Tribute to House Secretariat

By admin | November 5, 2012

Talumpati sa flag ceremony ng House of Representatives

Magandang umaga sa inyong lahat, mga kapwa ko kawani sa pamahalaan. Una, ako po ay nagpapasalamat sa karangalang magsalita sa ating flag ceremony ngayong araw na ito.

Matagal ko na pong iniisip kung matatapos ko ba ang aking termino nang hindi mabibigyan ng pagkakataon na maging panauhin sa ating lingguhang flag ceremony. Kaya ako po ay lubusang nagalak nang makatanggap ng imbitasyon na magsalita ngayong umaga. Dahil long weekend (napuyat sa kakapost ng pictures sa facebook), ang hirap bumangon kanina, ang bigat sa paa, at hirap kumbinsihin ang katawan na maghanda para sa trabaho. Pero para sa akin, spesyal ang araw na ito.

Mayroong lamang 52 weeks sa isang taon, at sa isang termino, hindi laglagpas sa 150 ang bilang ng mambabatas na makakapagsalita sa harap ninyo tuwing Lunes. Kaya para sa akin, mapalad ang mambabatas, at kami po ay mahigit 285 na ngayon, na napiling tumindig at magsalita tuwing lunes ng umaga. Kaya ang magsalita sa flag ceremony ay matuturing na privilege speech dahil ito ay tunay na pribilehiyo. [UPDATE: Buwanan na lang daw ang asembliya sa harap ng Batasan para sa flag ceremony]

Hindi lang simboliko ang mga flag ceremony. Lahat ng kawani ay magbibigay galang sa watawat at uulitin ang sumpa bilang lingkod bayan. Sa tingin ko mahalaga itong ritwal upang ipakita ang pagkakaisa sa loob ng institusyon at upang ipaalala sa bawat isa kung ano ang ating tungkulin sa taongbayan.

Ilang ulit na rin akong naimbitahan na magsalita sa mga flag ceremony – sa mga paaralan, munisipyo, kapitolyo, at maging sa ibang mga ahensiya ng pamahalaan – at pansin ko lang na andun lahat: ang principal, si kapitan, si mayor, si governor, mga konsehal, mga bukal, ang Cabinet secretary. At silang lahat, kasamang bibigkas ng panata bilang opisyal ng bayan.

Sa tingin ko, at ito ang aking munting mungkahi, dapat gawin din natin yun dito sa ating House of Representatives. Simulan natin ang tradisyon na bawat miyembro ng kamara ay inaasahang lumahok sa lingguhang flag ceremony. Hindi ba’t kamakailan lang ay naging isyu ang pagliban ng ilang Supreme Court justices sa kanilang flag ceremony? Panahon na siguro upang idagdag sa tungkulin ng mga mambabatas, kasama ang kanilang mga opisina, ang pagpunta sa mga flag ceremony, sa kanilang distrito o dito mismo sa Batasan.

Palaging nababanggit sa mga balita ang mataas na public trust rating ng House of Representatives. With due respect to my colleagues, dapat kilalanin ang mahalagang papel ng House Secretariat kung bakit positibo ang imahen ng HRep. Kayo ang tagapagtaguyod sa Kongreso ng mamamayan. Ang mga miyembro ay hindi permanente dahil may term limit, ang dominanteng political party ngayon ay baka minority na lang sa susunod, hindi lahat ay babalik sa 16th Congress. Pero kayo, kayo na mananatili sa institusyon ay saksi at tagapagpatuloy ng kasaysayan ng bayan. At higit pa rito, lingid sa kaalaman ng marami, kayo ang gumagawa ng kalakhan ng trabaho ng mga mambabatas.

Noong 14th Congress, nang ako po ay unang maging congressman, may nagsabi sa akin na ang Kongreso raw ang best retirement place para sa mga beteranong pulitiko. Sabi kasi niya kahit hindi ka pumasok, mananatili kang congressman. After three years and two terms, masasabi ko na may bahid ng katotohanan ang pahayag na ito. Pero dapat kong idagdag na madali o gumagaan ang trabaho namin kasi ang bigat ay pinapasan ng House Secretariat.

Walang dahilan para maging zero ang output mo dito sa Kongreso. Sa totoo lang, lahat ng aming dapat gawin, lahat ng aming pangangailangan ay ginagawa na ng House Secretariat. Paggawa ng batas o resolusyon? Nandiyan ang Bill Drafting. Research at pagsusuri sa budget, mayroon tayong CPBD. Salamat sa mga agency budget notes, nagiging matalino ang debate sa mga budget interpellation. Lahat ng dokumento, libro, mga materyaleshinggil sa maraming isyu ay handang ibigay sa amin ng secretariat. Kung kinakailangan ng RTD o policy briefing, maaari ding gawin.

Mayroon tayong legal service, library, security, engineering, IPRD, may media service na tumutulong para i-broadcast ang aming mga aktibidad. Salamat sa committee affairs at plenary service at ang aming mga maling grammar sa deliberasyon ay hindi mapapansin ng publiko at ng susunod na henerasyon kung babasahin ang mga House Journal at House records.

Hindi na kailangan ng mga tarpaulin para ibalita ng bawat isa sa amin kung ano ang aming mga programa. May sarili namang printing press ang Kongreso at dahil sa franking privilege ay pwedeng idiretso ang aming mga liham sa aming constituents.

Kung gayon, wala ng dapat pang gawin ang mambabatas kundi ang pumasok sa trabaho. Pumunta sa committee hearing at magpakita sa roll call sa plenary ng 4pm. Hindi ko maintindihan kung bakit tila ang hirap-hirap para sa ilan ang magpakita sa session samantalang tinitiyak naman ng House Secretariat na alaga at ligtas ang mga miyembro. May lounge (sira ang diet ng marami kapag Lunes hanggang Miyerkules; araw-araw kapag budget season), clinic, gym, day care, bangko, at hindi problema ang parking space.

Sinasabi ko ito hindi upang kumutya kundi upang una, ipabatid sa inyo na kung ano man ang kritisismo ng publiko sa work ethic ng maraming congressman ay hindi wasto at hindi akmang ilapat sa inyo; at pangalawa, magpasalamat sa inyong tulong, sipag, at katapatan sa paggampan ng inyong tungkulin. Mapalad ang 286 House Members dahil may efficient House Secretariat na gumagawa ng kanilang trabaho, araw-araw. Palagi kaming nagbabakasyon pero ang House Secretariat subsob sa gawain sa Batasan.

This is my second, and also my last term, as a youth representative. Gusto ko pong ipaalam sa inyo na sa nakalipas na tatlong taon, at home ako dito sa House kasi mababait, matatalino at may puso ang mga kawani. Maraming salamat po at magandang umaga.

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Politics is the Medium

By admin | November 2, 2012

Jose Rizal wrote Noli Me Tangere and El Filibusterismo in Spanish, a foreign language to most indios in late 19th century Philippines. But Noli and Fili became an instant hit among the masa, and the two novels succeeded in inspiring many people to rise up against Spanish colonialism. It was much later before they were translated into Filipino and English and only a few hundred original copies were actually distributed in the country because censors immediately confiscated the books. So how did the people learn about the Noli and Fili? How did they know about the famous characters in the novels like Crisostomo Ibarra, Simoun, Maria Clara, Elias, Basilio, Sisa, Padre Damaso? Were they agitated by a book they didn’t read? Did Noli and Fili spark a revolution even if only few people understood their literary merits?

The novels were written by the genius Rizal but their dissemination, popularization, and conversion from social novel to revolutionary manifesto were achieved because of politics. Rizal was not the first to stir the nationalist sentiments in the country. That Rizal dedicated his novel to the memory of Gomburza, the three martyred priests in Cavite, reflected the turbulent political milieu that time which could also mean that the situation was ripe for a major, and even revolutionary shuffling.

Like other great works of art, Rizal’s novels mirrored social reality. But they also fanned the burning desire for independence. The decision of authorities to suppress the novels, and the anti-Rizal church sermons only managed to further arouse the interest of the people about the controversial books and their author. Unknowingly, the state and the church were the initial publicists of Rizal.

The novels then gained material force when people began to pick bits and pieces from the novels and reinterpreted them to rationalize their particular situation and justify the yearning for change. The ideas embedded in the novels became subversive in real life when revolutionaries invoked them to recruit and mobilize more people against the Spaniards.

In short, publishing the Noli was not the only radical act. To write a novel that accurately depicted the struggles between the old and new order was a bold political statement. But using the novel to spread or block an idea enhanced the political value of the material.

Art becomes more than an art if the people integrate it in their political struggles.

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A propaganda material is a worthless piece of paper if it didn’t reach its intended beneficiaries. But reproduction of materials is not enough. Sample ballots are printed in the millions but their volume doesn’t guarantee election victory. Politics is crucial to determine the effectiveness of propaganda.

Kalayaan was the official paper of the revolutionary group Katipunan. The journal was meant to inform the people about the anti-Spanish struggle, and to increase the membership of the KKK. But Kalayaan only had one issue and circulation was very limited. Most of the indios in 1896 Manila were unable to read the paper. But the single issue of Kalayaan is credited for the phenomenal expansion of the KKK. How was this possible?

Political organizing broadened the reach of the paper. The Kalayaan echoed the political sentiment of the majority which KKK cadres consistently and aggressively articulated in their community work. The illiterate indios if recruited by the KKK could easily understand the political propaganda contained in Kalayaan. The Kalayaan readers and the overnight radicals enlisted by the KKK are both informed of the objectives and vision of the coming KKK uprising. In this way, the Kalayaan rose to become a sinister political specter in the eyes of the Spanish bureaucracy. Its real threat was exaggerated as it became more dangerous in the eyes of the enemies.

The success of Kalayaan proved that the distribution of information in society is not solely dependent on the actual reach of mass media networks. Politics, political tactics, political work can significantly enhance the limited influence of a media statement.

The primacy of politics over media or the multiplier effect of politics in shaping public information is evident in Philippine history. The radio delivered the news about the resistance movement during the Second World War but it was the relentless struggle of the people’s army that ensured the country’s liberation. The perseverance of the so-called mosquito opposition press during Martial Law should be commended but news about the anti-Marcos struggle was more effectively reported to the people, especially those living in the remote villages, by the underground communist network. A radio broadcast first signaled the call to troop to Edsa in 1986 but the people’s organizations which have deeper links in the grassroots were able to mobilize the massive crowd in the streets that ousted the dictator.

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Today, politics is equated with conversations. Citizens who fight over politics are content to be netizens who fight over rhetorics, semantics, and even hashtags. Those who passionately rejected the weapons of mass destruction in the past are now willing victims of the internet, the world’s weapon of mass distraction.

Media worship is shamelessly practiced. Social media is hailed as the new political battlefield where the ordinary mortal has the power to engage, criticize, and embarrass the powerful elite. The duty of everybody is to participate in the conversations hoping that it would lead to better political debates. But most of the time, netizens who are bombarded with bits and bytes of trivial data merely reiterate the opinion of an opinion of another person. The lazy ones do not even bother to repeat a commentary; they simply ‘like’ the comment of a comment.

Nothing wrong if citizens are still trying to comprehend the political content of the Information Machinery. What is worrisome is that everybody is jumping into the information craze without being guided by a major political project or political goal. Opinion-making is heralded as the new politics. What happened to political actions that dismantle oppressive structures? After independence, after democracy, the next great political act is to rant for the sake of transparency and openness?

There is a deluge of information in society but politics is lacking. Information in search of politics. Politics-less Information. The result is an infinite exchange of unoriginal views while the traditional political structures remain intact.

Disturbing that the goal of well-meaning political animals these days is to launch a viral video, a sensational graphic, a witty one-liner, an explosive status update. The political moment is the launching of a new campaign page in a stylish website. Collective action is reduced to crowdsourcing. Fine. But where is politics? Information for what? Information for whom?

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Sulong Baler

By admin | October 29, 2012

Mensahe sa piyesta ng Baler, Aurora

Binabati ng Kabataan Partylist ang mga kababayan natin sa Baler, Aurora na kamakailan lamang ay buong siglang pinagdiwang ang ika-403 taon ng pagkakatatag ng inyong bayan.

Isang malaking karangalan ang maging panauhing tagapagsalita sa inyong piyesta. Sa aking unang pagbisita sa Baler, agad kong nasaksihan ang mayamang kultura, kasaysayan, at mga tanyag na tanawin ng inyong bayan. Napamangha ako sa mga kuwento ng pagsisikap ng mga taga-Baler na itaguyod ang komunidad sa kabila ng maraming hamon, balakid, at mga pagsubok sa nakalipas na 400 taon.

Angkop ang pagtukoy sa pagkalinga sa kalikasan bilang tema ng piyesta ngayong taon. Ang yamang likas at biyaya ng lupa ay dapat bigyan ng proteksiyon para sa susunod na salinlahi. Dapat itong gamitin hindi para sa kapakinabangan ng iilan kundi para ipamana sa bagong henerasyon. Mainam na simulan ang paglinang ng maka-kalikasang kaisipan sa hanay ng kabataan.

Saksi tayo sa maraming sakuna nitong nakaraang dekada na kumitil ng buhay ng marami at sumira sa ating mga kabuhayan. Kalakhan ng mga trahedya sa bansa ay dinulot ng maduming aktibidad ng tao at ng ating mababaw na pagpapahalaga sa kalikasan. Nawa’y naunawaan na ng lahat, lalo na ng ating mga lider sa bansa, ang malubhang galit at ganti ng kalikasan kung hahayaan natin ang pagsalaula sa mga bundok at tubigan.

Kadugtong ng tema ng piyesta ay ang panawagan na magkaisa ang lahat upang ang kapaligiran ay manatiling malinis at payapa. Tunay na dapat maging iisa ang ating tinig sa ating pagsusulong ng pag-unlad na may respeto sa karapatan at kalikasan. Pag-unlad hindi polusyon. Pag-unlad para sa lahat.

Ang hamon ay para sa mga kabataan na pangunahan ang laban para sa kinabukasan na maaliwalas at malinis. Nag-aaral habang naglilingkod sa bayan; nagtataguyod ng maunlad at malinis na pamayanan; lumalaban para sa tama habang winawaksi ang mga maling gawi.

Ang modelo ng Baler ay dapat patuloy na pagyamanin. Isang bayan na hindi nakakalimot sa aral ng nakaraan habang nililikha ang kasalukuyan mula sa sama-samang pagkilos ng mamamayan.

Maraming salamat sa pagkakataon na maging bahagi ng inyong selebrasyon ngayong taon. Ituring ninyo ang inyong lingkod at ang Kabataan partylist bilang inyong dagdag na boses at kinatawan sa Kongreso.

Sulong Baler!

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Radicalism. Reformism

By admin | October 16, 2012

Eschew reformism. Embrace radicalism.

Reformism is what we remembered in kindergarten; radicalism is what the school of life teaches us.

Reformism is when you expose a school bully to your teacher. Radicalism is when you question the schooling system that breeds bullies; then you move to replace it with a new one.

Reformism is the creative and smart campaigning within the limits of the existing political system. Radicalism is the forced intertwining of numerous reformisms to expedite the destruction of the old decaying system until a new order has emerged.

Reformism is what dictators prefer. The dictators, guardians of the eternal present, exaggerate the threat posed by petty reforms to make people think that reformist victories are enough to weaken and change the system.

Politicians whether of old or new stripes are natural purveyors of reformism. They misrepresent reformism as history-in-the-making when in fact it slows down the unveiling of new histories. They wanted to replace the old guards but are reluctant to surrender the perks of being in power. Unable to imagine a new political set-up where they can rule without challenge, they end up supporting minor causes and micro reforms that do not inflict any significant damage to the beastly machine.

Reformism is the tragicomedy of politics. Entertaining yet ultimately dull, necessary yet inevitably superficial, effective yet undeniably overrated.

A reformist goal once achieved should be the cue to intensify and raise the level of struggle. Unfortunately, the romantic reformists would insist to extend the debate over messy, trivial details. They often raise incessant noise over the supposed non representation, exclusion, non consultation of the foreign funded grouplings and other racketeers.

Reformism is what radicals actually do everyday. It features the basics of activism: live with the grassroots, identify the issue, research, inform, explain, educate, propagate, advocate, petition, organize, network, lobby, mobilize. Repeat.

But why stop with a single reformism? What’s wrong with multiple reformisms? Radicalism is multiple reformism, plus more. Radicalism is unlimited reformism. Combine the reformism of one sector with another sector, then advance a political demand that does not merely require some bureaucratic tweakings.

Why make the political process complicated? Because history (and political reality) has taught us that the dominant party in power would not allow a major disruption in the system. What they are willing to offer is to accommodate some peripheral reordering of some highly visible sub-pillars in the political-economic structure without altering the core of the system.

Radicals would participate in the process to argue their position without surrendering some non-negotiable demands. Their presence can either bring some valuable reforms or reduce the onerous and repressive features of state sponsored initiatives. But radicals, being radicals, would always push the limits of mainstream politics. They would unmask the seemingly bright potential of the status quo; and more importantly, remind the people that there is a better alternative.

For reformists, the alternative is to be recognized by the prettified exploiters as the glorified subalterns of civil society. For radicals, the alternative is to use the reformisms of the present to build a new world in the future. Radicals are part time reformists who believe that man is capable of achieving greater political victories instead of merely begging for crumbs from the state.

Reformists are closet radicals who got tired of waiting for the unfolding of History. Emptied of its radical essence, their politics becomes an attractive accessory to mainstream politics which is desperate of political validation. Regarded to be as more credible than traditional politicians, they are given the crucial task of transforming the great and fighting political enthusiasm of the grassroots into a non-antagonistic albeit cohesive lobby force.

To justify their disdain for militant politics, reformists insist they are able to generate concrete and immediate political results that allegedly alleviate the conditions of the poor. Radicals, according to reformists, are guilty of prolonging the unnecessary suffering of the people they aimed to serve.

But reformism cannot exist without the specter of radicalism.

The popular reformisms today were radical ideas of the past. The doable, practical reform measures of the present were once viewed as utopian imaginations. But old old radicals, despite the ridicule and persecution they received, fulfilled their political task and persevered until their wild ideas gained material force in society. If some radicals today seem less active in chewable reformisms, maybe because their attention is directed towards the struggle for the unpopular but essential radical politics that could evolve as the mainstream ethos in the future.

Reformists are easily absorbed by the state machinery in order to displace the subversives and ‘troublemakers’ in the open political arena. Reformists need the presence of radicals to terrorize the tiny clique of exploiters in society. Reformists often invoke the radical threat to force the state to accept and legislate reformist measures.

Radicalism created the so-called democratic space which reformists claim to be of their doing. Afraid of the creeping revolution, the state compromised by unleashing little waves of reform and welfare measures. The reforms were conceived to tame the revolutionary upheaval and not to please the self-styled reformists. The lesson is clear: The best approach to reformism is to launch an all-out radicalism.

Pity the persons who equate reformism as the pinnacle of political engagement. Radicalism, anyone?

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Posted in reds | Tagged | 3 Comments

Southeast Asia’s Internet Dilemma

By admin | October 11, 2012

Written for The Diplomat

Surveillance cameras at internet cafés, harsh accountability standards for webmasters and the specter of self-censorship have many questioning the future of Internet freedom.

The rise of information and communication technologies has not only revolutionized how people interact with each other but also forced many governments to operate in significantly altered political landscapes.

In some cases governments can help unleash the full potential of an open and free internet; for instance, by ensuring that the web is accessible and affordable to all. On the other hand, governments can also seek to inhibit such access.

The latter seems to be the case in Southeast Asia where, under the cloak of exorcising the evils of cyber crimes, governments have enacted numerous laws that undermine the people’s internet freedom and civil liberties.

For example, the Cambodian government is enforcing legislation drafted earlier this year which requires internet cafés to set up surveillance cameras and to register users. It’s supposedly a crime prevention measure but critics have argued that it violates privacy rights. It could easily be used as well to harass online critics of the government. This fear is perhaps not entirely baseless considering that the government instructed local internet service providers to block several opposition websites a year ago.

Meanwhile, in Singapore, the proposed Code of Conduct for bloggers which didn’t get a favorable response from the local internet community was finally discarded by the government in favor of a Media Literacy Council. Established in August, the council is tasked to promote public education on media literacy and cyber wellness. But critics have questioned the lack of transparency in appointing the members of the council which is seen by some as another internet censorship tool. They are worried that the council might promote a narrow and twisted interpretation of media literacy to prevent netizens from freely expressing their views and sentiments.

Recently, the Philippines enacted the Anti-Cybercrime Law which aims to prevent cyberspace from degenerating into a “lawless realm.” But the law was described as a threat to media freedom by journalists who protested the last-minute inclusion of libel into the law. Instead of decriminalizing libel, which has been the demand of media groups for years, the government enacted a law which increased the prison term for libel. Furthermore, lawyers have cited a provision in the law which empowers the Department of Justice to shut down any computer data system that violates the law. Also, the agency has the authority to instantly censor harmful or illicit web content even if the evidence submitted to the government is not conclusive.

Like the Philippines, Malaysia has introduced amendments in the law which could curtail internet freedom. Under section 114A of the revised Evidence Act of 1950, law enforcement authorities are able to identify the persons who should be made accountable for uploading or publishing content on the internet. These persons are those who own, administer and edit websites, blogs and online forums. Also included in the amendment are persons who offer webhosting services or internet access. This means that a blogger or forum moderator who allows seditious comments on their site is liable under the law. An internet café manager is accountable if his customer sends illegal content online through the store’s WiFi network. A mobile phone owner is the outright suspect if defamatory content is traced back to his electronic device. Media freedom advocates have warned that the amendment could force online writers to resort to self-censorship and web moderators could disallow critical comments in order to avoid prosecution and harassment suits.

The Philippines and Malaysia may have been inspired by Thailand’s experience which has gained notoriety for using restrictive laws to punish government critics. Article 112 of Thailand’s criminal code is often described as the world’s harshest lèse majesté (anti-royal insult) law. The controversial law is often invoked to censor web content and shut down websites. Aside from webmasters, even ordinary citizens have been jailed for allegedly sending mobile phone text messages that insult the royal family. Scholars and activists have been demanding a reform in the antiquated law but the government has dismissed the petition.

Elsewhere, Vietnam has distinguished itself as the leading nation in the region with the largest number of jailed journalists (worldwide only Iran and China have more according to Reporters Without Borders). Even the Prime Minister has openly criticized some opposition-leaning bloggers whom he accused of fomenting disunity in the country. The government has taken up the habit of intermittently blocking popular social network sites and arresting bloggers accused of spreading subversive demands.

Governments in the region have justified the imposition of harsh web policies ostensibly to protect the rights of ordinary internet users and uphold public morality. While they pay homage to the positive wonders generated by the internet, they are also wary of the numerous crimes committed in cyberspace.

For example, Singapore’s Media Development Authority defended the creation of the Media Literacy Council by highlighting the need to instill awareness about the proliferation of illegal web activities that victimize the youth. “Social issues such as bullying, scamming, preying on the young and inappropriate comments have found new outlets and been magnified through the multiplier effects of the internet and social media,” the agency warned.

Similarly, the Cambodian government has also invoked public welfare concepts. It added that terrorist acts and other transboundary crimes which affect national traditions and cultural values are often done using telecommunications services.

Philippine Senator Edgardo Angara, the principal author of the Cybercrime Prevention Act, is confident that the law is necessary to bring out the benefits of the internet. “With this law, we hope to encourage the use of cyberspace for information, recreation, learning and commerce. By protecting all users from abuse and misuse, we enable netizens to use cyberspace more productively… Its enactment sends out a strong message to the world that the Philippines is serious about keeping cyberspace safe,” Angara said.

It’s convenient for governments in the region to raise the specter of cybercrimes and web misuse, but in many instances they exaggerated the threats to impose highly punitive measures and stricter media control. Their real aim could be to tame cyberspace and regulate it in the manner that they have successfully controlled traditional media. Web regulation has been deemed necessary because the existence of an unbridled new media has threatened the political hegemony of the political elite.

Online citizen movements have been quite successful in exposing the sinister motives of politicians who wanted to censor the internet but so far they have failed to prevent governments from implementing programs and laws that restrict free speech on the web. Southeast Asian governments, it seems, have been actively studying internet laws in the region and have been exchanging practices on how to effectively manage the dangerous potential of the internet. It’s time for Southeast Asian netizens to counter this disturbing regional trend with their own brand of regional cyber activism.

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Big Brother Obama

By admin | October 10, 2012

Published by the CNN

The Obama phenomenon that swept the world in 2008 didn’t end that year. Well, at least in the Philippines anyway, where it continued to inspire my compatriots to look for national leaders in the Obama mold.

Indeed, the 2010 Philippine presidential election was quite surreal, what with all the candidates presenting themselves as a kind of Filipino Obama. They all offered hope, they promised change, they tapped the power of the ubiquitous new media, and they mobilized young voters.

But there could only be one winner in that race: Benigno Aquino III, the son of former President Cory Aquino and democracy icon Ninoy Aquino. The similarities between Aquino and Obama were evident to many. Both were young senators before becoming presidents of their respective countries. They were catapulted to power at a time when there was a huge clamor for change amid the various aachallenges facing the two nations. The United States was reeling from the Wall Street financial mess, which also affected smaller economies like the Philippines. Both Aquino and Obama inherited the presidency from very unpopular presidents. In short, there was an expectation among the people in both countries that their new leader would deliver results fast, with substantial reforms in governance.

After four years in the White House, the Obama presidency seems secure, although critics say it has failed on many counts, such as reversing the downturn in the economy. Some have also accused Obama of merely expanding the policies of his much-loathed predecessor.

But Obama has remained a popular figure in the Philippines despite some U.S. criticism of his allegedly weak leadership. Many Filipinos are aware of Obama’s domestic troubles, but this doesn’t seem to put them off. Maybe they agree with Obama’s excuse that the country’s problems were caused by the mismanagement of the previous administration. (An argument, incidentally, used by Aquino who, after only two years in power, is already accused of reneging on his numerous campaign promises).

Regardless, Obama’s enduring popularity in the Philippines is not entirely a mystery. The Obama magic may have waned, but the leader of the most powerful nation in the world still has widespread appeal here. And believe it or not, there are still many Filipinos who consider the half century of American colonial rule as a benevolent episode in the country’s history. Most Filipinos are proud of their special ties with the United States, and they expect American politicians to honor this friendship.

In many Filipino eyes, Obama has done more than maintain good relations with the Philippines – he has taken bold action on affirming the earlier commitment of American leaders to protect the security and defense of the Philippines against external aggressors. Filipinos interpreted Obama’s pledge to “consult closely” with Manila as a declaration of support for the Philippines, which is currently embroiled in a maritime dispute with China. They are grateful also for the steady arrival of U.S. military assistance. In other words, the U.S. under Obama is still a Big Brother for many Filipinos.

As for Mitt Romney, he is also relatively popular in the Philippines, but he is known simply as the political rival of Obama. Unlike John McCain, who spent time at the U.S. military base in the Philippines during the Vietnam War, Romney seems to have no special connection with the Philippines. Yet if he wins, he will still get the support of Filipinos in the same way that George W. Bush was still warmly welcomed here despite his disastrous foreign policies. No American president has been rejected by Filipinos since the country gained its independence from the United States in 1946.

One issue that has the potential to influence the opinion of Filipinos with regard to the U.S. elections is business process outsourcing. Some Americans complain that U.S. companies have been outsourcing some of their services to other countries. Next to India, the Philippines is a leading outsourcing destination, meaning Filipinos are naturally wary of policy statements from American politicians favoring the reduction of outsourcing investments to other countries.

As a result of all this, expect Filipinos to be watching what the candidates say very closely.

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Malaysia’s Sinister Internet Law

By admin | September 24, 2012

Malaysians are right to protest the recent amendments that the government made to the Evidence Act of 1950. Although they deal specifically with the internet, the amendments could have wider implications on media freedom, democracy, and human rights.

Section 114A of the bill seeks “to provide for the presumption of fact in publication in order to facilitate the identification and proving of the identity of an anonymous person involved in publication through the internet.” In other words, the section makes it easier for law enforcement authorities to trace the person who has uploaded or published material posted online.

According to the amended law, however, the originators of the content are those who own, administer, and/or edit websites, blogs, and online forums. Also included in the amendment are persons who offer webhosting services or internet access. And lastly, the owner of the computer or mobile device used to publish content online is also covered under section 114A.

This means that a blogger or forum moderator who allows seditious comments on his or her site can be held liable under the law. An internet café manager is accountable if one of his or her customers sends illegal content online through the store’s WiFi network. A mobile phone owner is the perpetrator if defamatory content is traced back to his or her electronic device.

Critics of the amendment contend that under section 114A, a person is considered guilty until proven innocent. Their fear is not entirely baseless. Indeed, the Thai government has used a similar law to prosecute a blog moderator for an allegedly seditious comment which she approved to be posted on her website.

The Malayisn government has rejected these criticisms with one cabinet member calling some of the objections “childish.”

The Centre for Independent Journalism was quick to denounce the provisions of the bill which went into effect at the end of last month. It warned that “internet users may resort to self-censorship to avoid false accusations made under Section 114A. Bloggers, for example, may excessively censor comments made by their readers. As a result, Section 114A inadvertently stifles public discussion about pertinent political or social issues and protects public authorities, such as the State, from public scrutiny.”

Internet users signed a petition opposing the amendments and lectured the government about the importance of allowing online anonymity to protect the identities of human rights and democracy advocates. But the amendments, according to the petition, “reduce the opportunity to be anonymous online which is crucial in promoting a free and open Internet. Anonymity is also indispensable to protect whistleblowers from persecution by the authorities when they expose abuses of power.”

When the petition was ignored by the government, netizens and media groups organized an online blackout on August 14, which succeeded in mobilizing thousands of internet users. The global attention which the action generated was likely what convinced the Prime Minister to agree to have the cabinet review the controversial amendments. Although this announcement was initially welcomed by opponents of the amendments, the Cabinet ultimately upheld the amended law.

The amendments are supposed to empower authorities to prosecute people publishing seditious, libelous, and harmful content on the internet. But it doesn’t take a whole lot of imagination to envision how these same authorities could abuse the law to restrict media freedom, violate the privacy of individuals, and curtail the human rights of ordinary internet users.

written for The Diplomat

Sotto’s Plagiarism Scandal

When Philippine Senate Majority Leader Vicente Sotto III delivered a speech last month about the dangers of artificial contraceptives, he did not expect he would become embroiled in a heated and acrimonious debate about the sins of plagiarism, and not about his opposition to the Reproductive Health bill.

Sotto prepared a three-part speech aimed at convincing his colleagues and the public at large about the allegedly immoral and unconstitutional provisions of the controversial measure. But to Sotto’s dismay, no sooner had he finished his first presentation than he was accused of plagiarizing an American blogger. Sotto’s first reaction was to deny the charge, but his staff later admitted that some parts of the speech were indeed copied from a blog, but supposedly only for reference.

Sotto dismissed the plagiarism issue as something concocted by critics who couldn’t refute his arguments against the use of artificial contraceptives. He even complained of being the first senator to be cyber-bullied because of his commitment to block the passage of the Reproductive Health legislation.

But if the plagiarism issue elicited intense response from both old and new media, Sotto can only blame himself, his chief-of-staff, and even the Senate President, the latter of whom made ludicrous statements about the meaning of plagiarism.

According to news reports, Sotto said he can’t be held liable for plagiarism because it only applies “if you contend that the contents are yours… whether you give attribution or not.” Citing the opinion of Atty. Louie Andrew C. Calvario of the country’s Intellectual Property Office, Sotto even reminded his accusers that plagiarism is not a crime in the Philippines: “The crime of plagiarism is not defined in our laws, particularly the Intellectual Property Code and the Revised Penal Code. Neither can it be characterized as copyright infringement since it did not economically injure the author.”

Senate President Juan Ponce Enrile, a legal luminary in his own right, defended Sotto from the plagiarism charge. “He did not deny that the speech was a product of research. Meaning, there was attribution,” Enrile said in an interview. “Is there an idea in this world that was not copied from others? Once you release an idea to the public, unless you copyright it, it can be used,” he added in the same news report.

Meanwhile, Sotto’s chief-of-staff referred to the dissemination of the bible to justify the legislator’s actions, when he reportedly stated, “the Bible reached us today because the monks copied from the Greeks. Everything really started from a little copying. Even our image was copied from God. We are all plagiarists.”

He also said that the Philippines copied the United States Constitution. “We plagiarized the U.S. Constitution… but do they call us a plagiaristic country? No, because the law is based on precedent,” the chief-of-staff said in an interview. He added that “a blog is meant to be shared and we shared it.”

Sotto’s misfortune of being called a plagiarist continued this week when he was accused of plagiarizing Senator Robert F. Kennedy after it was exposed that the concluding part of one of Sotto’s speech was a direct Filipino translation of a speech made by Kennedy in 1966. Sotto has denied the accusation again.

This is not the first time that a high ranking Philippines official was involved in a plagiarism scandal. A member of the Supreme Court is facing impeachment after being accused of plagiarism.

The tragedy in Sotto’s case is that the issue could have quickly died down if he only apologized immediately to the offended blogger. But the senator could not be persuaded to admit his lapses, which is why everybody is talking and laughing about his plagiarism woes instead of his pro-life advocacy.

written for The Diplomat

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Smile as inflight magazine

By admin | September 15, 2012

Review of Smile, inflight magazine of Cebu Pacific Air
April 2010
Ink Publishing Singapore

To read CebuPac’s Smile magazine is to consume a buffet of consumer ads. Passengers must be forewarned that the magazine is loaded with articles, images, and so-called travel tips which seduce readers into buying things they don’t need in life.

For example, the magazine copy dated April 2010 contained 370 direct and indirect ad placements which featured the following: 170 bars and restaurants, 94 hotel resorts and malls, 20 personal gadgets and home appliances, 31 travel accessories, 12 health and beauty products, 12 real estate subdivisions and condominiums, 9 media and entertainment shows, 3 cars, 2 business schemes, 2 government programs, 2 schools, and 1 jewelry.

Perhaps the most effective ads are those which had been embedded in the supposedly objective write-ups of experienced travelers and tourism journalists. Sarong and shoes, according to Smile, are vacation essentials. Agree. But readers are also reminded that these products are sold at SM and Gibi boutiques. Smart advertising at its sneakiest.

Smile, like all inflight magazines, features celebrated tourism destinations or remote countryside paradise resorts because it intends to sell a travel experience to readers. It seeks to cultivate a false desire among the passengers in the service of the corporate tourism sector. It is the authoritative accomplice in the rebranding of a particular place desperately in need of tourism dollars. From the same Smile issue, we are told to visit Macau because of its comedy shows, Seoul is described as a kid-friendly city, and apparently cosmopolitan Makati is home to a senakulo tradition.

Travel magazines like Smile transport readers to some exotic place without mentioning the latter’s geopolitical ugly truths. For instance, Smile published an ad which described Bicol as home to the world’s best whale shark experience, home to the most perfect volcano cone (and the best and biggest fried chicken courtesy of Bigg’s restaurant). Obviously, Smile has no interest or motivation to explain the staggering poverty incidences, the huge equality gap, and the mining disasters in Bicol as it chose to highlight the feel-good Disney features of the region.

But Smile is also capable of dishing out some really interesting tidbits of historical and cultural facts about our towns. Curacha crab is found only in the waters of Zamboanga, Dipolog is the country’s orchid and sardines capital, a trip around the city of Ozamis costs only six pesos, and Tacloban comes from the word taklub which is a local word for a cage basket used by fishermen.

Unfortunately, the readers are also bombarded with unnecessary silly assertions. Siargao was ‘discovered’ by an American and Australian in the 1980s (Really? Tanga naman ng mga Pilipino). A hotel ad claims to be the ‘Mediterranean jewel’ in Boracay (As if it’s important and even possible for Boracay to offer a Mediterranean experience). The Laoag travel advisor is identified as an ‘all around bum’ (We have a shortage of tourist guides in Ilocos?). The bloody Lenten Rite in Pampanga is suited for tourists with a ‘taste for the bizarre’ (the ‘other’ as a specimen of ridicule and pity for the visiting civilized Westerners).

To its credit, Smile encouraged ‘planet-conscious’ readers to celebrate the Earth Day by performing little acts of eco-consciousness.’ There are several articles in the summer issue on how to save planet Earth like supporting eco-tourism. Alas, readers are also advised to be responsible consumers by buying only green products. Again, it’s the same lame but popular corporate solution to environment degradation. Interestingly and quite funny too, Smile has an article about environmental hypocrisy wherein the author lambasted the fake and insincere green initiatives of individuals and companies. The author even argued that it’s better to fly than to drive and leave lass carbon footprint. Wait, what is the business of CebuPac again?

As the official publication of a commercial airline, it’s understandable if Smile declares non-partisanship in politics. Its sole political agenda after all is to espouse and support politics that would yield more profits for its mother company. It’s unwilling to tackle dangerous causes and rebellious ideas that would rip the happy status quo apart. Its glossy pages are reserved for topics that hypnotize the readers to feel attached and alienated at the same time.

But surprisingly, there are half-innocent hints in the magazine that offer a glimpse of the real political situation in the archipelago. They could be unintended slips which Filipino residents and foreign tourists alike can use to seriously deepen their understanding of Philippine society.

Example, here is how General Santos City in Mindanao was described in the magazine: “In 1968 the municipality of General Santos was converted into a city with Antonio Acharon as the first city mayor. The current mayor is also an Acharon.” A seemingly naïve statement but at the same time a subtle allusion on political dynasties.

Some factual notes about CebuPac’s destinations refer to the country’s turbulent political and economic history. Cauayan City in Isabela was ‘once known for its tobacco industry.’ Colon Street in Cebu is ‘less plush than it used to be.’ In Manila, ‘there’s much more than malls and shopping.’ Catanduanes which faces the Pacific Ocean is a former radar site of the Japanese Imperial Navy during the Second World War. The St Augustine Cathedral in Cagayan de Oro, built in 1845, was destroyed by the bombings made by American liberation forces in 1945. Clark Airbase was the largest overseas US military base in the world. Davao is said to be typhoon-free all year round. The Gloria Arroyo government proclaims that ‘together, we can beat the odds.’

Trivial information at first glance but hopefully quite enough to stir the curiosity of citizens and visitors about the country’s colonial history, maldevelopment in the past century, misgovernance in the past decade, ideas for military tactics, and the negative impact of climate change. Not bad for an inflight magazine whose primary traditional objective is to complement the “class consciousness of frequent travelers.”

Still, Smile is a poor alternative to a decent book which passengers are advised to bring during the shorthaul flights of CebuPac. That said, Smile is the country’s only domestic inflight magazine which passengers can easily smuggle out of planes.

Related artices:

Travelogue
Travel tips, habits
Go Green?
Shortage of runways?

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The Budget is still not enough

By admin | September 11, 2012

Manifestation delivered in the plenary of the House of Representatives on September 11, 2012. Thanks to Marjo and @kabataanpl

In the past two years, the Aquino administration has imposed drastic cuts in the budget of state universities and colleges. It didn’t even allot capital outlay funds to SUCs which are needed to upgrade and modernize our school facilities.

But in the past two years, we also witnessed the dramatic and unprecedented show of unity of SUCs in demanding higher funding for public tertiary schools. For the first time, students joined their teachers and school officials in staging various forms of protests and lobbying actions to force the Aquino government to reverse its policy of gradually reducing subsidies for SUCs.

Schools organized campus assemblies, lectures, rallies, and even concerts to demand more funds for the education sector. Some students and teachers wore white ribbons while others conducted campus strikes and camp-outs near DBM and the Malacanang Palace.

And because of this solidarity which exposed the anti-poor, anti-education, and anti-development features of the Aquino budget, the government relented by agreeing to release more funds for SUCs this year through the so-called Disbursement Acceleration Program. And in the proposed 2013 budget, there is a reported increase in the budget of all SUCs.

At nagbunga po ang ating pagkakaisa at ngayon ako po ay nagpapasalamat at nagbibigay ng mataas na saludo sa lahat ng mga mag-aaral, guro at pamunuan ng SUCs na hindi natinag at tuluy-tuloy na lumaban para sa mataas na pondo sa edukasyon.

However, Malacanang and DBM should not brag the reported increase in the SUCs budget. The P37.1 billion proposed budget is still grossly insufficient if we consider the total proposal of SUCs for 2013, which adds up to P54.6 billion.

The DBM-proposed budget for SUCs is only 67.98 percent of the total requirement of 110 SUCs. DBM data also reveal that the P37.1 billion DBM-approved budget for SUCs next year is actually P17.5 billion less than the actual need of SUCs.

Also note the low percentage approved for capital outlay (CO), the fund for the construction of new infrastructure, approving only 22.5 percent or P3.37 billion of the P14.96 billion originally proposed, despite the fact that DBM has not been giving CO to SUCs in the past two years.

The Commission on Higher Education itself admitted that the budget for SUCs is still insufficient. In a statement released on August 17, CHED Chair Patricia Licuanan said, “The 2013 SUCs budget may not be enough. But it is a substantial increase and is good for now.”

I am urging CHED and DBM to review the criteria in determining the budget for SUCs, including the categorization of SUCs based on the Roadmap for Public Higher Education Reform.

Under this system, the government puts higher funding for top-performing schools, despite the fact that many schools are ‘underperforming’ precisely because of lack of ample government support.

Padding the budget in a manner which does not address the needs of state schools is not what the youth demanded. The youth will not accept this cover-up budget. We will continue the fight for sufficient state subsidy – from the august halls of Congress up to our schools and communities.

Related article: 2011 speech on the budget of state schools

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Crimes Against Rohingya

By admin | August 30, 2012

British Prime Minister Winston Churchill once described the atrocities committed against the Russian people by German soldiers during the Second World War as a “crime without a name.” But would Churchill use the same words if he lived long enough to witness the numerous “killing fields” of the second half of the 20th century?

True, these are not the total state wars that consumed the first half of the 20th century. Still, the unspeakable crimes endured by our elders are still present today in one form or another.

A case in point is the continuing suffering of the Rohingya community in western Burma. The United Nations has in fact called them the most persecuted ethnic group in Asia because no country is willing to grant them citizenship. In fact, Burma refuses to recognize the Rohingya ethnic community even though the latter have been living in the country for many decades.

Using Churchill’s words to describe the plight of the Rohingya, one might say that we too are in the presence of a crime; but it’s a crime with many names. There are crimes against humanity; and there are crimes against Rohingya. Already stateless, landless, and homeless, Rohingya people are faced with daily doses of various forms of discrimination. As unwanted residents, they are deprived of basic human rights and welfare services. Regarded as outsiders, they are collectively accused of inciting violence in Burma every time a member of their community is found guilty of committing a crime.

But the Rohingya are not merely battling the racism of the junta-backed ruling party in Burma. Unfortunately, they are also victimized by the supposedly pro-democracy opposition parties, many of whom have echoed the government’s position that the Rohingya are illegal residents of Burma.

Further inflaming the tension and hatred in Burma is the irresponsible action of some groups which have posted false images on the internet to draw attention to the suffering of the Rohingya. Naturally, it angered many Burmese who suspect that Western groups and foreign governments are conspiring to isolate Burma in the international community.

Foreign groups may have exploited Rohingya issue to further their sinister agenda, but this doesn’t excuse the continued marginalization of the ethnic group. Nor does it invalidate human rights groups’ criticism about the deteriorating situation in Rohingya refugee camps. It also doesn’t make the global petition to support the Rohingya on humanitarian grounds any less valid.

It isn’t helpful to perpetuate the Rohingya-Rakhine dichotomy. A stand in favor of Rohingya doesn’t mean we are condemning the Rakhine. Both groups are victims of violence who must learn to coexist peacefully.

The first step towards that goal would be the Burmese government recognizing that its policy towards the Rohingya is causing further division and conflict in the country. It could also ensure that the often invoked “rule of law” should apply to the parties perpetrating the horrendous crimes against the group. If Burma is hesitant to listen to Western institutions about the need to rethink its policies concerning the Rohingya, then maybe the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) can intervene by listing the Rohingya issue as part of its agenda in the next caucus of the regional grouping.

Written for The Diplomat

Sectarian Threat to ASEAN

Last Monday, Philippine President Benigno Aquino III reiterated his endorsement for ‘responsible parenthood’ as a solution to curb the country’s high birth rate. This irked some Catholic bishops who immediately accused the president of launching an all-out war against the church.

Early this month, officials of Singapore’s City Harvest Church were arrested and charged with breach of trust. Investigators alleged that the church had used US$19.2 million of charitable donation to finance the church founder’s wife’s pop music career.

Last May, Malaysian police raided a printing house and detained its director over the publication of a banned book by a liberal Muslim activist.

These separate incidents highlight the special role of organized religion in several Southeast Asian societies. They reflect the political power of churches and the popularity of church leaders among the masses.

In the case of the Philippines, critics are blaming the obstinate opposition of the church for the repeated failure of Congress to pass legislative measures on reproductive health and divorce. The Catholic-dominated Philippines is the only country in the world without a divorce law.

Meanwhile, the scandal involving Singapore’s largest congregation sparked debate about the practice of tithing. It also led many people to question the moral fitness of church leaders who were reported to be living in luxury.

On the other hand, the raid in Malaysia became controversial because it exposed the lack of religious freedom in the country. The raid came as no surprise to many analysts and observers, however, who have been raising concerns about the growing religious intolerance in the country. Despite being a Muslim majority nation, Malaysia is known for promoting religious harmony. Today, there is a demand from many sectors, especially the academy, for an interfaith dialogue to defuse religious tension, end religious discrimination, and revive the spirit of multiculturalism.

Indonesia too could benefit from interfaith dialogues given the rising number of cases of religious violence in the archipelago. At the minimum, it should revisit its law granting legal protection to only six major religions. Scholars believe the non-recognition of minority religious sects has given impetus to hardliners to attack small churches and their followers.

Cases of religious persecution have been reported too in Vietnam where several Christian groups have taken the lead in organizing resistance to development aggression projects. Rohingya, the stateless people of Southeast Asia, are facing religious discrimination too in west Myanmar.

Religious conflicts can sometimes lead to protracted wars. Since the 1970s, for example, the Philippines has been facing a separatist movement in the Muslim-dominated areas of Mindanao Island. Similarly, Thailand continues to battle an Islamic insurgency in the south part of the country.

Religion is not often discussed in the meetings of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations. It’s understandable since there is no dominant religion in the region. But if religious bigotry leads to the repression of minorities and the killings of innocent civilians, then it’s necessary to put this matter in the mainstream agenda of the grouping. There’s no point talking about democracy and regional solidarity if discrimination based on religion is allowed to flourish in many Southeast Asian countries

Written for The Diplomat

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