Burma’s Surprising Protests

By admin | July 7, 2012

News about the protests that spread through several Burma towns last week over power shortages should be welcomed as a positive development in the country’s bid to achieve a full democratic transition.

The series of peaceful protests started in Mandalay, where hundreds of residents gathered in front of a government electricity agency to condemn the power blackouts in the city. There, locals lighted candles in the evening and displayed posters even without being pre-approved by the censors. It was a rare spontaneous gathering of consumers who are all furious over the failure of authorities to adequately explain why electricity is available for only six hours in a day.

After Mandalay, residents of Monywa, Pyi, Bago, and the Thonse townships who are also suffering from the blackouts conducted street protests and candle lighting activities over the past week. Even Facebook users changed their profile pictures to an image of candles against a dark background to show support for the protests.

The government blamed a bomb blast that destroyed a transmission tower connected to a hydropower plant for the electricity shortage, which crippled several cities in the country. But citizens aren’t satisfied with this excuse. Indeed, many people have questioned instead the continued sale of Burma’s natural gas supply and other energy resources to neighboring China despite the power crisis in the country. The fact that some of the protests have also been organized in front of the Chinese embassy reflects the disapproval of many citizens over the sales to China. It didn’t help that the minister for the Ministry of Electric Power publicly defended the energy trade with China, which only inflamed opinion. The minister’s resignation is now being demanded by protesters for his remarks.

Unsurprisingly, the initial response of the police was to harass and arrest some protesters. But surprisingly, the detained civilians were immediately released. Maybe the junta-backed government had already sensed the popular indignation at the grassroots level and is worried that a violent crackdown on the peaceful assemblies could trigger bigger protests in the future which it wouldn’t be able to handle. The ruling coalition, which experienced a humiliating landslide defeat in the recent local elections, stands to lose even more political clout if the opposition or the pro-democracy movement is able to harness the emerging community-based people power in the blackout-hit towns of Burma.

It’s not to the junta’s credit that protests are allowed to prosper in Burma. The police initially tried to suppress and limit the protests in a single town, but they failed. Perhaps inspired by the recent electoral victory of the opposition, it seems Burmese citizens are more aggressive and bolder in expressing their views today. Young people are no longer afraid to call for the dismissal of a government minister.

Much has been said of the so-called reforms implemented by the Burmese government, which included the release of political prisoners and the holding of open elections. These reforms were quickly accepted by several global leaders, which could pave the way for the entry of more aid and investment into Burma. But these suspect junta-driven reforms can be easily reversed, making it even more necessary to look for sustainable democracy initiatives from below. The string of community protests that erupted last week is a fine example of a people-driven reform movement that has the potential to guide Burma’s transition to democracy.

Written for The Diplomat

Is China a Bad Investor?

Last month, thousands of Burmese residents took to the streets to complain about the daily blackouts that have plagued the country’s big urban centers. But aside from criticizing the ineptitude of their officials, the protesters also linked the power supply shortage to China’s massive purchase of the country’s energy resources. A spontaneous protest took place in front of the Chinese embassy, where residents expressed outrage over the government’s decision to sell energy reserves to China’s manufacturing hubs while many Burmese are living in the dark.

The protest is quite similar to the rise of a citizen movement that opposed the construction of a China-backed mega dam along the Irrawaddy River last year. Thousands of villagers resisted the project because their homes will be demolished. Because of the popular appeal of the movement, the government was forced to suspend the project. It was perhaps the first time that the junta-anointed government responded positively to a civil society petition. China, of course, frowned upon the decision

The protests in Burma reflect the rising economic ties between China and its neighbors in Southeast Asia on the one hand, and the uneven consequences of China’s investments on the other. After years of spectacular economic growth, China has more than enough resources at its disposal to massively invest in many countries. Chinese capital is behind many of the region’s several large scale investments in hydropower, mining, timber, agriculture, and infrastructure.

China has been Southeast Asia’s key trading partner for several centuries. This isn’t surprising as China shares land borders with Indochina. In recent years, it has become a leading investor in the region. It is, in some senses, the new Japan.

These investments are generally welcomed because of the jobs they create and their positive impact on local economies. But opposition to China’s aggressive economic expansion in the region has also emerged. The negative reaction is partly fueled by nationalist motives as local tycoons reject foreign competition. But it’s also an issue of survival and human rights for the thousands of ordinary residents who have been displaced by Chinese-funded development projects.

For example, Cambodian farmers have been complaining over a de facto Chinese “invasion” of their lands. According to the Cambodian Center for Human Rights, the Cambodian government granted 4,615,745 hectares in concessions to 107 Chinese-owned firms since 1994. Of that total, 3,374,328 hectares were forest concessions, 973,101 hectares were economic land concessions and 268,316 hectares were mining concessions.

Chinese firms are also accused of violating local laws, in particular the bribing of top officials in many countries. In the Philippines, Chinese investments on IT and railways have been cancelled by the government after it was revealed that bribes were paid by Chinese firms to secure political approval.

The emergence of China as a global economic powerhouse brings tremendous benefits to its cash-strapped neighbors in Southeast Asia. But as China expands its economic clout, it must be ready to account for the varying consequences of its actions. Many Southeast Asians feel that their countries are being treated as just another market to dominate and exploit by China, even though the region has been a reliable trading partner and neighbor for many centuries.

Indeed, while China’s economic resources can transform poor villages into prosperous communities, it can also be used to destroy the environment, violate rights, and worsen corruption in the region. China shouldn’t only wisely choose its investments – it must also respect the different customs, traditions, and political systems of its neighbors. Otherwise, Southeast Asians might decide to close their doors to their rich neighbor and seek other, more responsible, investors

Written for The Diplomat

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Dead End and Deadened

By admin | July 5, 2012

The obligatory canned applause to celebrate President Noynoy Aquino’s second year in office will be delivered by the crazed Yellow Gang. They are expected to highlight the visible and quantifiable – though empty and boring – so-called achievements of the government like credit rating, GDP, and investor confidence. The hypnotized herd will probably echo Pnoy’s Big C syndrome which had been the president’s obsession in the past six months: Corona, China, and Congresswoman Gloria Arroyo. Oust Corona in behalf of all hacienderos, challenge China to please Uncle Sam, and prosecute Arroyo to hide his ambivalence on punishing corrupt officials of previous governments.

Meanwhile, the equally obsessive usual suspects will unmask the rotten core of the Aquino presidency. They will match the government’s glowing statistics with damned and damning statistics; they will expose the poisonous and grotesque lies of the Palace Rasputins; and they will ridicule the president’s noxious delusions that he’s the best and most qualified moral person to lead the country.

But what about the rest of the chattering and twittering classes? The skeptical academe? The critical press?

Sadly, there seems to be no serious attempt to challenge or demystify the Aquino mystique. The noise hovers only around Pnoy’s lazy work ethics, poor choice of Cabinet members, sloppy management of the central bureaucracy, and the meddling of his kamag anak in the affairs of Malacanang. Then there’s the constant irritating buzz over the president’s love life and the manufactured stories about his alleged empathy for the common tao.

But lacking or absent is a critical review of Pnoy’s political philosophy. There’s no judgment, critical or otherwise, about the conservative, reactionary, and even the anti-Filipino values that sustain the politics of the president.

What is more nauseating is the smug consensus in the mainstream opinion-making instruments that Pnoy possesses the qualities of a Great Leader. He is christened as the popular King who can perform miraculous deeds in government. Closet apologists insist he is clean, saintly (like his mother), and is not afflicted with the trapo disease of desiring to remain in power beyond 2016.

His flaws are easy to notice but quickly overlooked because of the greater importance placed on his deceptively naive politics. He may be guilty of noynoying but it’s a weakness that is tolerated by the Establishment as long as it doesn’t threaten the power flows and flows of power in society.

We can understand those who truly believe in his character as a person. Even those who got tired and cynical from the bad old days of Ramos, Estrada, and Arroyo can rationalize their quiet support for Pnoy, The Good. But there is no excuse for the muted reaction and ‘uncritical quietism’ of intellectuals while Pnoy and his gang are viciously attacking the fundamental tenets of democracy, including the removal of the hard-won rights of the people.

Some hard-hitting journalists in leading media networks are not even ashamed to hide their incestuous links with the dominant faction of the ruling class as they conspire in the suppression and distortion of the ‘inconvenient truths’ about Pnoy’s bourgeois government.

Pnoy merely revived and rebranded some of the most exploitative and anti-poor programs of his predecessors yet he is praised as an innovator and visionary. PPP is a fancy name for privatization. Green economy is governance by greenwashing. Transparency is sophisticated media manipulation. Human rights, then and now, is only for those who cheer while the president delivers a speech.

But the most unacceptable disregard for History and Reason is the shameful defense of direct American intervention in the country’s domestic politics. It is naked US imperialism but the intellectual gatekeepers refuse to name it for what it really is. The youth should be reminded of the heroic struggle of Filipinos for genuine freedom, which includes the non-renewal of US military bases, but we are miseducating them when we justify the presence of foreign troops in the country. We are diluting the meaning of sovereignty and independent foreign policy.

If Marcos were president today, he would be quickly condemned for parroting the views of the US government. But alas, the people who speak the Truth are the ones being ruthlessly vilified today for spreading anti-Filipino dogmas.

We have reached a dead end. The system it seems has nothing original to offer anymore but a bland revival of failed and illusory programs of the past. The apologists, the intellectuals, and even some of the Survivors are selling nostalgia. Those who benefit from the unequal division of wealth and power in society are conspiring to prevent the emergence of a genuine alternative. They want to preserve the eternal present by breeding a new generation of unthinking, undead creatures. People who have no past, enamored with the digital present, and confused about the distant prosperous future.

Daang Matuwid represents the last desperate attempt of the decaying bourgeois class to prevent the people from recognizing that there’s another Redemption Road. It’s a road which offers no promise of a Yellow Paradise but simply a journey where the people, the poor, are the real masters and bosses up to the final destination.

This noynoying era marks the end of Philippine pre-history.

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Poverty and Children

By admin | June 26, 2012

There are 27.6 million poor Filipinos in 2006, 12.8 million or 47 percent are children 15 years old and below. This was revealed in a study commissioned by the United Nations Children’s Fund and conducted by the Philippine Institute for Development Studies, a government agency. The results of the study were reported to the public on September 2010.

Rural poverty has worsened in the past decade. There are 9 million poor children living in the rural areas. Meanwhile, fisherfolk and farmers belong to the poorest sectors in society. The poverty rate is highest in the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (69.3 percent) while the National Capital Region only registered 15.8 percent. It’s clear that the uneven or lopsided development in the country has exacerbated income inequality in the regions.

Discrimination against poor children starts at birth. Out of 2.6 million unregistered children, 70 percent are found in ARMM, Eastern Visayas, Central Mindanao, Western Mindanao, and Southern Mindanao. Parents usually complain against the high cost of birth registration and distance of their homes to the nearest registration centers.

Children living in houses made of makeshift materials are considered deprived of shelter. Despite the claim of the government that it has already addressed the issue, the study found that 2.2 percent of Filipino children are still without decent shelter. Metro Manila alone has 78,000 children under this category. High incidences of children living in informal settlements are also found in Cotabato City and Maguindanao. Most probably they are bakwit children.

There are 246,011 street children, or those who stay in the streets and public areas for at least four hours daily. This figure comprises 3 percent of the population aged 0-17 years old. Unsurprisingly, Metro Manila has the most number of highly visible street children at 11,346.

In 2006, there were 3.4 million children who have no access at all to a toilet facility of any kind. For the 8.6 million children who suffer from sanitation deprivation, it’s definite that they are not part of the #itsmorefun cheering crowd of the tourism department. Unless of course there are insensitive souls who are promoting slum tourism – ‘slumdog millionaires’ Philippine version.

Water access has improved although there are still waterless municipalities. A country surrounded by water yet many people can’t drink clean water? Water access remains a priority concern in regions like ARMM, and the Zamboanga Peninsula where 34 and 21 percent of children, respectively; are severely
deprived of water.

Filipino children suffer too from malnutrition. Malnourished children have declined over the years but the number went up in 2008. Children suffering from thinness rose from 5 percent in 1989 to 6.1 percent in 2008. Curiously, overweight children represent 2 percent of total children population in the country.

Because of malnutrition and their poor living conditions, many children suffer from disabilities. It is estimated that 20 percent of approximately 200,000 Filipinos with disabilities are children. The government’s health care program has failed to provide adequate immunization, vitamin supplementation, nutrition education, prenatal and postnatal care to Filipino families. Will the government fulfill its commitment to use the revenue windfall from higher sin taxes to improve the delivery of health services?

Education targets are part of the global Millennium Development Goals. Sadly, there is a low probability that the Philippines will achieve the desired outcomes on time. In 2002, there were 1.8 million children aged 6-16 who failed to enroll in school primarily because of lack of personal interest and high cost of education. But by 2007, the number rose to 2.2 million. Drop out rates are alarming, especially in the early grade levels. Net enrolment has decreased from 90.3 percent in 2002 to 84.8 percent in 2007. According to the study, Western Visayas registered the lowest enrolment rate in the country. This is quite a mystery since West Visayas is a known education hub.

Cases handled by the Department of Social Welfare and Development in 2006-2007 also went up from 6,606 to 7,182. Most cases involved child abuse, neglect, trafficking, and child labor. But the number could be higher because many cases of abuse are underreported.

Today, the Department of Labor and Employment released the results of a survey which showed that there are 5.59 million children at work, 3.028 million are considered child laborers and 2.993 million are reported to be working in hazardous conditions. These are very alarming numbers and they highlight the ‘heinous crimes’ committed by the state against Filipino children. The crimes pertain to the lack of social services and welfare programs provided to children.

The Philippines is a signatory to the Convention on the Rights of the Child and other international instruments that aim to promote the welfare of children. There is a popular initiative to build child-friendly governments especially at the local level. But these laws and programs have not succeeded in eliminating the various forms of abuse, poverty and deprivation experienced by many children.

Strong economic fundamentals are irrelevant if they do not lead to the improvement of lives of the people, especially the children. GDP growth is meaningless if not accompanied by real and sustained changes in the living conditions of the poor. Children are among the poorest sub-sectors in society and their marginalization is often overlooked by politicians who prefer to articulate the issues of voters instead of crying minors.

There are many indicators used by mainstream economists to prove that the government’s poverty alleviation programs are working. Another way of measuring the effectivity of these programs is to highlight the situation of Filipino children. Children who are healthy, living in a decent shelter, attending a school, participating in community events, and happily involved in leisure or fun activities – these are the minimum standards that we as a nation should meet for the benefit of our children.

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Scarborough Shoal a Precursor?

By admin | June 25, 2012

French philosopher Voltaire once wrote a story about the mad behavior of men going to war over a “few lumps of earth.” In Southeast Asia, there are numerous small and midsize conflicts between countries over temples, borders, islets, reefs, shoals, and even puny rock formations that disappear during high tide.

For example, Thailand and Cambodia are feuding over the ownership of the historic Preah Vihear temple and the four square kilometers of territory around it. The conflict intensified in 2008, which led to some deadly exchanges of fires between border troops. It strained the relations of two erstwhile friendly neighbors and, more tragically, it reinforced ultra-nationalism and xenophobia in their countries. Last February, renewed clashes resulted in lives lost on both sides.

For several decades, Singapore and Malaysia contested the ownership of several islands, namely Pedra Branca, Middle Rocks and South Ledge, which are all strategically located at the eastern entrance of the Singapore Strait. Middle Rocks consists of two clusters of small rocks, while South Ledge is visible only at low tide. Fortunately, the International Court of Justice in 2008 recognized Singapore as the owner of Pedra Branca and gave Middle Rocks to Malaysia.

The Paracel Islands, meanwhile, are being claimed by Vietnam, China, and Taiwan, while Indonesia and Malaysia have a longstanding dispute over maritime naval borders in the Malacca Strait, which has led to several coastal patrol detentions of fishing boats of the two countries. Recently, the decades-long maritime dispute in the Bay of Bengal, which involved Burma and Bangladesh, was finally resolved by the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea.

The active flashpoint today is in the Scarborough Shoal, located in the South China Sea or West Philippine Sea. It’s a chain of reefs and rocks claimed by China, the Philippines, and Taiwan. China is accused of using its superior force to assert ownership of the territory. Its decision to dispatch oversized quasi-civilian boats near the shoal is interpreted by many Filipinos as an act of bullying and aggression.

But the main conflict in the region involves the resource rich Spratly Islands, which are being claimed by six countries: China, Vietnam, Taiwan, Malaysia, Brunei, and the Philippines. Tension is permanently high in the area because of the military posts established by the claimants. If the dispute isn’t resolved diplomatically today or in the near future, it could potentially trigger a broader conflict in the Asia-Pacific.

Could the little spats over Scarborough, the Paracels, Pedra Branca, and the Malacca Strait lead to a bigger clash over the Spratlys? Are they just a sideshow to the main event? Are they just a foretaste of the real tragedy that will befall the region if the Spratlys dispute explodes into a Southeast Asian War? Diplomacy and peace must be given the chance to succeed now.

Written for The Diplomat

Why Filipinos Are Angry at China

Do Filipinos hate China? Social media networks and other online forums in the Philippines are breathing fire as Filipinos continue to post vitriolic comments over China’s “aggressive” behavior in the South China Sea or West Philippine Sea. In particular, Filipinos resent the claim made by China that the Scarborough Shoal is part of Chinese territory when in fact it has been a known fishing ground of Filipino fisher folk for hundreds of years.

The situation worsened when the Chinese and Philippine governments engaged in a heated war of words for several weeks, which fanned the flames of ultra nationalism in both countries. It didn’t help that warships or oversized “fishing boats” were dispatched by the two countries near the disputed shoal. Unsurprisingly, Filipinos cheered the decision of their government to strongly condemn and confront the “bullying” behavior of China.

The heightened tension near Scarborough exposed the inferior military capabilities of the Philippines, a point that was invoked by some Filipino politicians when they demanded the entry of more U.S. troops and warships in the Philippines. The Philippines and United States have a mutual defense treaty that many Filipinos interpret as a guarantee that Americans will defend the Philippines if the latter is attacked by another country.

If diplomatic efforts to resolve the Scarborough issue should fail, it might trigger a broader conflict in the region involving other countries that are also claiming the Spratly Islands in the South China Sea. Military superpowers like the United States and Russia, which have geopolitical interests in the Asia-Pacific, might be dragged into the crisis as well.

Therefore, both China and the Philippines have an equal responsibility to work out a peaceful solution to the standoff. The Philippines should review its plan to conduct more war games with foreign troops near Scarborough or the Spratlys since the military exercises there can provoke a hostile response from China and other claimants. For its part, China must prove that it’s a good neighbor that has no intention of using its economic and military might to dominate smaller nations like the Philippines.

For the sake of regional harmony, China must endeavor to study the source or sources of enmity that it intentionally or unintentionally generates among its neighbors.

Rightly or wrongly, many Filipinos perceive China today as a giant nation that disregards the rights of its poorer neighbors. After being colonized by Spain for more than 300 years, and then by the United States for half a century, Filipinos are naturally wary of unusual foreign troop deployments that could in their minds lead to invasion in the future. As a country that also suffered colonization in the past, China should be the first to understand the apprehension felt by many Filipinos today.

But more than the Scarborough affair, there could be other issues as well which might have contributed to the disturbing surge in resentment expressed by Filipinos towards China today. Perhaps Scarborough was merely the public outburst of a long repressed sentiment.

There’s no doubt that majority of Filipinos who openly criticized China whether online or offline did it to assert the country’s sovereignty. But maybe there was also an unconscious desire to hit back at China, in particular over its stubborn refusal to listen to the appeal of Filipinos to stop the execution of Filipino drug mules. Since 2011, China has executed several Filipino “drug mules” despite the request of the Philippines to suspend the death sentence. In a country where 10 million overseas workers are described as modern heroes, and where the death penalty law has been repealed already, China’s decision to ignore all appeals made by Filipinos to save the lives of their countrymen must have deeply offended the collective feelings of a nation.

We should also recognize that China’s rise as an economic powerhouse has produced uneven consequences in the region. In the Philippines, it meant good business for importers and skilled workers. But the local manufacturing sector suffered tremendously as investors shifted their operations to China. Farmers also complained that they couldn’t compete with the cheaper agricultural products from China that have flooded the local markets in recent years.

When Filipinos discuss Philippine-China relationship, the focus is on Scarborough and the Spratlys. This is understandable because of its international significance and the patriotism it instantly engenders. But maybe it’s about time to start a national conversation about the future of the country in relation to China’s emergence as the new superpower of the world. Territorial disputes shouldn’t overshadow equally important issues in defining the Philippine-China relationship like trade, migrant rights, cultural ties, and even regional security.

Written for The Diplomat

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Rallies and Marathons

By admin | June 22, 2012

Rallies and most marathons for a cause have many things in common. They both require a massive gathering of warm bodies in order to succeed. After converging at a certain point, the participants will soon march to reach the finish line, the target destination. The sheer number of the crowd is eclipsed only by the more persuasive power of the visible togetherness, the collectives in action, the multitudes united by a common purpose. The distance is overlooked since everybody is more eager and determined to survive the street challenge.

The professionals and veterans participate in 42K marathons while newbies, volunteers, and trend followers prefer the short distance runs. Meanwhile, rallies could be a long march (annual lakbayan of southern Luzon peasants), picket, lightning protest, or a procession in old Manila near Malacanang Palace.

Rallies and marathons cannot be organized overnight. There must be a substantial amount of time devoted to public awareness and education campaigns. It isn’t enough to simply announce a rally or marathon. The organizers have the duty to convince the public that it’s necessary to march and run in the streets in support of a particular cause.

The recruitment/marketing process is exciting but difficult. It’s easy to choose an issue since there is no shortage of causes to advocate in #itsmorefun Philippines. But one must be patient, persistent, and creative when convincing people to break habits, challenge norms, sacrifice time, and become agents of change. There are numerous skeptics, cynics, and hecklers who would not only reject an invitation to join the event but would also not hesitate to spread nasty rumors about the initiative. But if converted into the movement, these naysayers will most likely become effective organizers and cadres.

Nobody can predict the outcome of the event proper. Will it rain, will people come, will accidents happen? The success of the activity is initially revealed a few minutes before the start of the march. The key indicator is the size and broad character of the crowd at the starting line. Since the aim is to articulate the sentiment of a community, the participants must represent various constituencies. Big attendance, quality representation, high public and media interest – these are what every organizer hopes to see before the march.

The participants, on the other hand, might view the pre-event scenes differently. They might be more impressed with the large family delegations, the colorful banners and streamers, and the presence of kibitzers. The excitement rises as everybody prepares to march. Each participant has an assigned place in the front, middle, or back rows.

Forward march! The mood in the air is electric. The rush of adrenalin boosts the physical endurance of the participants. There’s an empty space to conquer, there’s a race to finish. The crowd moves in unison, slowly, steadily, carefully reaching the goal at a near distance. It’s a community on the move. Fellow crusaders, fellow travelers, fellow runners. Perspiring as one. Tired bodies. High spirits. The smell of victory is at hand.

The gaze of outsiders – media, police, motorists, vendors – agitates the participants. The runners might be thinking and asking these questions: Do they want to join us? Do they find the running strange, funny, or extraordinary? But the sympathetic onlookers might have other views and questions: Will they be able to finish the race? How many will quit or get hurt? What’s the relevance of their running? Is this going to cause traffic?

End of the march! The organized dispersal will soon take place but only after the participants have checked the safety and well-being of their friends and comrades. There is usually a short program to officially declare the success of the event and to remind the public about the noble objectives of the gathering.

Participants will go home fulfilled despite being exhausted from the street exercise. The Bayanihan Spirit is not that difficult to revive after all.

But if marathons and rallies share many similarities, they have essential differences as well.

Marathons take place in a protected and enclosed space secured by the state. It is well guarded against hostile elements that might provoke violence during the march. Rallyists in rallies, meanwhile, are often considered by the state as the hostile elements that must be kept under constant surveillance. Despite the defined route of rallies, the march is always unpredictable since it can change directions to avoid police blockage or it can first enter an urban poor village before proceeding to a plaza or in front of a government office. In short, rallies are generally peaceful but the situation can be volatile.

Marathons are time-specific. The finish line is literally the finish line. For many participants, the end of the marathon marks the end of their direct involvement in support of the cause. They go back to their normal lives and wait for the announcement of the next marathon.

It’s quite different for rallies. The end of a rally signals the start of preparation for a bigger rally in support of the same cause. Or the cause might be new but it’s still related to the old issue. Rallies, small leading to big, are always interconnected. A rally in Manila is an assertion in behalf of the ‘imagined community’ in the archipelago. A small protest gathering can trigger similar outbursts of collective power in different communities until they lead to a revolutionary situation. A rally is just a sideshow, a dress rehearsal for the Big One. The rally mutating, spreading to all. The here becomes everywhere. The now transforms the future. The future arrives in the present.

The state, which seeks the preservation of the eternal present, is ruthlessly not in favor of rallies. It denies the use of public space for the airing of subversive messages. It instinctively acts to disband the formation of marching militants in the streets. It prefers fun runs and marathons even if it disagrees with their cause. Why? Because the activism espoused in marathons is a case of what Herbert Marcuse calls ‘harmless negation.’ It is ‘digested by the status quo as part of its healthy diet.’

Marathons are presented as the new and fun mode of volunteerism and activism. Everybody has the chance to participate in the less radical ‘struggle’ without the threat of state reprisal.

Beneficiaries of corporate-sponsored marathons are usually those pitiful subjects who can’t fight back like dolphins, stray animals, and abandoned children. Unfortunately, the victim-beneficiaries are stigmatized by CSR planners as living creatures which require permanent charity. People are asked to run in behalf of the voiceless, the marginalized, and those who are living in subhuman conditions.

On the other hand, the victims are among the active participants and organizers of rallies. The voiceless learn to speak and shout their grievances. The marginalized fight their exclusion by joining a collective. The poor struggle to end exploitation in society. In short, the victims are not to be pitied in rallies. They rub elbows, link arms, and exchange stories with fellow activists in rallies. Solidarity, not charity, is the dominant spirit in rallies.

Marathons? Or rallies? Ready. Set. March.

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K-12: Education reform for whom?

By admin | June 13, 2012

Part 1: Politics of education reforms

Everybody agrees that big reforms are necessary to reverse the decline of Philippine education. This consensus, however, was hijacked by the government to force the implementation of the so-called K-12 program despite the absence of an authoritative study that it will raise the quality of learning in the country.

The short school cycle is blamed for the poor learning skills of students. Admittedly, it is a factor that affects the quality of schooling. But it is wrong to assert that it is the principal reason for the underperformance of schools and students. What about availability of learning resources, adequate teacher preparation, appropriate school facilities and other essential elements in raising the quality of education? In short, lengthening the school cycle or decongesting the curriculum would be rendered meaningless if the school setting is still not conducive to learning.

K-12 proponents argue that it’s the standard in most countries and that the Philippines need it catch up with its neighbors if it wants to be more competitive in the global market. Indeed, K-12 is already the global norm but it doesn’t mean that the Philippines has to blindly copy the model. In fact, its premature and mechanical implementation might even worsen the crisis of education in the country. Based on the experience of developed nations, K-12 succeeded if it’s implemented under an efficient education system. Therefore, what the Philippines should prioritize is the building of modern school facilities throughout the country. Address the basic problems of schools (read: shortages), plug the loopholes in the bureaucracy (read: corruption), and then let’s consider the proposal to adopt K-12.

Our well-meaning education officials are alarmed over the fact that we are alone in this part of the world which is still stuck with a ten-year basic education system. But they should be more indignant over the criminal neglect on the part of the government to provide adequate funds to education. The initial global standard that we must apply, without question and hesitation, is the allocation of 6 percent of the GDP to education.

The embarrassing state of Philippine education today can be rooted to decades of government underspending and underinvestment in the education sector. It’s the crime of the century that caused not only the stagnation of our public schools but also our failure to imagine the worthiness and even possibility of adding more years in the school cycle. K-12 is a solution which we should have tackled several decades ago.

But it seems the Noynoy Aquino administration is determined to implement K-12 without thinking of the present situation of schools, in particular their readiness to absorb the additional tasks of the program. Shouldn’t we first correct the errors of the past by infusing more funds into education? Shouldn’t we first agree to end once and for all the everyday miseries of schools, students, and teachers by fixing the current education set-up?

Some Aquino apologists are all praise for the bold decision of the government to go ahead with K-12 despite the objection of many scholars and citizen groups. They interpret it as a clear display of political will. On the contrary, it’s another manifestation of the recklessness that afflicts the Aquino presidency.

Education reforms can transform lives but they can lead to chaos and permanent confusion as well. It is precisely the reason why programs that require the overhauling of an entire system have to first undergo a trial run in select areas. But Aquino’s K-12 will skip that crucial and critical phase because of the apparent obsession of the government to convert all students into K-12 guinea pigs by 2016.

K-12 will certainly affect millions of innocent lives and what’s at stake here should not be trivialized because it involves the future of an entire generation. But Aquino is ready to risk the future of the youth by agreeing to the launch of the ill-prepared K-12 program this school year. Why conduct an education experiment that may cause harm in the lives of millions? Why the rush? What’s so special with the year 2016? The great potential of education reforms must not be torpedoed by the narrow objectives of electoral politics.

Education is society’s ‘great equalizer’ but it remains a distant goal in the Philippines where more than half of students who entered Grade One are still unable to finish high school. The problem is not only the short number of school years; the bigger problem is the high drop-out rate in all levels of schooling. The challenge then is to mainstream the out-of-school youth into the formal schooling system. But by adding two more years in the school cycle, K-12 will only succeed in producing more school drop-outs and a new underclass of school rejects. K-12 will finally institutionalize the reactionary fantasy of preventing the rise of college ‘educated proletariat’. In other words, K-12 will worsen inequality in society.

Furthermore, K-12 advocates are guilty of giving false hopes to the public every time they claim that the program will address the problem of youth unemployment. Will the teaching of technical/vocational skills increase the job prospects of the young? Maybe. But it doesn’t guarantee employment since job creation is a function of the economy, not schools. In fact, college graduates comprise the highest number of unemployed youth in the country because of the lack of decent job and livelihood opportunities in the local market.

K-12 was designed to enhance the international labor advantage of Filipino graduates. Isn’t this a direct endorsement for the labor export policy? But schooling should be more than just job preparation. Schools should not only develop employable graduates; they should aim for the holistic development of the youth.

The economic value of education should not be limited to matching the manpower needs of local and foreign sunshine industries. Through innovation, research, and systematic planning, education can be a catalyst for sustained economic growth. Research centers can lead to the stimulation of domestic industries. The basic requirement is that we draft an education blueprint that serves the specific objective of building a nationalist economy. If we are to restructure the education system, we should aim for broader economic aspirations instead of the current restrictive goal of transforming students into efficient but docile laborers for the benefit of select industries.

But the power of education should be harnessed not just for its economic value but also because of its strategic role in the nation-building process. Students must be equipped with critical thinking skills that would allow them to perform their duties and responsibilities as citizens of this country and the world.

K-12 serves as a reminder that education must not be left in the hands of technocrats, bureaucrats, and policymakers who are often divorced from the realities of everyday life. K-12 should lead to more public discussion and debate about the establishment of an education system that is truly responsive to the aspirations of the greatest number of Filipinos. Hopefully, it would inspire us to continue the struggle not just for meaningful education reforms but also for political initiatives that would lead to the rise of political leaders and champions who understand the role of a nationalist, scientific, and mass-oriented type of education in improving the lives of Filipinos.

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No To Higher Sin Taxes

By admin | June 9, 2012

Speech delivered on June 6, 2012 at the House of Representatives

I vote ‘NO’ because this measure will only impose higher taxes in the country. The bigger sin is not the act of smoking but the negligence on the part of the government to implement a more comprehensive plan to prevent or discourage people from smoking; and the failure to set up a health care system that addresses the overall well-being of the people, especially the poor. This measure is being hailed as the key component in the anti-smoking drive but the goal is to be achieved by charging more taxes against the people. It’s quite unfortunate that this measure is called a health care bill. It is not. It is actually a revenue generating measure which the government claims will be used to boost or improve the delivery of universal health care in the country. The measure is sustained by contradictory objectives: raise revenues on one hand; and drive down the sales of tobacco firms on the other. I must emphasize that my negative vote is not a vote in favor of smoking and tobacco firms. I must inform the public that even multinational tobacco companies have been aggressively lobbying in favor of the measure. In truth, I can’t trust this government to be true to its pledge that the funds generated from this measure will be used to finance health care. I can’t vote in favor of a measure that will only add revenues to a corrupt bureaucracy. There are other ways to stop smoking and there are more effective mechanism to rationalize tax collection in the country without passing the burden of higher taxes to the people. The convenient and popular option is to vote yes to higher sin taxes. But tonight I cast my negative vote because as a matter of principle, and in my conscience, I cannot support a measure which for me has no clear benefit for the great majority.

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Don’t Lower Minimum Age of Criminal Responsibility

By admin | June 7, 2012

On June 4, 2012, Monday, the House of Representatives passed on third reading House Bill 6052 which seeks to amend RA9344 or the Juvenile Justice and Welfare Act of 2006. Kabataan Partylist Representative Raymond Palatino was one of the 9 legislators who opposed the measure which would lower the minimum age for criminal responsibility from 15 to 12. Last May 21, Palatino rose to interpellate the sponsor of the bill in the plenary session. Below is Palatino’s statement after the voting.

I vote ‘NO’ to HB 6052 since it neither strengthens the country’s juvenile justice system nor it promotes the welfare of children and young people. In fact, it undermines efforts to build a child-friendly justice system by lowering the minimum age of criminal responsibility from 15 to 12. A grade six student who violated the law needs intervention in a rehabilitation center. The child should not be treated like an adult offender.

The sponsor of the bill cites news and anecdotal reports of the various heinous crimes allegedly committed by children to justify the proposal to lower the minimum age of criminal responsibility. Criminal gangs and syndicates are reportedly hiring minors in order to avoid arrest and prosecution. The logical solution is to run after the gangs and prevent them from exploiting children. It requires efficient police work. But since we are unable to catch the adult masterminds and other underworld untouchables, we prefer instead to focus our righteous indignation against children (they are called youthful offenders in the bill, a Marcos-era term which was already discarded in the Juvenile Justice and Welfare Act of 2006 because it unjustly reinforces negative attitude towards children). Unfortunately, children are seen as easy and naïve targets whose arrest and detention can be used to enhance police image.

The sponsor blames the law for the surge in crimes allegedly committed by children in the past six years. But police statistics show that only 2.86 percent of total crime index is related to children. Therefore, it’s unfair to blame children for the breakdown of peace and order in some parts of the country. Then and now, we live in an adult-controlled society which is why children must be seen as victims, and not conscious perpetrators, of criminality.

It must be emphasized that the law doesn’t absolve children who committed crimes. The accused, even if he is a minor, still has to face civil liability if found guilty by the courts and his sentence is merely suspended until he reached the age of 18. What the law requires is the placing of children in rehabilitation centers instead of lumping them with hardened criminals in regular prison cells.

Instead of amending a six-year old law, we should review and ask if it’s being properly implemented by local and law enforcement authorities. Section 15 mandates the creation of Local Councils for the Protection of Children (LCPC) in all levels of government and their funding is to be sourced from the 1 percent of the Internal Revenue Allotment of barangays, cities, and municipalities. The LCPC is in charge of monitoring the juvenileintervention program at the local and community level. How many LCPCs are existing today?

Do we have sufficient youth detention homes in the country? How many youth rehabilitation centers and youth detention facilities are actually serving the needs of the young today? What is the status of intervention programs in community centers, agricultural camps and training facilities? How much was allotted for the operations of the Juvenile Justice and Welfare Council (JJWC)?

These are the questions and issues we must first tackle and resolve before quickly jumping into conclusion that the prescribed minimum age of criminal responsibility is responsible for the surge of criminality in the country.

According to JJWC, there are only 30 youth detention facilities in the country. There are 3 provincial youth homes, 34 at the city level, and 32 at the municipality level. There are 12 youth homes managed by NGOs. As of February 2012, there are 440 children who are detained in adult prisons because of the lack of youth reformatory institutions. Meanwhile, the national government has neglected to provide funds to the JJWC despite the latter’s crucial mission to uphold restorative justice in the country.

It is clear from the foregoing that we have been remiss in implementing the pertinent provisions of the law. Furthermore, we failed to adopt key measures that would have prevented or discouraged the youth from being involved in criminal or anti-social activities. Yet we choose to highlight or sensationalize a few cases of crimes committed by children to justify the premodern practice of locking up children in prison cells.

Theft is the top crime committed by children based on police records. Theft is a poverty crime. Children steal because they need to eat and survive. The challenge is to stop children from stealing and the best approach is to ensure that we are able to provide them with basic social services. Give them proper education, housing, food, clothing, and emotional support to shield them from the world of crime. Prevent child abuse in families to boost the moral and psychological health of children.

But it seems we are too fixated with the idea of children criminals lurking somewhere in the neighborhood and secretly plotting their next evil act against our families that we failed to see the epic failure of the state to respect the essential human rights of our children. Perhaps we exaggerated the threat of ‘youthful offenders’ to hide the crimes of the Philippine state against the Filipino children. We desire and demand the punishment of children criminals but what about the punishment for the direct and indirect perpetrators of crimes against children?

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Posted in youth | Tagged | 7 Comments

K12 ng Kabataan

By admin | June 2, 2012

Talumpating binigkas sa assembly ng SK Mindanao sa Davao.

Mahalaga ang letrang K o Ka sa ating kasaysayan, partikular sa pagbubuo ng bansa at pagsasabuhay sa diwa ng nasyonalismo. Mula KKK nina Bonifacio, ginamit ang simbolo ng baybaying Ka upang isalarawan ang rebolusyonaryong hangarin ng mamamayan. Ngayon ang sikat na K ay may kinalaman sa programa ng DepEd: ito ang K-to-12. Pero kontrobersiyal ang programang ito at maaari pa ngang magpahamak sa edukasyon ng bansa kung hindi tutugunan ng pamahalaan ang mga rekisitos na kailangan para ito’y magtagumpay. Bukod pa dito’y hindi pa lubusang nasasagot ang tanong kung ito ba ang pinakamainam na solusyon sa dambuhalang krisis na bumabalot sa sistema ng edukasyon.

Bilang mag-aaral at kabataan, dapat kalahok kayo sa debate ukol sa K-12. Kayo ang maging boses ng kasunod na henerasyon na tiyak apektado ng programang ito.

Iwanan natin pansamantala ang K-12 ng DepEd dahil may ibang K12 na nais kong talakayin ngayong hapon. Dahil kaharap ko ngayon ang mga lider-kabataan ng bansa, may mungkahi akong labingdalawang K o K12 na sa tingin ko’y dapat taglayin o abutin ng ating mga kabataan. Anu-ano ang mga K12 na ito?

1. Karunungan. Kaisipan. Kaliwanagan ng pag-iisip. Hindi ito nakukuha sa pagpasok sa pamantasan at minsan ang pormal na pag-aaral ay nagiging hadlang pa nga upang pumanig tayo sa katotohanan. Ang susi sa karunungan ay dapat may bukas tayong pag-iisip. Handang subukin ang mga bagong ideya o teorya. Ang kritikal at matalas na pag-iisip ay tanda ng maayos na kalusugan.

2. Kilos. Kapasyahan. Kasipagan. Kusa. Walang saysay ang katalinuhan kung walang aksiyon. Dapat laging mapagpasya, may kahandaan at inisyatiba sa lahat ng bagay. Sipag hindi lamang sa trabaho kundi sa pag-abot sa ating mga minimithing adhikain sa buhay. Kung walang pagkilos ng kabataan, mabagal din ang pag-usbong ng bago o maaaring manatili ang bulok na luma.

3. Katapatan. Kalinisan. Kabutihang-loob. Mag-ipon ng kagandahang-asal, hindi materyal na bagay; ito ang sukatan ng tunay na kayamanan. Pero huwag sanang dumulo ito sa mababaw na moralidad. Katapatan sa ating sinumpaang tungkulin. Kalinisan ng budhi at konsiyensiya. Kabutihan na may kinalaman sa pagtalima sa piniling prinsipyo sa buhay. Buhay na inalay sa isang dakilang misyon.

4. Komunikasyon. Epektibong propagandista ang bata; may sariwang perspektiba, edukadong opinyon na tiyak gagalangin ng iba. Mapalad ang inyong henerasyon dahil nariyan ang iba’t ibang teknolohiya na pinapabilis ang komunikasyon at palitan ng impormasyon. Pero kapag sobra-sobra na ang daloy o buhos ng datos, lalo na ng maling kaisipan at mga walang katuturang detalye, dapat tumulong tayo para ang mangibabaw ay katotohanan at kaliwanagan. Mag-usap, magchat, maging aktibo sa social network nang hindi nawawala sa isip ang motibong mag-ambag sa pagpapatibay ng ating pagkatao. Komunikasyon para sa kabutihan ng tao.

5. Karapatan: Kasuotan, Kabahayan, Kabuhayan, Kapayapaan, Katarungan, Kalayaan. Krusada para sa pagbabago. Kampanya para sa mga batayang pangangailangan ng tao sa buhay at mga kongkretong kagustuhan na magpapaunlad sa kalidad ng pamumuhay. Hindi sapat na may pagkain, dapat may dignidad din. Trabaho na may dangal. Walang silbi ang mansiyon sa isang lipunang walang kalayaan, demokrasya, at pagkapantay-pantay. Kapayapaan batay sa katarungang panlipunan.

6. Katapangan. Kagitingan. Kabayanihan. Hindi tayo kapos sa halimbawa: Propaganda. La Liga Filipina. KKK. Mga kabataang lumaban noong Philippine-American War at World War II. First Quarter Storm. Edsa 1986. Kampanya para sa pagpapatalsik ng Base Militar. Edsa 2001. Mapusok ang kabataan, at dapat ang galit ay gamitin laban sa mga tiwali. Ang kapangahasan ay kailangan para sumilang ang bago at pagbabago. Kaaway ng kabataan at pagbabago ang sinumang nagnanais na ilimita ang potensiyal ng bata na tumulong sa pagpapanday ng bagong kaayusan.

7. Komunidad. Hindi kanya-kanya, hindi indibidwalismo, hindi mapanirang kumpetisyon. Dapat bayanihan sa komunidad. Bahagi tayo ng mas malalaking yunit sa bansa. Mayroon tayong kapamilya, kapuso, kapatid, kalahi, kabarkada, kasambahay, katropa. Ang pasya ng karamihan ang dapat mangibabaw, hindi ang sakim na pansariling interes. Mas bigyang timbang ang kapakanan ng nakakarami at hindi ng pinagpalang iilan. Pribilehiyo ang maging kasapi ng komunidad; hindi dapat yumuko ang komunidad sa dikta ng pribilehiyo.

8. Kolektibo. Katipunan. Kapwa. Kasama. Kapitbahay. Kaibigan. Dapat lahat kabahagi sa pag-usad ng panahon; walang iwanan. Imbes na pangaraping maging sentro ng mundo, dapat ang kapangyarihan ng tao ay gamitin para lumikha ng bagong daigdig ng mga tao. Pagkakaisa at pagbubuklod-buklod para tapusin na ang pang-aapi ng tao sa kapwa tao.

9. Kalikasan. Dahil iisa lang ang ating daigidg. Sino pa ang dapat manguna sa pagtatanggol ng kalikasan kundi ang kabataan na magmamana sa planetang ito. Kabundukan. Katubigan. Kapatagan. Kagubatan. Kalawakan. Kalunsuran. Kanayunan.

10. Kultura. Kasaysayan. Mayaman at makulay ang ating nakaraan at ang bakas nito’y buhay na buhay pa rin sa maraming komunidad. Pero nakakabahala ang paglimot at mababang pagpapahalaga ng ilan sa ating kultura. Kaugnay nito ang mababaw na pagkilala sa kapangyarihan ng kasaysayan. Paano tayo lalaban sa ibang lahi sa panahon ng globalisasyon kung wala tayong malalim na pag-unawa sa ating pagkakakilanlan? Kulturang popular ng ibang bayan ang ipapasa ng kabataan sa hinaharap kung walang sustinidong pagbabaliktanaw sa ating nakaraan. Pero kapag armado ng aral ng kasaysayan, magagamit ito ng kabataan sa paggampan ng kanyang dakilang misyon na lumikha ng bagong kasaysayan.

11. Kinabukasan. Kasaganahan. Kaginhawaan. Kaligayahan. Pag-asa ng bayan kung gagamitin ang lakas, giting at talino; at handang kumilos para magkaroon tayo ng mas maaliwalas na kinabukasan. Imposible? Hindi kung kikilos ang marami ngayon; kung babasagin ang katahimikang tinakda ng mga mapang-api; at kung tuluy-tuloy ang pag-abot sa matamis na pangarap

12. Kabataan. Dahil ang kabataan ay tinatakda din ng mentalidad, aktitud, at gawi ng tao. Ang tao ay tumatanda kapag bumibitiw siya sa kanyang prinsipyo. Subalit nananatili siyang bata habang patuloy na lumalaban, nakikibaka, at nangangarap. Si Harry Potter, the boy who lived. Si Peter Pan, the boy who never grew up. Si Benjamin Button, pabaliktad ang kanyang pagbata at pagtanda. Maraming bata pero maagang sumuko sa mga hamon ng buhay; nasilaw at nalason sa tuksong dala ng salapi, katanyagan, at kapangyarihan.

Hindi problema ang pagtanda, ang paghina ng katawan, kung nananatiling bata ang inyong pag-iisip at pagtingin sa buhay. Ito ang sikreto ng habambuhay na pagkabata.

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Posted in speeches | Tagged | 1 Comment

No To Subic Coal

By admin | May 21, 2012

Privilege speech delivered on May 21, 2012, Monday. Drafting of speech was a collective effort. Special thanks to Rubelh.

I rise to give voice to the clamor of the people of Zambales against the proposed 600-megawatt coal-fired power plant in Sitio Naglatore, Barangay Cawag in Subic, Zambales.

The project started out with a Memorandum of Understanding between the Subic Bay Metropolitan Authority or SBMA and Taiwan Cogeneration in 2006. The agreement contained provisions that the coal project would be a joint venture with SBMA, it would adopt high environmental standards, and it would provide affordable power to the Freeport area, Olongapo City and the greater local community. But the project terms were changed when Taiwan CoGen was joined by Meralco and Aboitiz Power Corp in a consortium called Redondo Peninsula Energy, Inc.

In a Lease and Development Agreement with SBMA signed in June 2010, the so-called joint venture between the RP Energy and SBMA was reduced to a mere Leasor and Leesee relationship at the rate of $3.50 per square meter for the whole 50 year period payable in long term. Nowhere in the contract would we find provisions on lower power rates for consumers.

The proponent claims that only green coal technology will be used but there is no such thing as an “environmentally-friendly coal-fired power plant”. The project, like the 11 existing coal-fired power plants in the country, poses real and grave threats.

Studies reveal that Sulphur Dioxide, one of the emissions of a coal plant, is the principal cause of acid rain. Acid rain will diminish forest cover and worsen the acidity of the soil and the water in affected areas. The coal plant will constantly contaminate and warm the seawater and reduce marine productivity. Huge volumes of greenhouse gas emissions would contribute significantly to global warming and climate change.

Coal ash containing toxic chemicals will be accumulated. Discharge of Nitrous Oxide, Sodium Oxide, and other heavy metals such as mercury, lead, arsenic and cadmium would adversely affect the health of the populace in the vicinity, causing cancer, mental retardation and permanent brain damage, gastrointestinal and kidney disorders, and ailments in the skin, lungs, heart and eyes.

In the Social Acceptability Process conducted by the SBMA last December 2011, all sectors registered their apprehension to the project. Our local government units saw no direct financial benefits for their constituents that would outweigh health risks. Aeta communities are alarmed over the possible detrimental impact of the plant on the rainforest in the area, which is the primary source of their livelihood and the heart of their heritage. Likewise, Freeport residents and tourism investors are worried over the deterioration of Subic Bay and the loss of its viability as a tourist destination.

Subic is a special economic zone located near a protected habitat. Even the SBMA acknowledges the unique biodiversity of the area through the Protected Area Management Plan it drafted in December 2001: “The Subic Bay Protected Area contains extremely high biodiversity values and high species endemism. The principal issue of concern here is that a rainforest environment of high quality is in very close proximity to a large concentration of human population and intense land use and economic activity. Maintenance of the ecological balance is dependent on exceptionally good protection from all sources of impact. Modification and change originating from human activity, whether deliberate or unwitting, will erode the rainforest ecosystem and consequently reduce its component elements (populations, habitats, species variation, etc). Ironically, if successfully managed and protected (even enhanced) the ecological values could in fact contribute greatly to the overall economic prosperity of the area.”

The proposed coal plant is located within the protected area.

Indeed, there are other environmental threats in the Subic Bay area and these must be seriously addressed by the government and the private sector in the affected municipalities of Morong, Dinalupihan, Hermosa and Subic Town. But it doesn’t weaken our position against the construction of the plant. In fact, it bolsters our argument in opposing the coal project. The coal plant can cause further damage to the region’s fragile ecosystem.

Why allow this destructive project to continue? The common answer is that coal is cheaper. However, cleaning the emissions to an acceptable level is extremely expensive and standards are usually ignored to save money and gain more profit. Coal would also not make electricity bills lower for the consumers. Because contracts will be pegged to the international market price of coal and oil, electricity prices would surely increase in the long run.

The Aquino administration has been actively pushing for the setting up of coal-fired power plants in different parts of the country as a response to the projected energy crisis. This power supply issue can be seen as a product of Aquino’s economic policy which is but a continuation of past administrations’ flawed concept of development: building the most favorable environment to attract foreign businesses under the framework of neoliberal globalization.

This flawed concept of development is being pushed at the expense of the environment. At this point it should be mentioned that among the industries contributing to the increasing demand for coal plants is mining. As a country that allows 100% foreign exploration of land aside from other incentives, we have attracted foreign mining corporations whose operations continue to destroy our natural resources.

In this context we must aim not simply for renewable and cleaner sources of energy, but for a long term economic policy that would balance the need for environment protection with the demands of the business community. Also, the preservation of our finite natural resources against wanton local and foreign plunder is a non-negotiable demand.

We are not against development projects that will spur the local economy, create jobs, and revive the investment attractiveness of our communities. But development projects often degenerate into development aggression if proponents in collusion with public officials only prioritize the profitability of their investments at the expense of the environment and land rights of the people.

For almost a century, we were deprived of the privilege to enjoy the clean waters of Subic and the majestic mountains surrounding it because of the presence of a US military base in the area. Two decades ago, we closed the base and transformed it into an economic and ecological preservation zone. For many years, Subic has served as a viable model for towns which want to promote eco-tourism and manufacturing at the same time. It’s a prime destination for nature tripping, business conventions, and investment opportunities.

But how long can Subic retain its appeal if the environment threats are not adequately addressed today? Will Subic continue to attract tourists if a coal plant is allowed to destroy not only the scenery but also the ecological balance in the area?

The youth of the future have the right to use the resources of Subic for the upliftment of their lives and the general progress of the community. But the coal plant, along with other environment threats, could easily ruin our dream of establishing a greener and cleaner future for our children.

Instead of lush forests, rich marine habitats, and vibrant communities, our children will have to deal with the depletion of resources, the loss of biodiversity, and the proliferation of radioactive wastes. They will suffer the dirty consequences for our lack of foresight and political will to save our environment today. They do not deserve to inherit a polluted environment.

What should we do? At the minimum, continue the consultations with the stakeholders especially the affected residents. Stop all constructions in the coal plant site. We enjoin our LGU officials to make a firmer and bolder stand to oppose the project. There should be bias for renewable sources of energy considering the strategic importance of Subic in our national eco-tourism plan.

I’m not a resident of Subic but I’m one of the millions of Filipinos who wish to preserve its natural wealth and beauty so that the next generation will continue to appreciate it and have more fun when visiting the place.

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