RH is a basic human right

By admin | December 17, 2012

3rd reading explanation of vote to RH Bill

Last week, I already mentioned my reasons for co-authoring and supporting the RH Bill. Today I wish to address some erroneous statements and assertions against this measure.

First, reproductive health, critics aver, is a foreign concept. But what do they mean when they say it is foreign or alien to Filipino culture? Is it an imported legacy similar to many of our organized religions? The components of reproductive health – maternal health, child care, adolescent reproductive health to name a few – are not foreign but universal principles. Like democracy, justice, human rights.

Second, critics argue that the introduction of reproductive health education will do more harm than good to our young people.

Why deprive young people of the right to be properly educated about their sexuality and reproductive health inside the classroom? We teach young people how to use a computer, how to drive safely on the road, how governments work; yet we do not want them to be knowledgeable about their own bodies, how to protect themselves from sexual diseases and gender violence?

RH education will not breed a new generation of promiscuous Filipinos; on the contrary it will be a very important intervention that will empower young people.

I agree, sex education has its limits in the same way that dangerous drugs education didn’t totally eradicate drug dependency among our students. But the integration of age-appropriate RH topics in the curriculum is a better alternative compared where young people currently get their facts about the angry birds and the wild bees in the academic webpages of Wikipedia, soft-porn magazines, and social networks.

Third, the RH Bill is criticized as a population control measure. This is the time to inform our people that the legislative battle is not only between the pro and anti RH sides. Even among RH advocates, there is a silent struggle between those who want to reduce RH as a population management tool and those who primarily seek to push the state to provide essential and free RH services to the people, especially the poor.

I am a witness to the consistent efforts of Gabriela and other women’s groups to expunge the dangerous population control provisions in the bill, and they have succeeded. Still, the RH measure could still be interpreted and implemented by bureaucrats, experts, and even health practiotioners as though it is a license to blame the poor for the country’s problems and demonize the impoverished from producing more babies.

The next battle, then, after the passage of the RH bill into law, is to ensure that its original aim of advancing women’s rights will not be distorted.

The RH Bill may still be loaded by one, two, or several lines that indirectly embrace the population control rhetoric but this is not enough reason to reject this measure. It is still, overall, a landmark legislative measure which can provide immediate benefit to our women, the poor, and the young.

Let us pass this measure again, not to control population but to advance the reproductive rights of our countrymen.

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November 2012: Protests Sweep Through ASEAN

By admin | December 15, 2012

Written for The Diplomat

U.S. President Barack Obama’s historic visit to Burma and the 21st Summit of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in Phnom Penh dominated news coverage in the region during the past month — and rightly so. Obama’s Burma trip put a global spotlight on the reforms being implemented by the civilian government in that country, while the ASEAN Summit exposed the continuing failure of the regional grouping to address the maritime disputes between China and several ASEAN member countries over the South China Sea.

But aside from these issues, the month of November was also memorable because of the phenomenal protests that took place across Southeast Asia. For example: The anti-government Pitak Siam (Protect Thailand) network mobilized 20,000 people in Bangkok; more than 15,000 participants joined Malaysia’s “Green Walk”; a bus strike in Singapore, the first labor strike in the city in almost three decades, stunned the city-state; and a peaceful protest camp set up by monks and farmers to oppose a copper mine project was brutally dispersed by Burmese riot police.

Pitak Siam leaders vowed to paralyze Bangkok on November 24 to force the ouster of Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra, whom they accused of being corrupt and a puppet of her brother Thaksin, Thailand’s former prime minister who was removed by a military coup in 2006. Pitak Siam was able to gather, by some estimates, more than 20,000 people in the streets, but it failed to sustain the crowd and attract more supporters which prompted its leader to announce the premature ending of the rally. The violence between protesters and police may have also discouraged Bangkok residents from joining the action.

Malaysia’s “Green Walk” was organized by the Himpunan Hijau group to protest the construction of the Lynas Advanced Material Plant in Kuantan, which is expected to be the world’s largest rare earths refinery. The “Green Walk” started with 70 participants in September. After two weeks and 300 kilometers of walking across the country, the “long march” ended in Kuala Lumpur with the number of marchers reaching over 10,000.

Kuantan residents and environmentalists have long opposed the project because of its possible detrimental impact on the health, safety, and environment of the community. Earlier last month, Malaysia’s High Court rejected petitions to stop the plant from beginning to process rare earth minerals, prompting some to organize the “Green Walk.”

Citing unfair treatment, about 171 Chinese drivers from the SMRT bus company staged a strike last month in Singapore, paralyzing five percent of bus operations in the city. The drivers were questioning the alleged higher salaries and benefits given to Malaysian workers. The strike was described as the first labor strike in Singapore since 1986. It has been so long that a strike was reported in the prosperous city-state that it took some time before the media and the public recognized the action as a labor strike. The Acting Minister of Manpower quickly denounced the work stoppage as an “illegal strike” and he was joined by hundreds of commuters who were stranded for several hours.

Despite antagonizing a segment of the commuting public and the official condemnation of the bus drivers, the strike yielded some gains for the workers who were finally given a small salary increase.

In Burma, six community campsites were established by monks, farmers, and activists to stop the China-financed copper mine operation in Monywa, Sagaing Division. Protesters have rallied against the environmental impact of copper mining and also against the large-scale displacement of farmers affected by the project. For the first time since elections, the government dispatched massive riot police to drive out the protesters. Government forces have come under criticism for using excessive force, including unleashing tear gas and water cannons against peaceful monks. The crackdown is a blow to Burma’s reformist image.

The various protests mentioned in this article made headlines in their respective countries, and embody larger political trends in these nations. “Green Walk” could be an election issue in Malaysia next year. The failure of Pitak Siam has affected the strength of opposition forces in Thailand. The bus strike of foreign workers in Singapore might be a sign of growing tension between local and foreign residents in the city state. The popular protest camp highlights the grassroots resistance against numerous development projects across Burma.

Bigger protests tackling the same issues might be organized in the next few months which could make 2013 a very exciting, yet socially tense, year for Southeast Asia.

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Kabataan Partylist Votes YES to RH Bill

By admin | December 12, 2012

Vote explanation to RH Bill

Mr Speaker, three days ago, December 10, pinagdiwang po ng buong mundo, kasama ang Pilipinas, ang International Human Rights Day. Ang RH po, kapag binaligtad ang acronym na ito ay HR. At ang ibig sabihin po nito sa pulitika ay Human Rights. And this is what the RH Bill is all about. It’s about our human rights because reproductive health is a human right.

I vote YES in behalf of all young people, especially those coming from poor families, who stand to benefit the most from the passage of this bill into law. Specificially, it addresses the right of young people to access relevant information, education, and essential health services.

I vote YES because our young people deserve to be given the proper knowledge about their bodies, about their sexuality, gender relationships, and reproductive health.

I vote YES so that in the future when a young person enters government health facility, he or she can freely and confidently ask guidance and medical advice about reproductive health, and feel no stigma or discrimination.

I vote YES not because I want this government to institute population control measures; but because I want this government to provide access to health services, including reproductive health services, to all, especially the poor. Para sa bata, kabataan, kababaihan, para sa may pamilya at walang pamilya, kasal o hindi kasal.

Ang RH Bill, tama po, ay hindi solusyon sa kahirapan, at kailanman po ay hindi ko tinuring ang RH Bill na sagot sa kahirapan. Pero ang karapatan sa kalusugan, ang karapatan ng mahihirap na matugunan ang kanilang reproductive health needs, ay mahahalagang rekisitos kung nais nating itaguyod ang isang maunland na lipunan.

I vote YES, Mr Speaker

December 13, 2012
House of Representatives

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Politics in the Time of Unli

By admin | December 7, 2012

These are unli times. Categories of the infinite pervade our everyday activities: bottomless, all-in, 24/7, unli, eat and drink all you can. Suddenly, a vision of limitless reality has appeared to be the new normal for people living in our small yet disordered society.

The High Priests of Big Business are assuring us that an unli lifestyle benefits all, especially the small income earners. Indeed, unlitexting has revolutionized how people communicate today. Unlimited web surfing and skyping gave tremendous advantage to OFW households. Food, and rice in particular, miraculously became abundant at an affordable price. Night work boosted opportunities for young people, allowing them to stay in the country with their families instead of practicing their skills in foreign lands.

The dark Manila of the past is now a bright city in the evening because of 24/7 work operations in outsourcing hubs. These glorified locales, however, are peopled by caffeine-addicted workers with robot-like efficiency who are also, unfortunately, the willing victims and purveyors of consumerism. They are the ‘walking wounded’ of urban decay who are easily seduced by the alluring visual and virtual netherworld of the new mediascape.

The rise of BPO centers redefined the space-time of workplace in the country and it led to the re-imagining of the graveyard shift. It effectively demonstrated the global-local continuum of capitalism; and more symbolically, the capability of the latter to obtain monetary value from seemingly lifeless spaces, processes, objects, and subjects.

For the poor, unli deals are useful product innovations not simply because of the price but also because of the necessary illusion they create about the less than ideal situation of the present. Through the unli offers, the minimum wage appears capable of buying more goods, experience, and class. In short, embracing the potential of unli becomes part of the poor man’s survival mechanism as economic difficulties continue to linger and worsen.

For the capitalist, the unli approach is a clever way of dumping the excesses of the anarchic production system into the market. The bundling of products at a cheaper price is nothing more but a business tactic to extract more profit.

Through the concept of unli, Real Existing Poverty is obfuscated by conditioning the minds of the public that they can continuously access and enjoy the perks of middle-class lifestyle for a very reasonable cost. Hypnotizing the poor to spend their precious cash on the non-essential unli goods is important for the stability of the system since it redirects the righteous and even revolutionary rage of the exploited into a mere consumer frenzy. At the same time, it allows the capitalist to sell his surplus goods.

Today, unli and other popular categories of the infinite are interpreted through corporate lens. But building a world of limitless possibilities has always been the unfinished project of man. However, it is the capitalist class which succeeded in turning this cosmopolitan ideal into a profitable and sustainable venture. Eat, drink, play, and indulge. Without limit, without risks, without controls.

It has distracted us from pursuing our other natural passion: politics. The dominance of the capitalist version of unli has depoliticized man’s political activities like eating, drinking, playing, and communicating.

Today it’s easy to imagine a daily routine of unlitxting, unlirice, bottomless drinks, and all-in gaming. We make plans based on the 24/7 operations of companies. But these unli categories are essentially political terms. Politics is the real limitless domain of man. Politics actually determines the particular reality of our 24/7 worlds. It’s unfortunate that the power of unli is used to serve the narrow objectives of Capital. It must be rescued from the iron grip of Capital to realize its full radical potential.

An unli commitment to develop new politics. Bottomless passion to make politics useful and positive for everybody. All-in political struggles. We are after all 24/7 political animals. Unli goodness, goodwill, solidarity – and not unli profit. Unli love is all we need.

It’s quite depressing that we find it convenient to pay for an unlirice yet we think that it’s impossible for us to support a campaign to end hunger or to struggle for the improvement of the living conditions of peasants. We can ‘ride and eat all you can’ but we can’t pledge to devote a brief time for a specific cause or advocacy?

When volunteering for a very negligible period of time is the preferred form of political engagement, the use of unli for hedonistic pleasures offered by capitalism becomes scandalous.

Behold the rise of unli-influenced human beings who believe that unli is a personal privilege that someone must buy in order to maximize its power. What is forgotten is the earth-shattering impact of unli if its power is unleashed by radical politics.

Unli and other categories of the inifinite represent the noble dream of mankind to build a better world. We should not allow their political value to be diminished and distorted by the beastly capitalist machine. Unli politics is an assertion of humanity. Unlimited Unli politics is the other name of revolution. To borrow a line from GMA-7, hindi natutulog ang balita, hindi natutulog ang pulitika. Gising araw at gabi.

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Human Rights Declaration Falls Short

By admin | December 6, 2012

The document is a proclamation of governmental powers disguised as a declaration of human rights.

This was the scathing reaction of more than 50 human rights groups in Southeast Asia to the recent unveiling of a Human Rights Declaration drafted by the 10-member nations of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).

The signing of the joint declaration was supposed to be the high point during the 21st ASEAN Summit in Phnom Penh but it turned out to be an embarrassing moment when civil society groups rejected it as an “anti-human rights instrument.” It was ASEAN’s chance to prove its adherence to the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) but instead it merely made itself vulnerable to criticisms that it’s an organization comprised of “human rights-hostile governments.”

The initiative to establish the region’s first joint declaration on human rights was discussed in Laos in 2010 by the ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights. Countless officials and experts from ASEAN member countries had a hand in the drafting of the declaration. Still, key stakeholders and human rights advocates complained that they were not consulted.

When the declaration was made public this month, it was immediately dismissed by regional human rights organizations who claimed it contained provisions that distort universal standards on human rights protection. In particular, they question the wording of the declaration’s general principles which balance rights with duties and responsibilities imposed by member countries.

“…the realization of human rights must be considered in the regional and national context bearing in mind different political, economic, legal, social, cultural, historical and religious backgrounds,” a controversial provision reads.

“The exercise of human rights and fundamental freedoms shall be subject only to such limitations as are determined by law solely for the purpose of securing due recognition for the human rights and fundamental freedoms of others, and to meet the just requirements of national security, public order, public health, public safety, public morality, as well as the general welfare of the peoples in a democratic society.”

Indeed, several fundamental rights were identified in the declaration like the right to vote, the right to participate in government, and the right to form and join trade unions, but these supposedly universal rights are apparently applicable only if they conform to existing national laws and policies.

Maruah, a human rights group in Singapore, argued that the declaration subverts the concept of human rights by defining them through the lens of national governments instead of affirming them as the absolute and irrevocable rights of individuals. Maruah also derided ASEAN’s decision to include “public morality” in the document, arguing that the term is “subjective and can be interpreted in such a manner that affects people, particularly women from fulfilling their rights.”

Philippine human rights network Karapatan worries that the loopholes in the declaration would be used by state parties in the region as a “blueprint for further rights violations.”

Meanwhile, the Committee to Protect Journalists noted in a letter to U.S. President Barack Obama that the document does not have a clear mechanism for enforcement.

Even the U.S. State Department—while stating, “in principle, we support ASEAN’s efforts to develop a regional human rights declaration”—said in a statement that it was “deeply concerned that many of the ASEAN Declaration’s principles and articles could weaken and erode universal human rights and fundamental freedoms as contained in the UDHR.”

Navanethem Pillay, the UN High Commissioner on Human Rights, joined 62 local, regional, and international civil society groups by going so far as to call on ASEAN to suspend the signing of the declaration.

Taken aback by the flurry of criticisms of the declaration, ASEAN Secretary-General Surin Pitsuwan defended ASEAN saying the organization and its members “have come a long way on human rights” and contending that the group is “looking at it [human rights] in a long timeframe” with the declaration being an important step in “a progression.”

ASEAN did the right thing in conceptualizing a regional human rights agreement but its attempt to refashion human rights to suit the national interests of its members is a serious attack on the principles of human rights. Perhaps it’s wise for ASEAN to review the implementation of the declaration and consult a larger pool of stakeholders as part of a possible parth forward.

Written for The Diplomat

Obama and Human Rights in ASEAN

Economics and security matters will probably the main issues which United States President Barack Obama will discuss with leaders of Southeast Asia when he attends the 21st Summit of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations in Phnom Penh.

Aside from Cambodia, Obama will make a historic and dramatic visit to Myanmar (Burma) which would formally signal to the world that the US is quite satisfied with the reforms being undertaken by the Burmese civilian government. Obama will also visit Thailand to bolster his country’s alliance with its oldest military ally in the Asia-Pacific.

Obama is expected to renew the commitment of his government to remain an active development partner and investor in the region. His comment on the maritime and border disputes involving China and several Southeast Asian nations is also eagerly anticipated by everybody. Obama might also use this opportunity to acknowledge the role of ASEAN member countries in combating international terrorist cells in their territories.

But since this is going to be Obama’s first foreign trip after being reelected, it’s hoped that he also includes human rights protection in his agenda.

For instance, Obama can remind both Burmese President Thein Sein and opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi about their important role in reducing the ethnic tension between Rakhines and Rohingyas in Arakan State. He can persuade both leaders to recognize that the issue cannot be resolved by merely invoking the rule of law. At the minimum, he can ask the government to review its hardline policy of denying citizenship rights to Rohingya people.

In Cambodia, Obama can cite the recent study made by Human Rights Watch about the rise of unsolved and unresolved extrajudicial killings in the past two decades, which coincided with the term of incumbent Prime Minister Hun Sen. Obama can also inquire about the numerous land conflicts which have led to intensified militarization of rural areas, displacement of thousands of villagers in development sites, and death squad killings of environment activists.

The strong bilateral ties between Thailand and the U.S. should not stop Obama, hopefully, from suggesting some amendments in the controversial Lese Majeste law, which is considered by many legal scholars as the world’s harshest. The law may have been effective in protecting the royal family but it’s also being used to harass government critics and prosecute ordinary Thais which have curtailed freedom of speech and expression in the country.

While it may be unpleasant and even undiplomatic for Obama to raise these sensitive issues, it would send a strong message to the world that his government is seriously committed to advance the human rights agenda in the next four years. If the U.S. government can secure military basing agreements and enormous trade deals with ASEAN member nations, maybe it can also use its influence to secure the freedom of political prisoners, the investigation of political killings, and the review of repressive laws in the region.

Of course, Southeast Asian leaders can always retort by reminding Obama that the U.S. also has a problematic human rights record; but at least there will be an exchange of views about these taboo topics that are not often included in formal inter-government meetings.

If human rights will not be on the agenda in the ASEAN Summit, and if Obama refuses to talk about it in his speeches, expect the rights movement to raise it in alternative summits in Phnom Penh, Rangoon, and Bangkok

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Casino Economics in Southeast Asia

By admin | November 13, 2012

Written for The Diplomat

In just a few short years gambling has become the “next big thing” throughout Southeast Asia. Casinos are sprouting up everywhere drawing a record number of tourists, generating sizeable sums for national treasuries, and reshaping the economic profile of host communities. Unfortunately, casinos have also created a slew of social problems that governments are only now beginning to confront.

Recently, Singapore and Vietnam amended their casino laws to reflect the reality that gambling has been legal and even encouraged for many years in supposedly conservative societies. In the case of Singapore, it wanted tighter regulations on the casino industry to discourage low-income groups and the unemployed from participating. On the other hand, a proposal was submitted to Vietnam’s National Assembly Standing Committee that requires investors to declare registered capital of at least U.S. $4 billion and a minimum experience of 10 years in the business before a casino license is issued to them.

Suprisingly, Singapore has emerged as Macau’s closest competitor as the preferred place to gambling in the region, despite opening its first casino only two years ago. Casino profits are soaring but the drawback is that many local residents are burdened with gambling debts. As concern over this problem has grown, Singapore has intervened to thwart it. The government already prohibits “financial vulnerable” individuals from entering casinos, with about 43,000 Singaporeans reportedly falling in this category. More strident measures are still being considered.

Singapore could perhaps look to Vietnam for a model, as the latter country has banned all locals from gambling in the casinos. Currently, Singapore collects levies from local residents if they wish to play in the casinos but this has failed to discourage the local population, including the poor, from playing in the casino centers.

Meanwhile, Vietnam’s decision to impose stringent requirements for casino operators was naturally opposed by prospective investors who wanted to establish more gaming centers in the country. The business sector in fact has reminded the government that the new rules might hurt the tourism and gaming sectors. But the revised regulation could also indicate that the government is confident that Vietnam can continue to maintain its competitiveness in attracting more casino investments.

Indeed, Vietnam’s casino industry has been a bright spot in the local economy. It has thriving casino cities which contribute much-needed dollar revenues to the local coffers and steady employment to local residents. It’s only other rival in the Indochina Peninsula is Cambodia which has at least 25 casino gaming complexes, although the frequent opening and closings of casinos in the country makes the number difficult to pinpoint.

Vietnamese and Cambodian casinos are popular because they are officially banned in Thailand and China which share land borders with both Vietnam and Cambodia. It’s no accident that casino centers in Vietnam and Cambodia are established in territories that are accessible to gamers in Thailand and China. Why fly to Macau or Las Vegas if casinos are already within reach near the border?

Cambodia’s main market is the Chinese who come ready to spend a sinful amount of money in casino centers. Even the Chinese government is encouraging its citizens to play in Cambodia’s casinos, many of which are owned or operated by Chinese nationals. Last year, Cambodia earned more than $20 million from casino taxes.

Tourism is one of the leading drivers of economic growth in Southeast Asia. The rise of casino centers means that the region is aiming to reposition itself as a gaming and gambling hub and attract cash-rich tourists. Even the Philippine government has a plan to redevelop a coastal property in Manila and transform it into a global casino complex. Southeast Asia plus Macau could soon become the largest Las Vegas paradise in the world.

It’s interesting to monitor if Thailand and Indonesia will continue to outlaw gambling despite the existence of booming underground gambling markets in both countries. Already academics and other influential persons are making the case for legalization.

Casino economics could easily improve the tax numbers of Southeast Asian countries. But governments must think twice before prioritizing casino investments because they might not be prepared to handle the various social ills that can arise from gambling. It’s important to note that several Southeast Asian countries became economic tigers without legalizing gambling. But the success of Singapore’s casino experiment and the fast-developing casino industries in Cambodia and Vietnam could change how policymakers from other countries in the region view gambling and its potential in stimulating local economic growth.

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Populist Economics in Southeast Asia

By admin | November 11, 2012

Written for The Diplomat

Governments are spending vast sums to reduce crushing poverty. While the cause is a noble one the reasoning and approach may be faulty.

Populist economics is on the rise in Southeast Asia. Politicians have been actively adopting policies that aim to impress upon the poor that governments are doing something, however trivial, to improve their conditions. It is generally a positive development but is it sustainable?

Thailand’s Thaksin Shinawatra was ousted as Prime Minister in 2006 but has remained popular among the rural poor. In fact, his younger sister is the country’s incumbent head of state. What is the reason for his enduring appeal? Maybe the great majority, especially the poor, have not forgotten his various ‘gifts’ to ordinary Thais.

Under his watch, Thaksin provided a life insurance scheme for the poor, bicycle loans for students, scholarships for indigent students, loans for low-priced TV sets and computers, loans for the purchase of taxi cabs, and cheap housing for middle income urban families. Thaksin also built fitness and day care centers in rural villages, gave educational gift packages for every newborn baby, and lowered the school fees in the country.

The targeted delivery of high-impact services to the very poor segments of the population was a component in Thaksin’s economic program which came to be known as Thaksinomics. This proved to be highly successful, at least politically, in boosting the image of Thaksin as hero of the masses.

As expected, Thaksin’s critics accused him of resorting to populism to win the political support of the poor. But Thaksin was perhaps vindicated when his political enemies adopted his approach of giving special gifts to the poor. The administration of Abhisit Vejjajiva not only provided free bus and train rides and free water allowances to poor citizens, it also unveiled what it called nine “New Year gifts” to the people which involved, among other things, loan access for informal workers, registration of motorcycle-taxi drivers, recognition of street hawkers, maintaining the price of cooking gas and free use of electricity.

Yingluck defeated Abhisit’s party in last year’s elections and following her victory she immediately signaled her intent to continue the legacy of her elder brother when it comes to social welfare programs. Aside from reviving some of Thaksin’s programs like the rice mortgage policy, Yingluck has some new gifts to offer to her constituents. Some of the more to controversial among these include the commitment to raise the minimum wage and the entry salary for university-educated civil servants. Yingluck also vowed to distribute free tablet computers to first graders. She also set-up a women’s development fund to promote the well-being of the women sector.

Similarly, Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak has expanded the assistance schemes, cash handouts, housing and healthcare initiatives that are conceptualized to help the needy and jobless. The Bantuan Rakyat 1 Malaysia 2.0 program, which will begin dispensing aid in early 2013, is expected to cover 4.3 million households and 2.7 million single individuals aged 21 and older. 4.78 million households are said to have benefited from the program, BR1M, which didn’t cover single individuals.

Under the program, households with outcomes under RM 3,000 receive an allocation of RM500 (U.S. $167.48), while single individuals aged 21 or older who have a monthly income of RM 2,000 or less also receive aid.

Health care is another aspect of the program. It was already announced that 70 new clinics will be set-up next year. The facilities are expected to provide blood test services including cholesterol, glucose and urine tests. The government also plans to upgrade 350 clinics nationwide and distribute 150 dialysis machines in public hemodialysis centers nationwide.

In the states of Sabah, Sarawak and Labuan, the government also is seeking to uplift the poor by building 80,000 new houses with selling prices between RM100,000 and RM400,000 per unit.

Under the 1Malaysia Welfare Program, funds will be allocated to assist senior citizens, children, disabled workers, and the chronically ill. The government is also providing funding to train the children of Indian estate workers who do poorly on their exams.

Similar to Malaysia and Thailand, the Philippines has its own version of providing specific services to the poor. Known as Pantawid Pamilyang Pilipino Program or the Conditional Cash Transfer, it aims to help 4.3 million poor households by 2016. The program enrolls beneficiaries who are required to attend seminars before receiving cash gifts from the government. Parents are also required to send their children to schools and to report to the nearest health center for vaccines and medical check-ups. The program has been praised by the World Bank and, as of July 1st of this year, it had provided support to “3,041,152 household beneficiaries in 1,400 cities and municipalities in 79 provinces in all 17 regions nationwide” according to a government statement.

It’s quite possible that the Southeast Asian governments decided to adopt these populist measures to enhance their electoral and political success. But this does not work all the time. For example, Thaksin was still booted out of power by a military coup despite his popularity, while his successor, Abhisit, lost badly in the polls despite his administration’s New Year’s gifts to the poor.

Regardless of their real impact on electoral politics, there’s no denying that the so-called populist measures in the region have tended to strengthen national leaders’ ties with the poor.

After witnessing the poor conditions in Kampung Bantal, Najib offered his 1Malaysia Welfare Program as a key intervention to uplift the lives of the people there. “Folks here survive on basic necessities and their low income makes life even harder for them to cope. As a responsible Prime Minister, I must never allow people like the folks in Kampung Bantal to be left out from the country’s development,” Najib has said.

“Hardworking Malaysians should not be punished by the escalating cost of living. Therefore my government, while working hard to ensure persistent economic growth, will not compromise the interest of the poor and the working class,” he added.

Similarly, facing criticism for the supposed ineffectiveness of his cash transfer program, Philippine President Benigno Aquino III challenged the opposition to take their case directly to the poor. During his annual state of the nation address last July, Aquino said: “If you take issue with the fact that 5.2 million of the country’s poorest households can now avail of quality healthcare services without worrying about the cost, then look them straight in the eye and tell them, ‘I do not want you to get better.’ If it angers you that three million Filipino families have been empowered to fulfill their dreams because of Pantawid Pamilya, then look them straight in the eye and tell them, ‘I will take away the hope you now have for your future.’”

Populist measures often do benefit the party in power which is why scholars commonly discuss the possible politicization of poverty alleviation programs. In Malaysia, for example, some NGOs are questioning why politicians, instead of welfare agencies, are distributing the cash vouchers to beneficiaries.

Another concern is the sustainability of these programs which require a large amount of financing. This is being made clear in Thailand where Yingluck is facing a lot of difficulties in fulfilling all her campaign promises, in particular the commitment to raise the minimum wage.

Other academics are also arguing that that cash transfers and other dole outs are unimaginative and “band-aid solutions” to the chronic and systemic problem of intergenerational poverty. They want public funds to be used instead to build schools, health centers, and mass housing. Activists in the Philippines in particular have decried the expansion of cash handouts at the expense of other social service expenditures.

The rise of populist policies in Southeast Asia aimed at uplifting the disenfranchised is depressing proof that the impressive economic growth in the region has not been inclusive. Behind the glowing statistics revealed by robust stock market indexes, export numbers, and rising GDP rates is a story of a region suffering from extreme economic inequality. It is no accident that Thailand, which suffered badly in the 1997 financial crisis, was among the first to experiment with policies that seek to bridge the gap between the poorest of the poor and the rest of society.

Populist economics has its clear benefits but remains an inferior alternative to the more comprehensive approach of finding long-term economic solutions to the age-old problems of poverty, inequality, and deprivation.

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Where do spouses live?

By admin | November 7, 2012

There was a time when La Vista Subdivision in Katipunan, Quezon City had three residents sitting as senators of the Republic compared to none for the whole island of Mindanao. Today La Vista is still home of the powerful and the very rich. In fact, its three most famous residents are all members of the 15th Congress, and they all live on the same street.

Aside from La Vista, where are the other exclusive domains of rich people in Metro Manila. Perhaps a reliable reference is the home addresses of members the House of Representatives, an institution which remains a house of multimillionaires. The House does not publish the residential addresses of its members but interestingly, the Congressional Spouses Foundation Inc. (CSFI) has released its official directory which features the contact details, birthdays, wedding anniversaries, and even home addresses of its members.

It’s good that spouses are more open in revealing the privileged hideouts of our legislators.

So where do the spouses live?

Curiously, only 34 members of the CSFI listed their homes in their respective districts in the provinces as their official residential addresses. It means majority of spouses are based in Metro Manila.

About 26 members are living in a condominium or townhouse. 12 members are living in Filinvest, 11 in Capitol Homes, 8 in Ayala Alabang, 7 in Valle Verde, and 7 in Forbes Park. Other prominent villages are Greenhills (6), BF Homes (6), Teachers’ Village (5), New Manila (5), Corinthian Gardens (4), Fairview (5), Dasmarinas (4), San Lorenzo (3), Loyola Heights (3), Loyola Grand Villas (3), and Pasong Tamo (3).

Many members are probably unaware that their colleagues are living in adjacent villages. For example in Tierra Pura, Tierra Bella, and Tierra Verde in Quezon City. There are members residing in the villages of Magallanes, Salcedo, Legaspi, and Bel-air in Makati.

Quite unusual that there are spouses or CSFI-nominated members of some Metro Manila legislators who are not residing in the city district of the House member.

Quezon City is clearly the home of most legislators, whether officially at work (Batasan) or in their private lives. Other top choices are Pasig, Makati, and Taguig.

The directory allows us to map out the residential homes of our legislators but it has its limitations too. There are 33 CSFI members who didn’t share any information about their home address. Furthermore, some CSFI members are not spouses but siblings, parents, children, and even staff members. The directory needs to be updated too because some members might be separated already with their spouses.

Still, the directory is useful for advocates of open government and good governance. Researchers can compare the listed address in the CSFI directory with the Statement of Assets, Liabilities and Net Worth or SALN of legislators. If the conjugal property in Ayala Alabang is not declared in the SALN, then the legislator has to provide the public with a convincing explanation.

A mapping project that focuses on the home addresses of legislators can provide a glimpse of the hidden world of politicians. Who are their neighbors? What do they see everyday that influence their views and decisions? How connected or detached are they from the rest of society? Are they living in luxury while surrounded by a sea of poverty outside their gates?

It can help us verify too if policymakers are living in the same residential hubs of contractors, corporate executives, lobbyists, and even retired generals. We can affirm the ‘truthiness’ of the statement that ‘political and economic power is concentrated in a few gated subdivisions in Metro Manila.’

The social networks may be expanding in the virtual world but it seems the social circles of the rich and powerful continue to be off-limits to most people.

Secrecy, privacy, confidentiality – these are the supreme, inalienable rights that rich people often invoke to ward off the probing eyes of dirty mortals. The same rights that the poor often surrender when they enroll for government welfare programs or when they stand in the way of commercial development.

In the name of privacy, the humble abode of legislators is not revealed to the public. But thanks to the innocent sharing of pleasantries and trivial information between spouses, this classified data is partially disclosed. Now we know that legislators who claim to be representatives of the poor spend their idle days and nights in lowly villages like Forbes Park, Corinthians, and Dasmarinas.

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Tribute to House Secretariat

By admin | November 5, 2012

Talumpati sa flag ceremony ng House of Representatives

Magandang umaga sa inyong lahat, mga kapwa ko kawani sa pamahalaan. Una, ako po ay nagpapasalamat sa karangalang magsalita sa ating flag ceremony ngayong araw na ito.

Matagal ko na pong iniisip kung matatapos ko ba ang aking termino nang hindi mabibigyan ng pagkakataon na maging panauhin sa ating lingguhang flag ceremony. Kaya ako po ay lubusang nagalak nang makatanggap ng imbitasyon na magsalita ngayong umaga. Dahil long weekend (napuyat sa kakapost ng pictures sa facebook), ang hirap bumangon kanina, ang bigat sa paa, at hirap kumbinsihin ang katawan na maghanda para sa trabaho. Pero para sa akin, spesyal ang araw na ito.

Mayroong lamang 52 weeks sa isang taon, at sa isang termino, hindi laglagpas sa 150 ang bilang ng mambabatas na makakapagsalita sa harap ninyo tuwing Lunes. Kaya para sa akin, mapalad ang mambabatas, at kami po ay mahigit 285 na ngayon, na napiling tumindig at magsalita tuwing lunes ng umaga. Kaya ang magsalita sa flag ceremony ay matuturing na privilege speech dahil ito ay tunay na pribilehiyo. [UPDATE: Buwanan na lang daw ang asembliya sa harap ng Batasan para sa flag ceremony]

Hindi lang simboliko ang mga flag ceremony. Lahat ng kawani ay magbibigay galang sa watawat at uulitin ang sumpa bilang lingkod bayan. Sa tingin ko mahalaga itong ritwal upang ipakita ang pagkakaisa sa loob ng institusyon at upang ipaalala sa bawat isa kung ano ang ating tungkulin sa taongbayan.

Ilang ulit na rin akong naimbitahan na magsalita sa mga flag ceremony – sa mga paaralan, munisipyo, kapitolyo, at maging sa ibang mga ahensiya ng pamahalaan – at pansin ko lang na andun lahat: ang principal, si kapitan, si mayor, si governor, mga konsehal, mga bukal, ang Cabinet secretary. At silang lahat, kasamang bibigkas ng panata bilang opisyal ng bayan.

Sa tingin ko, at ito ang aking munting mungkahi, dapat gawin din natin yun dito sa ating House of Representatives. Simulan natin ang tradisyon na bawat miyembro ng kamara ay inaasahang lumahok sa lingguhang flag ceremony. Hindi ba’t kamakailan lang ay naging isyu ang pagliban ng ilang Supreme Court justices sa kanilang flag ceremony? Panahon na siguro upang idagdag sa tungkulin ng mga mambabatas, kasama ang kanilang mga opisina, ang pagpunta sa mga flag ceremony, sa kanilang distrito o dito mismo sa Batasan.

Palaging nababanggit sa mga balita ang mataas na public trust rating ng House of Representatives. With due respect to my colleagues, dapat kilalanin ang mahalagang papel ng House Secretariat kung bakit positibo ang imahen ng HRep. Kayo ang tagapagtaguyod sa Kongreso ng mamamayan. Ang mga miyembro ay hindi permanente dahil may term limit, ang dominanteng political party ngayon ay baka minority na lang sa susunod, hindi lahat ay babalik sa 16th Congress. Pero kayo, kayo na mananatili sa institusyon ay saksi at tagapagpatuloy ng kasaysayan ng bayan. At higit pa rito, lingid sa kaalaman ng marami, kayo ang gumagawa ng kalakhan ng trabaho ng mga mambabatas.

Noong 14th Congress, nang ako po ay unang maging congressman, may nagsabi sa akin na ang Kongreso raw ang best retirement place para sa mga beteranong pulitiko. Sabi kasi niya kahit hindi ka pumasok, mananatili kang congressman. After three years and two terms, masasabi ko na may bahid ng katotohanan ang pahayag na ito. Pero dapat kong idagdag na madali o gumagaan ang trabaho namin kasi ang bigat ay pinapasan ng House Secretariat.

Walang dahilan para maging zero ang output mo dito sa Kongreso. Sa totoo lang, lahat ng aming dapat gawin, lahat ng aming pangangailangan ay ginagawa na ng House Secretariat. Paggawa ng batas o resolusyon? Nandiyan ang Bill Drafting. Research at pagsusuri sa budget, mayroon tayong CPBD. Salamat sa mga agency budget notes, nagiging matalino ang debate sa mga budget interpellation. Lahat ng dokumento, libro, mga materyaleshinggil sa maraming isyu ay handang ibigay sa amin ng secretariat. Kung kinakailangan ng RTD o policy briefing, maaari ding gawin.

Mayroon tayong legal service, library, security, engineering, IPRD, may media service na tumutulong para i-broadcast ang aming mga aktibidad. Salamat sa committee affairs at plenary service at ang aming mga maling grammar sa deliberasyon ay hindi mapapansin ng publiko at ng susunod na henerasyon kung babasahin ang mga House Journal at House records.

Hindi na kailangan ng mga tarpaulin para ibalita ng bawat isa sa amin kung ano ang aming mga programa. May sarili namang printing press ang Kongreso at dahil sa franking privilege ay pwedeng idiretso ang aming mga liham sa aming constituents.

Kung gayon, wala ng dapat pang gawin ang mambabatas kundi ang pumasok sa trabaho. Pumunta sa committee hearing at magpakita sa roll call sa plenary ng 4pm. Hindi ko maintindihan kung bakit tila ang hirap-hirap para sa ilan ang magpakita sa session samantalang tinitiyak naman ng House Secretariat na alaga at ligtas ang mga miyembro. May lounge (sira ang diet ng marami kapag Lunes hanggang Miyerkules; araw-araw kapag budget season), clinic, gym, day care, bangko, at hindi problema ang parking space.

Sinasabi ko ito hindi upang kumutya kundi upang una, ipabatid sa inyo na kung ano man ang kritisismo ng publiko sa work ethic ng maraming congressman ay hindi wasto at hindi akmang ilapat sa inyo; at pangalawa, magpasalamat sa inyong tulong, sipag, at katapatan sa paggampan ng inyong tungkulin. Mapalad ang 286 House Members dahil may efficient House Secretariat na gumagawa ng kanilang trabaho, araw-araw. Palagi kaming nagbabakasyon pero ang House Secretariat subsob sa gawain sa Batasan.

This is my second, and also my last term, as a youth representative. Gusto ko pong ipaalam sa inyo na sa nakalipas na tatlong taon, at home ako dito sa House kasi mababait, matatalino at may puso ang mga kawani. Maraming salamat po at magandang umaga.

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Politics is the Medium

By admin | November 2, 2012

Jose Rizal wrote Noli Me Tangere and El Filibusterismo in Spanish, a foreign language to most indios in late 19th century Philippines. But Noli and Fili became an instant hit among the masa, and the two novels succeeded in inspiring many people to rise up against Spanish colonialism. It was much later before they were translated into Filipino and English and only a few hundred original copies were actually distributed in the country because censors immediately confiscated the books. So how did the people learn about the Noli and Fili? How did they know about the famous characters in the novels like Crisostomo Ibarra, Simoun, Maria Clara, Elias, Basilio, Sisa, Padre Damaso? Were they agitated by a book they didn’t read? Did Noli and Fili spark a revolution even if only few people understood their literary merits?

The novels were written by the genius Rizal but their dissemination, popularization, and conversion from social novel to revolutionary manifesto were achieved because of politics. Rizal was not the first to stir the nationalist sentiments in the country. That Rizal dedicated his novel to the memory of Gomburza, the three martyred priests in Cavite, reflected the turbulent political milieu that time which could also mean that the situation was ripe for a major, and even revolutionary shuffling.

Like other great works of art, Rizal’s novels mirrored social reality. But they also fanned the burning desire for independence. The decision of authorities to suppress the novels, and the anti-Rizal church sermons only managed to further arouse the interest of the people about the controversial books and their author. Unknowingly, the state and the church were the initial publicists of Rizal.

The novels then gained material force when people began to pick bits and pieces from the novels and reinterpreted them to rationalize their particular situation and justify the yearning for change. The ideas embedded in the novels became subversive in real life when revolutionaries invoked them to recruit and mobilize more people against the Spaniards.

In short, publishing the Noli was not the only radical act. To write a novel that accurately depicted the struggles between the old and new order was a bold political statement. But using the novel to spread or block an idea enhanced the political value of the material.

Art becomes more than an art if the people integrate it in their political struggles.

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A propaganda material is a worthless piece of paper if it didn’t reach its intended beneficiaries. But reproduction of materials is not enough. Sample ballots are printed in the millions but their volume doesn’t guarantee election victory. Politics is crucial to determine the effectiveness of propaganda.

Kalayaan was the official paper of the revolutionary group Katipunan. The journal was meant to inform the people about the anti-Spanish struggle, and to increase the membership of the KKK. But Kalayaan only had one issue and circulation was very limited. Most of the indios in 1896 Manila were unable to read the paper. But the single issue of Kalayaan is credited for the phenomenal expansion of the KKK. How was this possible?

Political organizing broadened the reach of the paper. The Kalayaan echoed the political sentiment of the majority which KKK cadres consistently and aggressively articulated in their community work. The illiterate indios if recruited by the KKK could easily understand the political propaganda contained in Kalayaan. The Kalayaan readers and the overnight radicals enlisted by the KKK are both informed of the objectives and vision of the coming KKK uprising. In this way, the Kalayaan rose to become a sinister political specter in the eyes of the Spanish bureaucracy. Its real threat was exaggerated as it became more dangerous in the eyes of the enemies.

The success of Kalayaan proved that the distribution of information in society is not solely dependent on the actual reach of mass media networks. Politics, political tactics, political work can significantly enhance the limited influence of a media statement.

The primacy of politics over media or the multiplier effect of politics in shaping public information is evident in Philippine history. The radio delivered the news about the resistance movement during the Second World War but it was the relentless struggle of the people’s army that ensured the country’s liberation. The perseverance of the so-called mosquito opposition press during Martial Law should be commended but news about the anti-Marcos struggle was more effectively reported to the people, especially those living in the remote villages, by the underground communist network. A radio broadcast first signaled the call to troop to Edsa in 1986 but the people’s organizations which have deeper links in the grassroots were able to mobilize the massive crowd in the streets that ousted the dictator.

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Today, politics is equated with conversations. Citizens who fight over politics are content to be netizens who fight over rhetorics, semantics, and even hashtags. Those who passionately rejected the weapons of mass destruction in the past are now willing victims of the internet, the world’s weapon of mass distraction.

Media worship is shamelessly practiced. Social media is hailed as the new political battlefield where the ordinary mortal has the power to engage, criticize, and embarrass the powerful elite. The duty of everybody is to participate in the conversations hoping that it would lead to better political debates. But most of the time, netizens who are bombarded with bits and bytes of trivial data merely reiterate the opinion of an opinion of another person. The lazy ones do not even bother to repeat a commentary; they simply ‘like’ the comment of a comment.

Nothing wrong if citizens are still trying to comprehend the political content of the Information Machinery. What is worrisome is that everybody is jumping into the information craze without being guided by a major political project or political goal. Opinion-making is heralded as the new politics. What happened to political actions that dismantle oppressive structures? After independence, after democracy, the next great political act is to rant for the sake of transparency and openness?

There is a deluge of information in society but politics is lacking. Information in search of politics. Politics-less Information. The result is an infinite exchange of unoriginal views while the traditional political structures remain intact.

Disturbing that the goal of well-meaning political animals these days is to launch a viral video, a sensational graphic, a witty one-liner, an explosive status update. The political moment is the launching of a new campaign page in a stylish website. Collective action is reduced to crowdsourcing. Fine. But where is politics? Information for what? Information for whom?

Related articles:

Hashtags and political blogging
Seeing and politics
Politics of communications
KKK or QQQ?
Perverse transparency

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