planet is a popular message which enjoins everybody to adopt a green lifestyle. But focusing too much on individual actions, however heroic, would restrict our efforts to check the abuses committed by those in power. A concerned citizen should not be contented with merely planting a tree. He or she must also join others in stopping a politician from signing a permit that would allow large-scale mining in a critical watershed.

Coal pollution can be stopped by directly engaging the proponents of coal. We need an active grassroots to oppose the entry of coal in our communities. The green constituency must target local and national policymakers.

The champions of renewable energy must counter the poisonous propaganda of the coal industry. In other words, People Power politics is the best antidote to coal politics. Political solutions are needed to solve environmental problems.

The rise of coal in a disaster-prone nation is an issue of governance. It is dirty politics at its worst. After Haiyan, it is already insane to stick with coal as if there’s no other alternative. The struggle for climate justice, therefore, is not separate from the people’s campaign for genuine democracy and good governance.

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Didn’t we tell you that it is not a Sison revolution?

By admin | April 15, 2014

Written for Bulatlat

For the longest time the military has bombarded the public with the propaganda that it is Joma Sison who is leading and controlling the Philippine revolution from his base in Western Europe. This reasoning was accepted without question by many anti-Left intellectuals and they used it to malign natdem activists for allegedly being part of a movement whose leadership is not directly engaged in the daily struggles of the masses. This oft-repeated lie and line would later on become the standard filler in news reports about Joma and the local communist movement.

Nobody noticed it but on March 22, 2014, this malicious tirade was instantly discredited when the military arrested Benito Tiamzon and Wilma Austria and accused the senior citizen couple of being the top cadres of the Communist Party of the Philippines and the New People’s Army. Then, the media suddenly stopped describing Joma as chairman of the CPP and casually reported that the politburo headed by the Tiamzons is firmly established in the country.

Another propaganda peddled by the anti-communists is the supposed grandiose lifestyle of communist leaders. They insinuate that grassroots cadres are being exploited by corrupt senior leaders of the party. Again, this was disproved by the outing of the Tiamzons who were arrested in a provincial farm resort. Apparently, some puppies and kittens were found in the safe house of the ‘luxurious’ couple. Compare the circumstances of their arrest with the Euro generals; compare too their lifestyle with the pabaon and rolex generals. The Tiamzons reminded us that communists are leading the revolution sans luxury cars, mansions, and overrated expensive trappings.

Their arrest made the elderly Tiamzons the new icons of the revolution. Many are curious to know more about the leaders of a movement accused of committing terrorism and crimes against humanity. Never mind that the accusers are the Armed Forces whose terrible deeds during Martial Law are already established through a law signed by BS Aquino; and the United States government, which is the world’s leading expert on how to wage different wars of aggression.

According to the military, the Tiamzons were among the students radicalized during the Marcos years. This point is significant because it confirmed that the communist leadership is dominated by young people who fought the dictator. For many, it is comforting to learn that the communist party is headed by Martial Law activists who struggled hard to restore our democracy. It adds to the credibility of the revolutionary movement while contradicting the stereotype of a group obsessed with spreading senseless violence in the country.

If it is true that the Tiamzons assumed leadership in the 1990s, it means the couple allowed others to represent the party in public. The names Ka Roger, Oris, Parago, Frank, and of course Joma are familiar to the public, but not Benito or Wilma. Political leaders choosing to be anonymous are rare these days. But the CPP is unique since most its core leaders prefer to operate silently. This is a feat considering that the CPP is a major political force with varying influence across the archipelago.

If it is true that Benito is the supremo of the NPA, then he must be regarded as a great military strategist. A guerilla warrior since the 1970s, it is safe to assume that he is one of those responsible for building the NPA as a fighting force despite the aggressive attempts of numerous governments to defeat it. In other words, the guerilla general was able to outwit successive military generals, all of whom were trained by the prestigious Philippine Military Academy.

If it is true that the Tiamzons and Sisons are always disagreeing on political tactics as claimed by the military, then the anti-Left bashers are wrong in their presumptuous assertion that debates are nonexistent in the ‘dogmatic’ party. The intention of those who write about the alleged feud of Tiamzon and Sison is to sow intrigue; although some are simply guilty of irresponsible journalism. But what they unintentionally did was to contradict the formulaic criticism of reactionary commentators about the supposed absence of democratic debates in the party.

The Tiamzons are accused of carrying firearms such as a Colt .45 pistol, a Norinco 9mm pistol, a Kimber 9mm pistol, and Smith and Wesson .357 revolvers. For those who believe that it is only the state which has the exclusive right to use guns, then the Tiamzons must appear to be too violent for them. But the Tiamzons are not terrorists; they are revolutionary leaders fighting with the poor against the terroristic acts of despotic landlords, mining moguls, and warlords. There is no intention to romanticize or glamorize their work but we can’t deny that they are part of the resistance movement, most especially in the countryside. Even the nonviolence advocate Ronald Llamas, the political adviser of Aquino, has to carry AK-47 and M-16 rifles in his car as protection against perceived threats to his life. Let the Tiamzons argue their case but it is too naïve to dismiss them as terrorists simply because they organized and taught the masses to fight for their rights.

Immediately after the Tiamzon arrest was made public, the military boasted that it inflicted a severe blow to the communist movement. Then it asked NPA soldiers to surrender since their leaders have already bee captured. This is standard propaganda spiel. But it misreads the orientation of the communist movement, a party made stronger in the last half-century by collective leadership. It is quite unrealistic (and wishful thinking too) to expect the disintegration of a mass movement on the basis that the military was able to capture some high-ranking cadres of the party. Has the military forgotten already the communist surge in the 1970s and 1980s, which was achieved even when Joma Sison was under solitary confinement? Or perhaps the military statement reflects a failure of analysis to properly distinguish the behavior of mainstream parties and revolutionary parties. We have overemphasized the role played by great individuals in shaping the course of history that made us overlook the continuing relevance of political movements whose primary method and goal involves the collective and massive mobilization of the masses.

What can young people learn from the life story of the Tiamzons? That serving the people or the idea of bringing back something to the community has no age restrictions. That there is a better way of growing old in public service, the Tiamzon way, rather than pursuing the glorious but unprincipled career of reactionary politicians like Enrile. That the communist philosophy is not something to be defeated even if the president and his crony ilk do not understand it or are threatened by it. That yes, communists are also animal lovers.

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The people’s decade

By admin | April 7, 2014

Written for Bulatlat

If the future generation will ask us about Philippine politics during the early years of the 21st century, what should we tell them?

Perhaps some historians will name it as Erap’s decade. In 1998, Joseph Estrada became the most popular Philippine president in terms of number of votes. Two years later, he became the first president to be impeached by the House of Representatives. He was ousted from power in 2001 despite the heroic attempt of his supporters to bring him back to the Palace through the underappreciated Edsa Tres. He was found guilty of plunder and spent almost seven years in detention but he remained popular among the masses and politically influential. His (legal) wife and two children were elected senators, he almost became president again in 2010, and he is now the mayor of the country’s premier city.

Or maybe it was Gloria Arroyo’s decade. After all, she got more votes than Erap in 1998. She benefited from Edsa Dos and became president in 2001. She remained in Malacanang until 2010 which made her the second-longest serving president of the Republic in the past half century. She survived several coup attempts, she faced-off with the country’s most famous actor in the 2004 polls, and she foiled all impeachment cases filed against her. Despite being unloved by the masa, her cabalens elected her to Congress in 2010 and 2013.

But in terms of luck, it’s probably a BS Aquino decade. He was elected congressman in 1998, senator in 2007, president in 2010, and he is still the country’s most eligible bachelor. Because of his support for Gloria, he was appointed Deputy Speaker in 2004, the same year when 13 farmers were massacred in the Cojuangco-owned Hacienda Luisita. He became president largely because of the enduring legacy of his parents, the popularity of Kris and James Yap, and the billions of his uncle Danding. His victory in 2010 proved that the Aquinos are the most powerful political dynasty in the country’s modern history.

The Marcos restoration was sealed during this period. Bongbong and Imee dominated Ilocos politics as governor and member of Congress. Twenty-five years after Edsa, the wife and children of the late dictator were holding elected positions in government. Imelda apparently was able to reclaim her sequestered assets because she was the second richest solon in the 15th Congress.

The ambition of Mar Roxas and Manny Villar to become president led to the mini-revival of the Nacionalista-Liberal rivalry in 2010. Mar as Mr Palengke topped the senate race in 2004 while Villar was able to serve as speaker of the Lower House in 1998 and senate president in 2007. In the end, Mar yielded to BS Aquino but he lost to Binay and got married to Korina. Villar, on the other hand, failed to convince the public that he grew up in a ‘dagat ng basura’ and that he is no ‘Villaroyo’. The Nacionalista-Liberal rivalry in 2010 became an electoral coalition in 2013.

It has been a rewarding decade for military adventurists. The coup plotter Trillanes was elected senator despite being incarcerated during the campaign period in 2007. Meanwhile, the fugitive Honasan also won during the same election.

During Erap’s time, there was a silent battle for supremacy among the young traditional politicians represented by the so-called Spice Boys and Bright Boys. Edsa Dos made the Spice Boys popular but many of them got infected by the Gloria virus. Meanwhile, some of the Bright Boys became senators like Alan and Chiz.

Pacquiao conquered the boxing world before joining politics. After an embarrassing defeat in 2007, he moved to another district and became congressman in 2010.

It was also a Manny V. Pangilinan decade. With the backing of some Indonesian friends, he bought top performing local companies and public utilities. He is a celebrated philanthropist, political kingmaker and self-confessed plagiarist. Some are belittling him for being an alleged dummy of a foreign tycoon, but his billions can still do many wonders in the coin-operated Philippine politics.

What about the organized Left? The National Democratic Front signed a comprehensive human rights agreement with the government in 1998. Leftist groups played a big role in the ouster of Estrada, especially in mobilizing people in the streets. Bayan Muna topped the partylist polls in 2001 which inspired other progressive groups amd marginalized sectors to seek representation in the succeeding elections. To the surprise of everybody, the Left became more active in the electoral arena by fielding candidates in the partylist, local elections, and even in the senate race. Meanwhile, the armed communist movement seemed to gain a stronger presence and influence in the Mindanao island.

With regard to the Moro secessionist movement, the Moro Islamic Liberation Front became the vanguard after the capitulation of the Moro National Liberation Front in 1996. The latter further declined after it failed to deliver reforms through the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao. But before the end of Gloria’s term, the MILF leadership abandoned its demand for complete independence.

Looking back, it was not anybody’s decade. It was actually the people’s decade. The people who went to Ayala in 1999 in defense of civil liberties, in particular media freedom. The people who joined Edsa Dos, the masa of Edsa Tres. The college cadets who walked out of their campuses and succeeded in abolishing ROTC. The students who shouted ‘No To Iraq War’ at the Luneta Grandstand in 2003. The anti-Arroyo crowd: the hecklers, truth seekers, and the millions of voters dismayed by the cheating and stealing in the Gloria government. The street protests ignited by the Garci expose, corruption scandals, and Con-Ass. The mourners during the funeral march for FPJ, Ka Bel, Cory, Dolphy, and Jesse Robredo. The opinion poll respondents, audience ratings, and the anonymous online commenters. The social media crowd from bloggers to micro-bloggers. The farmers who marched from Mindanao to Manila, the urban poor defending their homes, the workers resisting the neoliberal machine. The refugees, evacuees, and victims of climate injustice. The Million People March. The People Surge. The people resisting, fighting, advocating, occupying, organizing.

In terms of political discourse, invoking the name of the people seems the most effective in capturing public interest. This seems a natural conclusion today but there was a time when the common theme used by various political forces was to refer to the country’s ‘unfinished revolution.’

Today, assessing the validity of a political campaign or event is done by comparing it with the standards established by People Power. It’s very rare to see or hear politicians speak of the need to continue the unfinished struggle of our forefathers. What they often emphasize is their adherence to the principles of People Power.

Perhaps what is needed today is the fusion of these two powerful themes. The merging of the past and the recent past. Fighting for ‘People Power’ to continue the ‘Unfinished Revolution’. In other words, claiming to speak in behalf of the people, the masa, or the bosses is nothing but empty posturing if it is not complemented by a concrete fidelity to the politics of ‘People Power’ and ‘Unfinished Revolution.’ This is the radically-proper way to understand the meaning of events and icons that dominated the country’s politics in the past decade.

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Global Spotlight on Malaysia’s Political Tragedies

By admin | April 3, 2014

Malaysia is currently confronting its worst crisis caused by its inability to explain the mysterious disappearance of Malaysian Airlines flight MH370. The government in particular is accused of being less transparent in presenting updates about the search for the missing MH370. But before Malaysian gained global notoriety for mishandling the situation, it was already facing numerous political scandals and socio-economic difficulties related to several government policies.

It has been a terrible new year for Malaysia. Just a few weeks before the MH370 plane went missing, Malaysia was hit by a water crisis. Drought and water shortages were felt in the areas of Selangor, Johor, Negri Sembilan, and Kedah. Water rationing has been ordered already by the government to serve waterless communities. The dry spell is still felt in many parts of the country.

Another environment challenge is the sudden return of the deadly haze triggered by forest burning in nearby Indonesia. The annual haze often arrives mid-year but it is unusually early today. It is clearly a proof that the haze-affected countries of Southeast Asia – Malaysia, Indonesia, and Singapore – have failed again to implement effective measures to curb air pollution. On the part of Malaysia, residents should ask their government whether Malaysia-based palm oil companies which have agricultural investments in Indonesia were made accountable for contributing to the haze problem in the region.

In relation to disease prevention, Malaysia scored low on restricting the spread of dengue. A dengue scare hit the country last month after 22 people died from dengue fever. This figure was worse compared to previous years.

A few days before the MH370 saga began, young Malaysians were shocked to learn that the government has banned the Bahasa publication of Ultraman, a Japanese comic book, for being a threat to public order. What was Ultraman’s fault? Apparently, the comic book featured a character described as ‘God’ or ‘Elder of all Ultra heroes’. Unfortunately, the word God was translated as Allah in the publication. Officials who banned the comic book said children might be confused when they read Allah. Malaysia, a Muslim-majority nation, has a controversial law banning non-Muslims from using the word Allah to refer to God.

But many people believe the government’s response was exaggerated since it could have simply instructed the publisher to fix the translation.

On March 7, a day before the MH370 flight, Malaysian stunned the world after opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim was convicted guilty of sodomy. It was clearly a case of political harassment aimed at preventing Anwar from filing his candidacy for the coming by-elections. Under Malaysian laws, no person can run for public office if he has a criminal conviction. Malaysia’s sodomy law, a British colonial legacy, is practically already obsolete. Since 1938, there have been only seven sodomy cases, four of which have been filed by the ruling party against Anwar.

The ruling coalition has been in power since the 1950s although it lost the popular vote last year. It still retains majority of seats in the parliament, but the opposition led by Anwar is expected to win in a state assembly by-election.

Malaysians were bitterly debating the merits of Anwar’s conviction and its political impact when the vanished MH370 was first reported on March 8. Since then, the Malaysian government got a severe beating from almost everybody, especially relatives of the missing passengers and those exasperated with Malaysia’s crisis management team.

Perhaps it is unfair to Prime Minister Najib Razak but whether he likes it or not, his term will be remembered and judged by the world with how his government addressed the MH370 crisis. And as long his subordinates continue their disappointing performance during press briefings and other public events, many people around the world are expected to dig deeper into the other scandals hounding the government.

The MH370 crisis is already exposing the fatal flaws of the administration. Perhaps it will not be long before the world will start talking not just about MH370 but also about Anwar, election fraud, corruption, and even Ultraman.

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Public opinion and political truth

By admin | April 2, 2014

Written for Bulatlat

Public opinion has many uses but it should neither stand for truth nor should it be equated with political standpoint. Sometimes it is overrated despite its ephemerality. Consider the examples below:

– Senator Miriam Santiago is the darling of the press and social media superstar who entertains the public with her intelligent albeit shocking sound bites aimed against her political nemesis. She is also delightfully unforgiving to nincompoops during senate hearings. She is regarded as a highly credible legislator and anti-corruption crusader. But there was a time when her popularity was down that led to her defeat in the senate race (she even lost in her hometown Iloilo province). This was during the Edsa Dos uprising in 2001 when she aggressively supported former President Joseph Estrada. While campaigning, she promised to jump from a plane if Estrada is arrested. But when Estrada was eventually detained, she obviously didn’t carry out her threat and she even bragged that she lied about it. This was a very different Miriam Santiago: unpopular and unprincipled. The same Miriam Santiago who almost won the presidency in 1992, idol of the youth, and recipient of the prestigious Ramon Magsaysay award.

– No doubt, the superbads of Philippine politics today are Senators Tanda, Sexy, and Pogi. Tanda refers to Senator Juan Ponce Enrile, the grand dirty old man of Philippine politics. How fleeting is the memory of many people! Just two years ago, Enrile was adored and respected as an elderly statesman who brilliantly presided the Corona impeachment trial.

– He may be the ‘boy pick-up’ who wanted to legalize everything, but a decade ago Secretary Mar Roxas was the heroic Mr Palengke who topped the senate elections. Anyare?

– Just how bad is Gloria Arroyo? During her incumbency, her allies called her ‘lucky bitch’ and ‘she is evil’. But before she became unpopular, she was really a very popular politician. She was the number one senator in 1995 and she got more votes than Estrada in 1998.

What do these examples tell us? First, popularity is not reliable to verify the ‘truthiness’ of a political event. Imagine if we succumbed to the verdict of opinion polls and joined the madlang people on Twitter in praising Enrile in 2012. Second, we need historians to cure our ‘permanent amnesia’ by continually reminding us of the forgotten lessons of history. Third, there are no natural born heroes and villains in politics. There are no permanent virtues; there is only permanent political interest.

Cunning politicians are aware of our short memories and they exploit this weakness by bombarding us with seductive images of the present. They focus their energies on generating instant political effects so that citizens won’t ask questions about the embarrassing past and the illusory future. For them, it is more important to weaken the fighting instinct of the public by deliberately obfuscating the contours of the political field.

Unfortunately for us, the traditional political playbook has been enhanced by ubiquitous information tools which politicians are using to distract our attention. With help from corporate-controlled media, they spread mindless and meaningless McSize political statements that aim to redirect our gaze to nonessential political matters. We actively participate in the information exchange not knowing that we are being disempowered, mentally and politically.

With all the cascading data in the system and in our timelines, why aren’t we better informed? It is because what is being circulated is not knowledge that can enlighten but semi-gibberish content that preys on our emotions. The mind-conditioning techniques of TV have become the new standard and all these are reflected on the Internet. Spread panic, capitalize on fear, use shock and awe images. The result is a community of media consumers immobilized by the chaotic whirling of virtual representations of turmoil.

It’s no surprise that politician-preachers and TV-savvy demagogues have become the major celebrities of our time. Tragic that political chatter in the mediascape is given prominent attention at the expense of more serious political dialogues taking place in society. Tragic too is the uncritical recognition of public opinion as the useful political truth that gives legitimacy to the current situation.

But modern democracy should not be simply about the unfettered distribution and exchange of sentiments. We fought too long and too hard for our democratic rights in order to assert the truth and not merely to conform to what is popular and traditional.

Or let me rephrase the issue this way: Politics is essentially truth-seeking. Your opinion may be popular, viral, and trending; but is it the truth? Politicking politicians are desperately trying to win public opinion but it is a distortion of democratic politics. It is only through revolutionary political practice that we can create new truths and new political events.

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Baliktanaw sa 2013 at Pamahalaan ni BS Aquino

By admin | March 24, 2014

Taong 2013 nang tuluyang nahubaran ang rehimen ni BS Aquino bilang numero unong tuta ng imperyalismo, sagad-sagaring korap, tagapagtanggol ng interes ng malaking negosyo, at inutil sa panahon ng krisis at kalamidad. Nalantad si BS Aquino bilang hasyenderong pangulo na pabaya, arogante, at kasabwat ng mga kurakot. Dahil dito, bumuhos sa lansangan ang daan-daang libong masa upang isigaw ang kanilang galit sa sistemang bulok at korap. Higit na tumindi ang poot ng mamamayan nang masaksihan ng marami ang palpak na pamumuno ni BS Aquino nang hinagupit ang bansa ng malalakas na lindol at bagyo na nagdulot ng malaking pinsala at trahedya sa buhay ng maraming Pilipino.

Nawalan ng bisa ang pagbandila ng pamahalaan ni BS Aquino ng paglago diumano ng ekonomiya nang mas tumingkad ang kahirapang dinaranas ng karaniwang tao. Ang malaking agwat sa pagitan ng mayayaman at mahihirap ay natumbok ng balitang hindi lalagpas sa 40 pamilya ang nagmamay-ari ng 75 bahagdan ng ekonomiya. Naging kakatwa ang pagtukoy sa mataas na GDP habang ang mayorya ay dinudukha ng matataas na bayarin, murang pasahod, maduming kapaligiran, at kawalan ng katiyakan sa pabahay at kabuhayan. Kung tutuusin, ang pawis at dugo ng manggagawang Pilipino ang bumubuhay sa ekonomiya ng bansa; at marami sa kanila ang pwersadong makipagsapalaran sa ibang bayan at mahiwalay sa pamilya upang may makain lamang. Sa kabila nito, pinagyayabang ni BS Aquino na dumarami diumano ang nakakaramdam ng kaginhawaan dulot ng mga patakarang pinapatupad ng kanyang pamahalaan.

Samantala, sa kabila ng pagkapanalo ng maraming kandidato ng administrasyon noong nakaraang halalan ay hindi nito napigilan ang pagsidhi ng krisis sa pulitika dahil mas tumampok na usapin ang kawalan ng malinis at epektibong pamumuno sa bansa. Kahit may postura itong malinis at bukas (transparent), lumabas ang katotohanan na ang pamahalaan ni BS Aquino ay walang pinag-iba sa mga nagdaang pamahalaan: madumi, magnanakaw, at ganid. Noong una ay pinagtatanggol pa ni BS Aquino ang pork barrel subalit napilitan ding magdeklara na pabor siya sa pagbuwag ng PDAF nang kumilos ang mamamayan sa kalye. Gayunpaman, tulad ng inaasahan, ayaw pakawalan ni BS Aquino ang presidential pork at DAP na aabot sa isang trilyong piso kada taon. Kailangan ni BS Aquino ang pork upang panatilihin ang kanyang dominasyon sa buong burukrasya habang sistematikong kinakamkam ng kanyang pamilya at mga galamay ang salapi ng mamamayan.

Upang humupa ang galit ng tao sa pork, nangako ang pamahalaan na ito ay ididiretso sa serbisyong sosyal at mga proyektong kailangan ng mga komunidad. Subalit nabunyag ang kahungkagan ng pangakong ito nang sadyang tinago, pinabagal, at nilapatan ng maraming kondisyon ng pamahalaan ang pagbibigay tulong sa mga sinalanta ng bagyong Yolanda. Naging malinaw sa lahat na ang pork, bukod sa kinukurakot, ay ginagamit at patuloy na gagamitin hindi upang paglingkuran ang mamamayan kundi bilang kasangkapang pulitikal ng naghaharing paksyon sa bansa. Bukod dito, hindi nagamit o sadyang hindi ginamit ang trilyong pisong pork ng pangulo upang palakasin ang paghahanda ng bansa sa mga dumarating na sakuna.

At habang abala ang marami kung paano tutulong sa pagbangon ng Samar at Leyte, ginamit itong oportunidad ng tusong rehimeng US-Aquino upang pabilisin at gawing lehitimo ang pagpasok muli at pagtatayo ng base ng mga tropang Amerikano sa bansa.

Dagdag pa, hindi tumutol ang pamahalaan sa pagtaas ng singil sa kuryente at langis sa kabila ng sunud-sunod na kalamidad sa bansa. Tila mas matimbang kay BS Aquino ang pagtatangol ng sobra-sobrang kita ng mga oligarkiyang nag-ambag sa kanyang kandidatura kaysa kapakanan ng mahihirap. Kaugnay nito, sinusulong ang pribatisasyon ng mga ospital, reklamasyon ng mga baybayin, at tax holiday pabor sa mga dambuhalang crony.

Kung mahigpit ang pagtutol ni Aquino sa panukalang dagdag sahod ng manggagawa, kabaligtaran naman ang posisyon nito pagdating sa pagpataw ng mga dagdag na bayarin sa mamamayan. Magtataas ng buwanang singil ang SSS at Philhealth kahit bilyun-bilyon ang kita ng mga institusyong ito at kahit na tumatanggap ng milyon-milyong bonus ang mga opisyal nito. Nakaamba rin ang pagtaas ng pasahe sa MRT at LRT dahil babawasan ng gobyerno ang subsidyo para dito.

Sa Metro Manila, agresibong pinapatupad ang Public-Private-Partnership bilang pamantayan ng pagtataguyod ng mga malalaking proyekto. Tinuturing na negosyo ang pagbibigay serbisyo sa mamamayan kaya ang tinatarget ng mga ahensiya ay pagkamal ng tubo sa halip na pagbutihin at gawing mura ang mga serbisyong publiko.

Laganap din ang banta at aktuwal na kaso ng demolisyon sa mga komunidad na pagtatayuan ng mga sentrong komersiyal imbes na maglaan ng pondo para sa socialized housing. Winawalis ang mga maliliit na manininda sa kanilang mga pwesto kahit walang alternatibong kabuhayang inihahain ang pamahalaan. Bukod dito, unang binabaling ang sisi sa mga maralita kung may malalang pagbaha sa siyudad, at ginagamit itong dahilan upang gibain ang kanilang tirahan, sa halip na ugatin ang problema at tukuyin ang kawalan ng maayos na urban planning at land zoning sa bansa, kahirapan, at historikal na kapabayaan ng pamahalaan.

Sa pagsidhi ng krisis sa lipunan ay ramdam ang bagsik at pasismo ng pamahalaan laban sa mamamayang Pilipino. Tumindi ang militarisasyon sa kanayunan lalo na sa mga malalaking hasyenda, minahan at plantasyon ng mga multinasyonal na korporasyon. Ginamit ang armadong lakas ng estado upang supilin ang pagtutol ng mamamayan sa mga mapanira at maduming operasyon ng malaking negosyo. Hindi binuwag ang private army ng mga despotikong panginoong maylupa at warlord; at sa halip ay hinayaang maghasik ng lagim sa maraming komunidad, lalo na sa mga lugar na may solidong lakas ang mga progresibong pwersa.

Tinangkang ipakete ang Oplan Bayanihan bilang makatao, mapayapa, at makatarungang programa upang biguin ang rebolusyong komunista sa bansa. Ginamit ang wika ng repormiso at pasipismo upang linlangin ang mamamayan na huwag sumapi sa mga radikal na samahan at itakwil ang rebolusyon.

Subalit tulad ng mga naunang counterinsurgency program ng pamahalaan, ang OpBay ay nagbunsod lamang ng matinding karahasan sa bansa. Nagpatuloy ang harassment, pagdukot at pagpaslang sa mga aktibista, mamamahayag, at iba pang may kritikal na tindig sa mga usaping bayan. May pananagutan si BS Aquino sa paglobo ng bilang ng mga biktima ng karahasan mula sa sektor ng mga bata, IP, at kababaihan.

Brutal na binubuwag ng militar ang mga kooperatiba, unyon, at mga progresibong alyansa habang nagkakalat ng black propaganda at taktikang red baiting sa mga paaralan, simbahan, at mga barangay laban sa kilusang pambansa demokratiko.

Pinatindi ang atake sa mga masang organisasyon sa kalunsuran. Sinampahan ng gawa-gawang kaso ang mga hayag na lider masa ng kilusan upang pilayin ang pagsulong ng pakikibakang masa at bahiran ang kredibilidad ng mga progresibo. Higit na naging sopistikado ang paniniktik gamit ang makabagong teknolohiya (CCTV) habang lumiliit ang demokatikong espasyo na kung saan malaya at walang takot na pwedeng magpahayag ang mamamayan.

Pinatunayan ni BS Aquino na wala itong tapat na hangaring magtulak ng tunay na kapayapaan sa bansa dahil sa makitid nitong pananaw hinggil sa usapang pangkapayapaan. Ang balakid sa muling paghaharap ng peace panel ay madaling mawala kung tutuparin lamang ng pamahalaan ang obligasyon nitong palayain ang mga bilanggong pulitikal, partikular ang mga NDF consultant. Subalit sa halip na makipag-usap ay aroganteng pinaninindigan ni BS Aquino at ng militar na may kakayahan itong talunin at lansagin ang rebolusyonaryong kilusan bago matapos ang taong 2016.

Tatlong taon pa lang ang panunungkulan ni BS Aquino subalit kaya na nitong higitan ang mga nagdaang rehimen pagdating sa pagiging sunud-sunuran sa mga dayuhan, kurakot, berdugo, at pabigat sa buhay ng masa. Ang ‘Daang Matuwid’ ay slogang walang silbi na nagdulot lamang ng walang kaparis na kahirapan at karahasan sa mamamayan. Ang gobyerno ni BS Aquino ay nananatiling gobyerno ng mayayaman at mga mapang-api sa lipunan.

Sa kabila ng malakas na impluwensiya ni BS Aquino sa mga konserbatibong institusyon tulad ng mainstream media, mga unibersidad, at simbahan, nabigo itong itago ang kabulukan at baho ng kasalukuyang sistema. Umalingawngaw ang galit ng mamamayan at dumami ang mga tinig na nananawagang patalsikin ang isang pamahalaang inutil at kurakot.

Dapat ipunin ang saloobing ito at itaas ang paglaban ng mamamayan. Ang desperasyon ng masa sa sistemang pumapatay ay dapat hubugin hanggang ito ay maging diwang rebolusyonaryo. Ang tuluy-tuloy na paghamon sa pamahalaan ni BS Aquino hanggang sa ito ay mapabagsak ay bahagi ng pangmatagalang pakikibaka na wakasan ang sistemang mapang-api at itayo ang tunay na demokratikong pamahalaan ng mamamayan.

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