Waray as battlecry

Written for Bulatlat

Waray, which refers to both the lingua franca and the people of Samar and Leyte, literally means nothing. It is interesting and also quite strange that this term is also used to signify nothingness. But can there be something out of nothing? Can nothing produce something?

Today, the word Waray is both real and symbolic in the aftermath of super typhoon Yolanda (Haiyan). It reflects the ground zero in Tacloban, the wiped out coconut fields in Samar, and the criminal negligence of the BS Aquino government. And precisely because of this natural and man-made disaster, Warays are being pitied. Right or wrong, they are seen as weary survivors in need of rescuing and continuing relief.

But charity is not enough. It is actually always never enough. Because for people who lost everything and for those who have nothing to lose anymore, their emancipation begins when they dare to end their miseries by changing their circumstances.

Perhaps it is time to rethink the concept of Waray. Why not let it stand for the historical injustices committed against our people? Remember how Balangiga was reduced into a ‘howling wilderness’ by the Americans. Remember too the murderous legacy of political dynasties. Imelda may be a Waray but her becoming a First Lady (or the other half of the conjugal dictatorship) didn’t uplift the lives of the Warays, even if she built the country’s longest bridge that connected Samar and Leyte.

No doubt Yolanda was extremely strong but it is wrong to blame it for the surge in poverty in Eastern Visayas. Landlessness, hunger, inequality, and environment degradation are deadly disasters that have plagued the region for many decades already. What Yolanda did was to exacerbate the suffering of the Warays in a land of more than nothing but less than something.

Therefore, as a way of suggestion, let Waray embody the rage of a people oppressed by geography, poverty and political cruelty. Make it the rallying call of Yolanda survivors and the poor of Eastern Visayas as they renew their lives. Prove that there can be something out of nothing. That the nothing can certainly produce something.

History has taught us that it is through struggle, and only through struggle, that the people condemned to nothingness can most effectively alter their social conditions. That is why the ‘People Surge’ movement which was initially attended by more than 15,000 Warays was truly awe inspiring. Finally, a Yolanda-related story that is not entirely about gloom and despair but hope and resistance. Indeed, there is so much pain and greed today but why dwell on these evils when we can showcase the fighting spirit of the Warays?

The idea of the People Surge is simple but powerful: The people’s will is supreme in a democracy. That the poor themselves can best articulate their specific political demands; and when the multitudes speak, we must be ready to listen to them and if necessary, join their struggle. In other words, Yolanda victims need our compassion; but more importantly, our solidarity.

First, there was the example set by the admirable typhoon Pablo victims who militantly asserted their right to access relief goods illegally hoarded in a government warehouse. And today, we have Yolanda survivors who ‘surged’ and marched in the streets of Leyte as they called for a faster and fair rehabilitation of their damaged communities. We may be witnessing the emergence of something new in the disaster-prone Philippine political landscape: ‘Disaster protests’ aimed against government incompetence; and ‘climate change protests’ highlighting climate injustice and environment plunder. The uprising of islanders capable of overthrowing callous regimes and igniting social revolutions. The poor, the people unleashing a ‘storm surge’ of protests.

The People Surge has a real potential of developing into something bigger and more radical phenomenon. Its name and methods remind us of the First Quarter Storm of 1970, the year when Manila was rocked by storms and protests. It could spread and become the Philippine contribution to the global ‘occupy’ movement. The peoples of other countries conduct food riots, urban strikes, and barricades but Filipinos prefer to ‘surge’ like storms as they attack the citadels of power.

Yolanda is a buzzword of the semi-apocalyptic event that overwhelmed the Visayas islands. In the current reconstruction phase, Yolanda signifies the imperative and the yearning to overcome the tragedy. But Yolanda is specific to the storm deluge while the greater challenge is to confront the historic inequities in the region. This makes Waray a more appropriate and potent political term.

Waray – the language, the people, and now the struggle for a new future. Waray, the new subversive, as an alternative to the dehumanizing bureaucratic and corporate-led remapping of Eastern Visayas.

Who are we? Waray!

What do we want? Waray!

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Labanan ang Mataas na Singil sa Kuryente

Panday Pira, Tondo, Maynila

Mawawalan na ng bisa ang 60-day TRO na ipinataw ng Korte Suprema sa dagdag singil ng Meralco. Bago dumating ang araw na ito, nangagailangan ng malakas at maingay na protesta upang itulak ang korte na maglabas ng desisyong tuluyang ibabasura ang sobra-sobrang paniningil ng Meralco at power companies.

Tayong mamamayan ang magdurusa kapag pinayagan ang Meralco na maningil nang sobra-sobra. Halos hindi na nga magkasya ang ating buwanang kita para sa pang araw-araw na pangangailangan ng ating pamilya ay papatungan pa ito ng di-makatwiran at ma-anomalyang taas ng singil sa kuryente.

At bukod sa mas mababang kita ng mga tao, may negatibong epekto rin ang mahal na presyo ng kuryente sa negosyo at mga serbisyong pambayan. Kung hindi magbawas ng manggagawa ay maaaring ipasa lang ng mga negosyante ang dagdag singil ng Meralco sa ating mga consumer. Samantala, maaaring bawasan ang operasyon ng mga institusyong pampubliko upang makatipid sa kuryente.

Bawas kita, bagsak kabuhayan, at mas matinding kahirapan. Ito ang idudulot ng mataas na singil sa kuryente. Walang makikinabang dito maliban sa iilang pamilyang nagmamay-ari ng Meralco at power companies, kasabwat ng mga kurakot sa pamahalaan. Paghahatian nila ang bilyun-bilyong piso kapalit ng dinukhang buhay ng ordinaryong mamamayan.

Imbes na dagdag sahod ay dagdag-gastos ang binibigay sa mamamayan ng administrasyon ni BS Aquino. Walang ginawa si BS Aquino upang pigilin ang sobrang paniningil ng Meralco. Sa katunayan, sinabi niyang walang magagawa ang pamahalaan upang kontrolin ang presyo ng kuryente. Ang totoo ay pinagtatanggol lamang niya ang dambuhalang tubo ng mga crony at negosyanteng nag-ambag sa kanyang kandidatura.

Dapat panagutin si BS Aquino sa price surge na humagupit sa buhay ng mga Pilipino. Bukod sa inutil at pabaya sa panahon ng kalamidad, ay walang malasakit sa mahihirap na pumapasan ng nagmamahalang presyo ng mga bilihin at serbisyo.

Kaya sa Pebrero 17, inaanyayahan ang lahat na lumahok sa protestang ‘Kalampagin ang Malakanyang’ upang singilin si BS Aquino at upang itulak ang Korte Suprema na paboran ang petisyon ng mamamayan laban sa dagdag singil ng Meralco.

Tayo ay lumabas ng ating mga tahanan, sumama sa mga aksyong lansangan, at mag-ingay hanggang umabot ito sa Malakanyang.

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Thailand Election by the Numbers

Written for The Diplomat

Thailand conducted a “peaceful” election yesterday amid worsening political tension in the country. Let us first review some essential numbers:

Thailand has 48 million eligible voters out of a population of 65 million. According to the Election Commission, voting took place in 89 percent of 93,952 polling stations nationwide. But the election body cancelled the voting in nine of 14 provinces in the south part of the country where the opposition support base is located. Voting in 42 out of 333 districts was also suspended.

Because of the opposition-led boycott campaign, there are 28 constituencies with no candidates. The opposition has boycotted the elections as it demands the establishment of an unelected People’s Council to resolve the country’s political crisis.

In Bangkok, 488 polling units in five districts were closed because of anti-government protests. More than 2,000 irate and frustrated voters who were unable to vote went to the police to file complaints. The Bangkok Metropolitan Authority announced that voter turnout in the city is only 26.18 percent.

Disenfranchised voters across the country are estimated at 12 million.

Only 27 percent, or 38,350 out of 143,807 registered overseas Thais were able to cast their votes.

No election results were announced and official proclamation is expected after February 23 when by-elections are finished.

Yesterday’s election numbers can be used by both the ruling party and the opposition to bolster their respective political agenda. The ruling party can assert that the majority of Thai voters have opted to end the crisis by voting. But the opposition can argue too that the ruling party cannot govern properly and legitimately since many constituencies and districts didn’t conduct elections.

What is clear is that a political stalemate still exists despite the elections. After successfully blocking and disrupting hundreds of voting centers, anti-government protesters are now gearing for more street actions. They seemed really determined to force the ouster of the caretaker government of Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra; and to dismantle the political machinery of Thaksin, Yingluck’s elder brother and Thailand’s deposed leader.

But Yingluck can lean on her broader constituency for support. She can mobilize concerned citizens and the disenfranchised voters to protect the electoral system. She can ask the global community to immediately recognize the victory of her party and her right to remain in power.

It is expected that legal issues will be raised in the next few days in relation to the recent elections. Pro-election forces will probably demand the holding of special elections in areas where voting was cancelled. The protesters, on the other hand, could become more aggressive as they seek to force the resignation of Yingluck.

The real “Bangkok Shutdown” might get a boost this month. But since Bangkok is still under a state of emergency, we could expect more clashes between the police and protesters. In other words, the post-election scenario is bleak as far as bringing political stability back to Thailand goes.

Singapore Website Goes Offline Due to Licensing Woes

Written for The Diplomat

Singapore adopts a so-called light touch approach to regulating online activity, which means only “minimum standards are set for the responsible use of the Internet.” But for media freedom advocates, this framework is no different from the policies of other countries that practice outright Internet censorship. The case of socio-political website Breakfast Network, which has recently gone offline, illustrates how media control is exercised in Singapore.

The Breakfast Network, founded by former journalist Bertha Henson, has decided to cease its website operations after it rejected the “onerous” registration requirements of the government. It still has an online presence through its Facebook and Twitter accounts, but it was directed by the Media Development Authority (MDA) to stop publishing after it failed to register and acquire a license.

Under the Broadcasting (Class License) Act, a corporate entity providing political commentary must register with the MDA to ensure that it does not receive foreign funding. Aside from revealing its funding source, a political website must submit the personal details of its editors and staff.

The Breakfast Network, which was ordered to submit its registration documents on December 10, complained that the government’s technical requirements and registration forms contained too many vague provisions. It sought clarification from the MDA and applied for a one month extension of the registration deadline. The MDA agreed to extend the registration procedure for only a week and insisted that the registration forms are “straightforward.”

In the end, the Breakfast Network decided not to register.

“In our opinion, the proceedings have been farcical. It seems that MDA had expected Breakfast Network Pte Ltd to register and was caught off-balance when the company decided not to. Hence, the curiously vague nature of its replies,” the group said in a statement.

For its part, the MDA said the “registration requirement is simply to ensure that Breakfast Network will not receive foreign funding.”

“MDA would like to reiterate that the content is not the issue. Rather, it is the mode of operation, i.e. via a corporate entity which means there is greater possibility for foreign influence,” the MDA added.

The agency also reminded the website editorial board not to publish stories via Facebook and Twitter.

“Should Breakfast Network Pte Ltd remain active as a company, it must not operate any iteration of www.breakfastnetwork.sg on other Internet platforms as doing so would contravene MDA’s registration requirements. These other Internet platforms include Breakfast Network’s Facebook page and Twitter Feed.”

Netizens and human rights groups quickly denounced the “overly-intrusive requirements” imposed by the government and warned against excessive media regulation. Cherian George described the closure of the Breakfast Network as “death by red tape.” Braema Mathi of the human rights group Maruah is worried that the “registration requirement has chilled and reduced the space for free expression in Singapore.” Ng E-Jay accused the government of being “a highly sophisticated oppressor” by “forcing the removal via legislation” of a website that is known for advocating “constructive and critical dialogue” in the country.

Blogger Andy Xian Wong questioned the provision prohibiting foreigners from funding political websites: “Perhaps it is not so much a fear of foreign voices exactly, as it is a fear of critical voices, which coming from overseas are much harder for the government to manage and contain.”

Responding to criticisms, the MDA clarified that there is no new Internet regulation since it merely implemented an old policy that seeks to prevent foreign interests from manipulating the local media. It also defended the registration procedure as a necessary mechanism to protect the public welfare.

“Registration does not mean the promotion of political or religious causes is not allowed. It merely serves to emphasize the need for the content providers to be responsible in what they say. This is important, given the multi-racial, multi-religious nature of our society.”

On the other hand, the closure of the Breakfast Network website will certainly embolden press freedom advocacy groups to continue their campaign to press for an easing of media restrictions, which should include revising the government’s “light touch” Internet regulation framework.

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Has Manila Forgotten Japan’s War Atrocities?

Written for The Diplomat

Several Asian nations reacted harshly when Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe visited the controversial Yasukuni war shrine last month. But in Manila, which was the second most devastated Allied city during World War II, Abe’s visit almost went unnoticed.

Yasukuni is Japan’s monument to honor citizens who died during the Second World War. But it is also notorious for memorializing war criminals, which explains why Japan’s neighbors are furious every time a Japanese politician visits the shrine. Abe never visited Yasukuni during his first term, in order not to antagonize other Asian countries – but he made a surprise visit to the shrine last month, a move which was quickly denounced by China and South Korea.

China and South Korea suffered tremendously during the Japanese occupation. They have argued that any visit by a high-ranking public servant to the shrine is an insult to all those who perished under the brutal legacy of Japanese militarism.

In fairness to China and South Korea, they were not alone in voicing opposition to Abe’s visit to Yasukuni. Singapore’s foreign ministry said that it “regrets” the visit made by Abe and added that the action is “unhelpful to building trust and confidence in the region.” Even the United States, Japan’s strongest treaty ally, expressed disappointment over the incident.

In the past, protests were even organized in Taiwan to condemn the continued honoring of Japanese war criminals at Yasukuni.

But not a word or even a whimper of protest was heard from Manila. In fact, Filipino officials have never reacted to Yasukuni visits by Japanese ministers. Yasukuni is recognized as a war shrine but it has never been seen by Filipinos as a symbol of Japanese brutality during World War II. It seems Filipinos are no longer outraged by the idea that Japan is keen on honoring its war dead, including war criminals.

This is quite odd considering that Manila was almost completely devastated by retreating Japanese forces during the last days of the war. The ruins of old Manila were often compared to the trail of destruction in Warsaw, Poland. Elsewhere in the country, Japan’s war atrocities are amply documented. There is no shortage of narratives that highlight Japan’s war crimes in the Philippines which included murder, looting, and sex slavery.

So why are Filipinos silent over Abe’s Yasukuni visit?

Perhaps the answer is that Japan is considered by many as a strategic friend in warding off China’s expansionism in the region. Like Japan, the Philippines has been waging a war of words with China over several maritime disputes. Between a rising China and a “declining” Japan, the former is viewed by Filipinos as a bigger and more sinister security threat.

Since 1945, Japan has been a consistent trading partner of the Philippines. Japan went on to become the second biggest economy in the world while the Philippines deteriorated as a regional laggard. Despite its economic difficulties, Japan continued to be a top aid donor to the Philippines. It has extensive infrastructure investments and loan projects across the country.

The Japanese are no longer seen by today’s generation as war aggressors but investors, tourists, and allies. Japan’s war crimes are still mentioned in school textbooks but they have already ceased to be a divisive political issue that could substantially affect the relationship between the two countries.

Recently, Japan deployed some of its troops to the Philippines to join in the relief and rehabilitation efforts after super typhoon Haiyan wrought havoc in the Visayas islands. It was a symbolic political act because it meant the return of Japanese soldiers to Philippine soil after 68 years. Japan arrived not as an invading force but as a neighbor extending aid and solidarity to typhoon victims.

Nevertheless, is Japan’s rehabilitated image a legitimate excuse to ignore the significance of Yasukuni? Can’t the Philippines remind its friend and ally not to risk further regional animosity by asking Japanese leaders to stop visiting Yasukuni? There are effective ways to spread the message of peace and provoking more hatred by reopening old wounds is not one of them.

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Gross National Survival: A Proposal

Written for Bulatlat

Despite its high Gross Domestic Product in recent years, the Philippines has remained a backward nation. Poverty numbers didn’t change although wealth disparity has worsened especially between the rural and the urban. It’s clear that the GDP is an inaccurate and inadequate measure of the real state of the economy. Its use value has no meaning whatsoever for the great majority who are wallowing in a life of dire uncertainty and penury.

But if the GDP is to be discarded, what reliable indicator of development should replace it?

Perhaps Bhutan’s Gross National Happiness can provide a refreshing alternative. If we interpret the concept literally, Filipinos would consistently count as among the happiest people on Earth. Happy but still poor despite being extremely talented singers and dancers. Even if it has broader appeal over the GDP, the GNH cannot completely measure the country’s political economy.

What about international business surveys on competitiveness? Cities and countries are praised if they are business-friendly. It means there is less or zero corruption, cost of doing business is cheap, infrastructure is well-developed, and the government is efficient and responsive.

It’s tempting to embrace these global standards that highlight the relevance of good governance and sustainable development. But ultimately, the endgoal of this paradigm is still to ensure the profitability of big business. Reforms are undertaken to generate super profits for monopoly corporations without disrupting the core of the system.

Besides, a business-friendly economy doesn’t necessarily bring more progress to the people. In the case of the Philippines, the mad rush to attract investors has led to the creation of modern sweatshops, massive plunder and degradation of the environment, and more intense militarization and violence in all areas of production.

There are varying indicators of progress but most of them are either deceptive or shallow such as the inane assertion that heavy traffic is a positive sign of increased economic activity. Or that a municipality can qualify to be a city if it has a supermall. Also, the middle classes are said to be getting richer because of condominium constructions and proliferation of call centers in the metropolis.

After the housing and tech bubbles, stock market crashes, and the rapid decline of powerhouse economies in the world, why is there a continuing fanatical and almost blind worship of neoliberal economics? Why cling to these development dogmas that brought unspeakable suffering to the people of the world?

Hopefully, the horrible impact of typhoon Yolanda in the Visayas will make us realize that the current socio-economic system is extremely bankrupt. Yolanda actually exposed many ugly things about the current state of affairs such as the pitiful and sham development in the countryside, uneven resource distribution, non-existent climate-proofing, and the notoriously incompetent and corrupt bureaucracy.

Yolanda made us remember once more that we are islanders living in disaster-prone islands. The Philippines may be blessed with majestic beaches and sparkling waters but it’s also an archipelago dotted with volcanoes and active earthquake fault lines. Because of climate change, strong typhoons have also become more frequent.

The initial angry but reasonable demand of everybody is for the government to enhance the country’s disaster preparedness. Fine, but this is not enough.

Geography should not be the sole consideration in beefing up the country’s climate readiness. Equally important is the correct understanding of the country’s political economy. Our islands are not just ravaged by rains and volcanic eruptions. More insidious is the impact of colonial and neo-colonial rule. Decades of oligarchic control of the local economy has destroyed not just the environment but it has also made the people more impoverished and less empowered.

Depoliticized climate change adaptation threatens to further marginalize the poor. For example, the laudable program to clean the coastline could easily degenerate into blaming the poor for causing water pollution if we fail to see them as victims of previous development aggression projects.

Therefore, the more crucial issue in the case of Samar and Leyte is not who will lead the rehabilitation efforts but what kind of rehabilitation will the government undertake in these typhoon-devastated provinces.

Worse than partisan politics is the possible hijacking of the community reconstruction effort in favor of laissez faire capitalism. Beware of corporate vultures and politician looters who were given the power to draft and enforce a development program that would promote the greedy interest of Big Business at the expense of the poor. Next to trafficking, we must be vigilant against land speculation and landgrabbing. It would be tragic if cash-strapped typhoon survivors would lose their lands to property developers through dubious deals or if the government would prevent them from returning to their homes which have been suddenly rezoned as disaster-prone.

In other words, disaster preparation should not be reduced into a mapping and re-mapping procedure. Study the terrain but it is crucial to persevere in improving and even restructuring the local political economy.

Concretely, we should junk the economic models imposed by big financial institutions. Is it viable to replicate the economic strategies of Hong Kong, Singapore, and Japan when our historical and geographical circumstances are vastly different? Didn’t we strictly adhere to the rehabilitation blueprint provided by the Americans after the Second World War?

The story of Manila in the past century should alert us to the dangers of uncritically accepting the economic prescriptions given by rich countries. Like Tacloban today, Manila was completely ruined during World War II. After the war, Americans provided numerous financial assistance including loans to reconstruct Manila. Unfortunately, these were conditional subsidies which prevented the country from pursuing an independent path of economic development. We all knew what happened after that to Manila and the rest of the Philippines in the past half century.

Today, there exists an opportunity to review our social and economic policies as we rebuild our typhoon-damaged provinces. Are we going to build a new Tacloban that looks up to Manila as the model for urbanization? Manila may be the country’s premier urban hub but it is at the same time the best showcase of maldevelopment and chaotic urban planning.

After Yolanda, is it wise to pursue the same development programs that created polluted cities, overcommercialized island resorts, urban poor colonies, unproductive farmlands, and abandoned mining sites?

In terms of GDP, a city may be richer because it has Greenbelt malls. On the other hand, a coastal town that built greenbelt mangrove farms might have less revenues but no doubt it is a cleaner and safer habitat.

For an archipelagic country that is highly vulnerable to the harsh impact of climate change, and a country in the Pacific Ring of Fire made weaker by centuries of elite and dynastic rule, the dogged determination to achieve higher GDP year after year despite the absence of change in the quality of life is already irrational. It’s time to think of a better approach on how to save and improve the lives of Filipino islanders.

Instead of higher GDP, why not strive for a higher Gross National Survival or GNS? Nickel mining and reclamation will bring more tax dollars but will they strengthen our habitats? Will they allow us to survive the next big disaster? Higher GDP but lower GNS will hasten the arrival of the apocalypse in this part of the world.

The GNS could quantify the resiliency of local communities. It seeks to measure the capability of a given place to withstand extreme situations by incorporating weather and climate patterns, economic production, human development or wellness categories, political institutions, and environment and social dynamics.

It rejects the proposition that the development imperative trumps all aspects of community and nation-building. The thrust of development must be synergized with other communal goals. Policies are aimed at improving the GNS of communities instead of focusing exclusively on tax revenues. We are interested to learn more from the experience of our indigenous people who adapted to changing climates and economic conditions without destroying their unique ecosystems.

Ondoy, Pablo, and Yolanda were deadly typhoons that wrought damage in our country in the past five years. The worst is not yet over until we have reversed the warming of the planet. The only way we can minimize casualties in our beautiful islands of distress is to rethink the way we organize our communities. It may appear to be an issue involving the environment and economy but essentially it is a political question.

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Malaysia’s Kangkung Meme

Written for The Diplomat

Kangkung, or water spinach, has been trending in Malaysia since last week after Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak cited it as an example of a commodity that has become less expensive over the course of his administration.

Najib was responding to protests against rising prices caused by the government’s decision to cut subsidies. During the New Year celebration, thousands joined a street parade in Kuala Lumpur to denounce the increase in prices of basic goods and services such as petrol, sugar, and toll fees.

Najib complained that the government is often blamed for rising prices – but ignored when prices go down.

“When the prices come down, why are there no praises for the government? When it goes up, the government gets the blame. This is unfair because [such issues are determined by] the weather condition,” Najib said in Bahasa.

Then, he highlighted kangkung’s cheap price in the market: “I read in the newspaper that some prices have come down. Kangkung prices once went up and now it is down.”

This remark ignited an uproarious public reaction. It unleashed a kangkung meme which quickly went viral on social media. Najib’s enemies used it to criticize the government’s economic policies, in particular the slashing of subsidies for sensitive consumer goods. They painted Najib as a clueless leader and insensitive to the worsening situation of the poor.

In a subsequent speech, Najib was unapologetic for his kangkung remark. He clarified that he merely used the green vegetable as an example to explain the economic principle of supply and demand. He also added that kangkung and sotong (squid) are his favorite foods.

But Najib was reminded by critics that people are not complaining against price increases in all products but only those which are subject to government regulation or price controls such as petrol, sugar and toll rates. They added that no one is blaming Najib for the fluctuating price of kangkung, the humble vegetable of the masses.

It is also misleading to use kangkung as a price index of consumer products since households spend a paltry 2 percent of their monthly budget on buying vegetables.

Indeed, Najib could have used better examples to assure the public that food prices have remained stable. But the humorous reaction to his kangkung gaffe could be a reflection too of the rising public dissatisfaction with Najib and the ruling party, which has been in power since the late 1950s.

Perhaps ordinary Malaysians, burdened with economic difficulties such as high prices and depressed wages, were simply expressing their frustration through humor. Instead of being sympathetic, Najib appeared to be mocking the plight of his constituents when he delivered his now infamous kangkung remark.

Thanks to the kangkung-loving Najib, the opposition now has a symbol to rally more Malaysians against the government. If the Bersih (clean) election reform movement has the color yellow for its symbol, perhaps the Reduce Cost of Living Movement (Gerakan Turun Kos Sara Hidup) or Turun could further popularize the green leafy vegetable as a new protest icon. Kangkung is rich with meaning: it’s cool because it’s green; and it can represent all Malaysians because it grows nearly everywhere in the country.

Why the Media are Angry in Malaysia

Written for The Diplomat

Malaysian journalists have recently joined ranks and formed an informal coalition called Gerakan Media Marah (Geramm), or Angry Media Movement, after the government suspended a weekly magazine for allegedly violating its publication permit.

Geramm spearheaded political action in Kuala Lumpur last January 4, which was dubbed the “red pencil” protest because journalists who joined the activity carried red pencils, breaking them in half to symbolize the continuing and worsening censorship in Malaysia.

The protest was triggered by the indefinite suspension of The Heat magazine last December, despite the lack of a clear explanation as to why the Ministry of Home Affairs came up with the decision. The order reportedly took effect even if the magazine publisher has yet to reply to the show-cause letter issued by the ministry.

Many believe that the magazine was suspended because it made the mistake of publishing a story last November about the spending habits of Prime Minister Najib Razak and his wife Rosmah Mansor.

Some of Najib’s expenses, such as utility bills in his official residence, have been questioned in parliament. Meanwhile, the First Lady recently figured in a controversy after she used a government aircraft to attend a conference in another country.

It appears that The Heat editors have already met officials of the Home Affairs and they have expressed willingness to cooperate with the ministry to resolve the issue. But for Geramm, the suspension of the magazine was a serious threat to media freedom which should be vigorously denounced.

Instead of simply focusing on the suspension issue, the red pencil protest also covered other media-related issues such as censorship, harassment of journalists and ethics.

“The red pencil represents journalists who were injured and a culture of control by the powers that be. Listen to the breaking sound. That is the suffering of journalists and the media when it is broken,” explained Fathi Aris Omar, spokesman of Geramm and editor of online media site Malaysiakini.

Geramm forwarded eight demands to the government, which naturally included the withdrawal of the suspension of The Heat weekly and that it should be allowed to operate as normal. Then it asked for a thorough investigation of the violence inflicted by the police against media practitioners during the Bersih (clean) rally in 2012. Bersih was a broad election reform movement that was able to gather hundreds of thousands in the streets prior to the 13th General Elections.

One of those who supported the Geramm-led protest was Bersih founder Ambiga Sreenavasan.

Geramm is also calling for the abolition of the publication permit that is made mandatory under the 1984 Printing Presses and Publications Act (PPPA). This is the law cited by the government when it suspended The Heat. This specific demand was supported by Christopher Leong, president of the Malaysian Bar, who described the PPPA law as “an archaic piece of legislation that no longer holds any relevance in a modern democracy.”

“The Act has been used and abused to influence, bully, intimidate, threaten and punish the press. Such legislative and governmental control of the press, including licensing regimes, should end,” Leong added.

In addition, Geramm is asking the government and political parties to allow all media practitioners to cover government events and to be given access to public buildings for news gathering purposes. Geramm also wants the government to “apologize to media practitioners for any breach of media freedom and rights.”

But Geramm’s last two demands are directed to media groups which included the reminder to “practice good journalistic ethics and give balanced and fair reporting to all,” as well as to “uphold the spirit of press freedom and human rights.”

Geramm hinted that the red pencil protest might not be the first and last time that journalists will unite and take to the streets to push for greater media freedom in the country. This should serve as a warning to the government because it means that the lifting of the questionable suspension of The Heat weekly might not be enough to dampen the political heat caused by the rising anger of Malaysian journalists. In other words, the only way forward for Malaysia is to free The Heat and more importantly, free the media.

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Inspiring stories of 2013

Written for Bulatlat

Despite the calamities that brought unprecedented devastation in the country, there were several inspiring stories in 2013 that gave much needed joy and hope to many Filipinos. They were moral boosters at a time when tragedies seem to overwhelm our islands. Hopefully, the future will not simply remember 2013 as a terribly bad year because of the natural and man-made disasters that hit country. We must make sure that the next generation will also not forget our volunteer heroes and the multitudes which comprised the historic gathering at Luneta.

1. Megan Young’s victory as Miss World was special to Filipinos because it made the Philippines the third country in the world after Brazil and Venezuela to win all four major beauty pageants: Miss Universe, Miss International, Miss Earth and Miss World. Last year’s Miss Supranational and Miss International also came from the Philippines. Interestingly, an online travel magazine listed Quezon City in Metro Manila as one of the cities with the world’s handsome men. (Note: the author is a resident of Quezon City). Kidding aside, 2013 was the year when Filipinos dominated global beauty contests and surveys on good looking people.

2. Pacquiao made the global headlines again after winning the WBO international welterweight title when he beat Mexican-American Brandon Rios in Macau. It was a convincing comeback fight for Pacquiao whose last victory was more than two years ago. Through this win, Pacquiao effectively dismissed all talks of retirement. His celebration was cut short when tax authorities garnished some of his bank accounts because of a tax evasion issue. Nevertheless, his boxing victory uplifted the spirits of many especially those living in disaster-hit provinces in the Visayas.

3. My Husband’s Lover became equally controversial and popular because it dared to portray gay characters in a different and respectful way. Who would have thought that it’s possible to seriously and intelligently discuss LGBT issues in a mainstream teleserye on prime time TV?

4. The global Yolanda (Haiyan) relief effort was truly inspiring. Media groups provided extensive coverage of the disaster, UN agencies facilitated the entry of emergency supplies, and global aid organizations were immediately on the field assisting typhoon survivors. Foreign governments also deployed humanitarian teams which helped in the transporting of relief goods and other supplies. But there were other acts of kindness which also warmed the hearts of Filipinos such as the two girls who sold lemonade drinks in California for the benefit of Yolanda victims, the six-year old Japanese pre-schooler who donated his piggybank savings to the relief drive, and Hollywood and sports celebrities who spearheaded various charity activities.

5. The country was battered by deadly disasters in 2013 but fortunately there was no shortage of Bayanihan spirit among Filipinos. This was most evident in the aftermath of Yolanda when Filipinos from all walks of life contributed and volunteered in the relief and rehabilitation efforts. Perhaps the most poignant gesture was the arrival of typhoon Pablo victims in Leyte to extend solidarity to Yolanda refugees. Pablo was the world’s deadliest disaster of 2012 which hit the southern Mindanao region.

6. Pope Francis had many insightful things to say about the sad state of affairs in the world. He admonished the blind worship of the market, the avarice of the financial elite, and the narrow thinking of many church leaders. He vowed to build a church of the poor and seemed to be leading by example as he continued to reject several privileges which are traditionally accorded to the leader of the Catholic world. His advice on what to do with the corrupt (‘Tie corrupt to a rock and throw them into the sea’) should be applied in the Philippines, the largest Catholic-dominated nation in Asia.

7. Yeb Sano, the Philippine government’s lead negotiator at the Warsaw climate talks, became the voice of many poor nations which have been demanding the ratification of more effective global pollution controls. Aside from delivering a well-applauded speech at the UN conference, he initiated a fasting protest to highlight the harsh impact of climate change on small island nations. He narrated the ordeal of thousands of Filipinos in the Yolanda-hit provinces to advance and gather support for his demand for climate justice.

8. The August 26 anti-corruption ‘Million People March’ turned out to be the biggest rally during the administration of BS Aquino. But more importantly, it rendered visible the seething disgust felt by the masses against corrupt politicians and the pork barrel system. It was an idea which was first proposed in the social media but quickly became a powerful political movement. It proved that Filipinos are still ready to uphold the legacy of People Power to bring fundamental change in society

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Protests Greet New Year in Southeast Asia

Written for The Diplomat

Southeast Asia was rocked by street protests during the first week of the new year – a troubling preview of the unfolding political and economic crisis gripping many countries in the region. In Malaysia, consumers rallied against the looming price hikes in petrol, sugar and other basic products. In Cambodia, garment workers conducted a nationwide strike to push their demand for a pay hike. In Thailand, anti-government protesters are preparing to “shut down” Bangkok in the next few days.

If Bersih (clean) was the battle cry of election reform advocates in Malaysia in the past two years, Turun (down) was the rallying call of protesters who joined the annual New Year countdown at Dataran Merdeka park in Kuala Lumpur and used the occasion to denounce the rising cost of living in the country.

The action was organized mainly by students belonging to the Reduce Cost of Living Movement (Gerakan Turun Kos Sara Hidup) in response to the decision of the Malaysian government to cut fuel and sugar subsidies, making these products more expensive. In addition, price hikes are also expected in electricity tariffs, assessment rates for Kuala Lumpur properties, public transport fees and toll rates for highways.

Perhaps in anticipation of negative consumer reaction, the government announced that it will implement 11 austerity measures to prove that it is serious about rationalizing public spending. But this move didn’t satisfy protesters, who still proceeded with the Turun action.

For writer Zurairi AR, the successful Turun rally provided activists with an important lesson on how to effectively solicit the support of ordinary Malaysians. “The issues most dear to the people and capable of spurring massive turnouts are about civil liberties and bread-and-butter issues,” he said. “Turun was about the falling value of money in our wallets, and just like the others they attracted people from all walks of life.”

Meanwhile in Cambodia, tens of thousands of garment workers participated in a nationwide strike to press the government to raise the monthly minimum wage to $160 dollars. The current minimum wage is only $80 dollars, but the labor council is only willing to grant a $15 dollar hike in basic pay. As protests intensified, the government agreed to raise the minimum wage by another $5.

The garment sector is a $5 billion dollar export industry in Cambodia which employs more than 600,000 workers. Many of the leading clothing brands in the world get their supply from Cambodia, which has one of the lowest minimum wage rates in the Asia-Pacific.

Workers got the support of the opposition Cambodia National Rescue Party which vowed to raise wages to $160 if it is able to assume power in the country. “If the minimum wage is not raised to $160 immediately, rising food prices and living expenses will make it impossible for garment workers to address their basic needs, and strikes that have plagued the garment sector lately will continue,” read a statement on the party’s official website.

The opposition has been holding daily protests at the Phnom Penh Freedom Park to push for the ouster of the incumbent government which has been accused of manipulating last year’s election results. Prime Minister Hun Sen has been in power in the past three decades although his party lost many seats in the polls. The opposition has boycotted the parliament sessions even though it has 55 seats.

The strike of garment workers and the opposition rally produced the biggest street demonstration in Cambodia in recent decades. Unfortunately, these twin protests also unleashed the brutal fangs of state terror when the government ordered a crackdown of the strike and the removal of the opposition’s protest camp

Four workers were killed and dozens were injured after police and military clashed with striking garment workers in the industrial area of Phnom Penh. Human rights group Licadho described the crackdown as the “worst state violence against civilians to hit Cambodia in fifteen years.”

After the violent dispersal of the strike, the government proceeded to ban the political opposition from staging more rallies in the country’s capital. Even the gathering of two persons in the streets has been reportedly prohibited.

If the Cambodian opposition is already reeling from the recent political clampdown, the opposition forces in Thailand meanwhile are still preparing for their planned occupation of the capital city Bangkok before the end of the month in their bid to topple the government of Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra. They are still firm in their decision to boycott the February elections as they call for the replacement of the elected government with a so-called “People’s Council” which would supposedly lead the country into a period of transition.

Perhaps Thai protesters can take a cue from their counterparts in Malaysia and Cambodia, where economic issues like price hikes and labor rights are loudly articulated even if the main concern of the opposition is initially focused on election and political issues. In other words, it isn’t enough for protesters to hate the Shinawatra family – whose party has never lost in the polls despite being linked to numerous corruption scandals. It means anti-government protests must also aggressively tackle the economic hardships experienced by ordinary Thais.

So 2014 has started with a loud bang in Southeast Asia. These protests are expected to snowball into bigger movements in the next few months, especially if troubled governments can’t or won’t find peaceful resolutions to the crises.

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‘Wrecking Ball’ and other objects that made news in 2013

Written for Bulatlat

1. Martilyo. Robbers belonging to the ‘Martilyo Gang’ used a hammer and crowbar to rob jewelry shops in SM North Edsa, the grandmother of all supermalls in the country. Because of this incident which happened during the Christmas shopping rush, hammers cannot be sold anymore in malls and police has banned the wearing of caps and sunglasses inside shopping centers. SM should revise its jingle: We’ve got it all for you, except hammers.

2. Payong. Mayor Junjun Binay drew controversy after he reportedly berated Dasmarinas guards for blocking his security convoy. Even more controversial was the umbrella used by his aide even if there was no rain and it was evening. Many quickly remembered how a former Supreme Court Chief Justice used to hold umbrellas for former First Lady Imelda Marcos during Martial Law. Interestingly, only few mentioned Bro Mike Velarde and his ‘baliktarin ang payong’ preaching.

3. Precinct Count Optical Scan or PCOS. The undisputed star of the 2010 automated elections somewhat lost its magic in this year’s midterm polls. Hundreds of PCOS machines experienced technical glitches, errors, and malfunctions which put into question the credibility and reliability of the voting technology used by the government. But since PCOS machines are now owned by the government, there is a high probability that these will still be deployed in the 2016 presidential elections. Goodbye dagdag-bawas, hello automated cheating.

4. Relief packs. Since it has been a year of deadly natural disasters, relief distribution became the new normal in the Philippine islands. Repacking centers sprouted in urban centers. But partisan politics and incompetent leadership slowed down the distribution of relief goods. Naturally, there were epal relief packs and some volunteers even complained that foreign donations were being rebranded as government relief goods. Because of Yolanda, we now know that the government uses this standard in filling a relief pack for a family of five: 6 kilograms of rice, 8 sachets of coffee, 8 packs of instant noodles, 3 cans of sardines, 3 cans of corned beef. Hindi pa dito kasama ang tsinelas na pinamimigay diumano ni Korina Sanchez.

5. Fake SARO. After the outing of fake NGOs and foundations allegedly owned by pork operator Janet Napoles, authorities are now probing the so-called ‘fake SAROs’ produced by the SARO gang inside the Department of Budget and Management. SARO refers to Special Allotment Release Order which the DBM issues to agencies if a public project is initially approved. Pork projects need the SARO to process the release of cash, billions of which have been pocketed already by Napoles and porky politicians. Of course the SARO gang must be made accountable. But were there really ‘Fake SAROs’ or was DBM merely trying to exculpate itself from the pork scam?

6. Bulletproof vest. Pork whistleblowers will be remembered for their testimony and the bulletproof vests they wore during senate hearings. Napoles too also donned the police garb in the senate although she refused to talk about the pork scam.

7. Bathtub filled with cash. According to her former aide, Napoles stored cash in a bath tub. To understand the meaning of this, look inside your wallet and check if it’s filled with cash. Then google an image of a bath tub.

8. Selfies and shirties. Selfie is more than just word of the year. It has become the mainstream though annoying way of presenting oneself to the world. For many, selfies are expressions of creativity and individuality. But for others, they are meaningless portraits of vanity and selfishness. A recent trend was the everyday wearing of Yolanda volunteer shirts. They are shirties or walking selfies.

9. Plastic and eco-bag. In the past, environment protection is equated with tree planting activities. Today, local governments showcase their support for the green advocacy by implementing ‘ban plastic’ ordinances. The semi-demise of the plastic led to the rise of the eco-bag. Suddenly, we have become smart and green consumers while companies self-praised their green initiatives. But typhoons Pablo and Yolanda reminded us that saving the environment should be more than just token reforms and changing our lifestyles.

10. CCTV. It did not simply grab the headlines, CCTV has become THE news. The CCTV medium has become the message. It is actually a glorified and overrated solution to petty and even heinous street crimes. In fact, city mayors wanted to install CCTVs in all public areas and business establishments. Scary that we find pleasure in imposing technological controls in our lives. It seems not enough that NSA agents are snooping on our phone conversations since we still demand more surveillance cameras in order to feel safe in our communities. Forget privacy and democratic space, CCTV is here to stay.

11. Wrecking Ball. I fear that the future generation will remember 2013 as the year when the world was scandalized by ‘Wrecking Ball’ – the song, the music video, and most especially the artist. Perhaps we might have reacted differently if the singer was not former teenybopper Miley Cyrus. For me, the iconic wrecking ball in the music video symbolized the violence that Filipinos suffered in the past year. It stands for the demolition orders, development aggression projects, order of battle lists, and unsafe habitats that killed and displaced Filipinos in their own lands. Exacerbating the problem is the arrogance, insensitivity, elitism and irritating ineptitude of the BS Aquino government. All things considered, the BS Aquino government was the biggest wrecking ball of the year.

12. Apps. Life was simpler in the olden days. Phones were used for calling, then texting, and they were notoriously effective alarm clocks. But phones have become smartphones and mobile internet has altered the way we live and interact with others. Apps dominate our lives everyday and they control how we view and understand the world. Many claim that there is an app for everything. But if we want change, we need the ultimate app: Uprising!

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Southeast Asia in 2013: Disasters and Election Protests

Written for The Diplomat

Southeast Asia experienced numerous disasters in 2013: oil spills, dengue outbreaks, earthquakes, bus crashes, and massive floods. But the two biggest were the trans-boundary haze pollution that affected Singapore, Malaysia, and Indonesia; and super typhoon Haiyan (Yolanda), which wrought devastation in the central part of the Philippines.

The haze was caused by forest fires in Indonesia, but it had a greater effect on the lives of Singaporeans and Malaysians, although residents of Riau in west Indonesia, ground zero for the airborne pollution, must have suffered the most since they had to deal with both the forest fires and the haze.

Because of the failure to punish palm plantation companies that were mainly responsible for the burning of forests, the haze has become an annual plague in the three neighboring countries. But the haze last June seemed to be the worst in recent years, causing air pollution indexes to soar to record levels in both Singapore and Malaysia.

In an unprecedented move, Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono apologized to Singapore and Malaysia and accepted his country’s responsibility for causing the haze. However, his apology came after some of his subordinates created an uproar when they belittled the suffering of their neighbors.

Luckily for the Philippines, it was spared the black haze. But the haze would have seemed a minor inconvenience compared with the hellish impact of super typhoon Haiyan, which battered the Eastern Visayas region of the Philippines.

Haiyan was the strongest storm in the world in 2013, and the fourth strongest to make landfall in history. It caused a tsunami-like storm surge that instantly killed thousands. As of this writing, more than 6,000 have died, but the fatalities could be higher as relief workers continue to work through the debris in many villages.

In an instant, several towns in Samar and Leyte provinces were reduced to wasteland. Survivors lost their homes and livelihoods and many are in fact still sheltered in makeshift evacuation centers. There were complaints about the slow delivery of relief, and the government of President Benigno Aquino III was accused of being inept and inefficient in providing adequate assistance to typhoon victims.

The disaster highlighted the rapid degradation of the environment as well as the vulnerability of small island nations like the Philippines to the harsh impact of climate change.

Another catastrophe – this one man-made – was the widespread irregularities that marred the elections in Malaysia and Cambodia. Naturally, it ignited a maelstrom of protests in both countries.

In Malaysia, hundreds of thousands gathered in Kuala Lumpur, the country’s capital, to protest the outcome of the election that gave the administration coalition a slim majority. “Black 505” refers to the May 5 General Election that was tainted by allegations that the ruling coalition committed massive electoral fraud to remain in power. The ruling party, which has been in power since the 1950s, lost the popular vote but still retained a majority of parliament seats. The series of protests, which spread to other provinces, was also referred to as the “Malaysian Tsunami.”

In Cambodia, tens of thousands participated in numerous assemblies, marches and camp-ins organized by the opposition Cambodia National Rescue Party since September to protest the alleged manipulation of electoral results by the ruling Cambodian People’s Party. The ruling party won a slim majority after it took 68 seats compared to the opposition’s 55 seats. It was the ruling party’s worst electoral performance since 1998.

The opposition is still actively and successfully mobilizing people in the streets. The daily protests at Phnom Penh’s freedom park have greatly undermined the popularity of Prime Minister Hun Sen. In the past few days, thousands of garment workers have joined these rallies after the opposition expressed support for the nationwide strike organized by garment unions, which have been demanding a 100 percent increase in the monthly minimum wage of workers.

Meanwhile, the current political crisis in Thailand can also be linked to the low credibility of the electoral process. After weeks of being besieged by provocative street rallies, Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra announced that the parliament would be dissolved to make way for an election in February. Curiously, the opposition have said they will boycott the polls and instead have called for the creation of an unelected People’s Council.

Perhaps the opposition Democrat Party, which last won a nationwide election two decades ago, is only desperate to return to power, which explains its aggressiveness in pursing reform through unconstitutional and even undemocratic means. But it is not entirely wrong in its analysis that the electoral exercise has been undermined by corruption. Indeed, it is quite difficult to accept the voting outcome and equate it with the will of the people when it has been tainted by money politics. Hence, the Bangkok rallies can also be seen as a protest against the flawed electoral system.

As 2013 draws to a close, it’s important to remember the painful lessons from Southeast Asia’s experience with the haze and Haiyan on one hand, and the various election-related protests on the other.

The haze will return in 2014 if no regional effort is made to prevent forest fires in Sumatra. In the case of the Philippines, the aid that quickly poured into the country from across the globe must be used to enhance the country’s disaster resiliency and to rehabilitate the typhoon-ravaged towns.

As for governments accused of electoral cheating, the way forward is to substantially overhaul election laws and respect the reasonable demand to probe allegations of election manipulation.

Let us hope that 2014 will be a year with fewer disasters, both natural and man-made.

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