Q&A: ICPD in the Philippines

By admin | February 20, 2012

Interview by Shira Levine

A UNFPA-led dialogue of young parliamentarians convened in Krabi, Thailand in late 2011 to discuss the review process for the International Conference on Population and Development’s Programme of Action. Together they shared perspectives on what works and what doesn’t in terms of improving the lives of their constituents. With the twenty-year anniversary of the ICPD approaching, ICPD Beyond 2014 chatted with Raymond (Mong) Palatino, a 31-year-old member of the Philippines Parliament, representing the Kabataan Party, about how ICPD issues affected his life as he was growing up in Manila and how they continue to affect his country.

What does the Philippines today look like compared with the Philippines of 17 years ago, when the ICPD was held in Cairo?

In the past two decades, we’ve witnessed the continuing existence of poverty. You can see the deterioration of the quality of life in the slums. This is an ironic thing to witness because Manila is the political and economic capital of the Philippines. But it is a city where you can witness extreme inequality in the communities. Here you can easily witness government neglect, malnutrition and poverty. These cases of poverty are exacerbated by corruption of the government. This has forced some young people to engage in politics and others turn their backs on it. We’re still witnessing a migration of young Filipinos to other countries. The inadequate social services have affected the quality of life in communities and affected the future of young people.

What does ICPD and the Programme of Action mean to you?

The Programme of Action is a very relevant document that many young people should be aware of, especially because of the importance of reproductive health for human beings in the world. Unfortunately, the ICPD perspective has not clearly spread its message in our communities. [There is opposition of] reproductive health as a means to advance the specific needs of people, especially of young women and youth in general. [There is] campaigning against people who support reproductive legislation. This prevents us from effectively spreading and implementing the ICPD programme. However, since we are a democratic society we are able to maximize the media and work in the grassroots level through local government to implement the ICPD program. We need a national legislation policy, though. Right now we have proposed a reproductive health bill in Congress.

What can you realistically achieve in regard to reproductive health?

Our strategy is for our local government to involve local persons, NGOs and civil society. We ask school officials to include reproductive health in their curriculum. We ask the media to include our campaigns in their coverage. We ask young people to spread reproductive health information to the media through old and new media.

What does the UNFPA phrase ”Because everyone counts” mean to you?

Whether you are young or old whether you are poor or rich, whatever your sexual orientation, your rights and well-being must be protected. To be a productive citizen and human being in this world, you must be able to fulfill your wants and needs. Your rights must be respected by everybody. Communities and society have the obligation to protect everybody. We must create conditions so that the individual will be able to be productive part of society.

Informational education and the role of schools in propagating and educating the young people is an important part of the process for us. We have been campaigning for the inclusion of reproductive health as a school subject. We’ve had to change the name of sex education several times in trying to do this. We tried reproductive health and then life skills education. Right now we are trying “teen wellness program.”

How will you continue moving forward to achieve a better quality of life for all Filipinos?

It is important to keeping a dialogue going with all groups involved. We especially keep a dialogue with the Catholic Church. We have to keep building bridges so these agendas become mainstream. We look to create the most meaningful dialogues we can, and the government needs to lead in the dialogue with civil society. We need all those lobby groups who have questions, and we should be able to clarify and correct misconceptions. Campaigns should be intensified and media maximized. We need to expand our constituency-building, and Parliament should be influenced by both young and old members.

What do you hope to attain as a Parliament member?

When I was a teenager, I was just a young Filipino unaware of his reproductive health, unaware of my sexual health. I want to secure reproductive health programming for my children. As a father of two, I am aware of and willing to do everything so my two children grow up understanding that reproductive rights are human rights. Women have been sacrificing a lot to deliver life in this world. No woman should die giving life on this planet. It is not a crime or morally wrong to advocate reproductive health because it is simple, it means saving more lives.

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The Left as Alternative

By admin | February 17, 2012

First part: Philippine Politics 1969-2009

If power grab is the yardstick of political victory, then it must be concluded that the Philippine Left had failed in the past century. But it wasn’t a complete failure since it was able to achieve varying degrees of hegemony in the country especially in the peripheries of the archipelago. Predictably, bourgeois academics dismiss and deride the impact of the Left on mainstream politics but the modern history of the Philippines can’t be written without mentioning the Left.

It can’t be denied that the introduction of Marxist doctrines agitated the working classes in the early 1900s; the Left guided the radical peasant uprisings in the 1920s and 1930s; it constituted the formidable liberation army during the Japanese occupation in the 1940s; and its Central Luzon base camps terrorized the ruling classes in the early 1950s. It suffered huge losses in the succeeding years but the mass movement, to the surprise of everybody, rebounded in the 1960s.

A new generation of revolutionaries inspired by the Cultural Revolution in Maoist China re-established the Communist Party in 1968 and the Red Army the following year. The impact of this event (two sequences in a single momentous event) was immediately felt throughout the country. Suddenly, the Left appeared to be genuinely capable of overthrowing the old system dominated by oligarchs, puppets, and closet fascists. Its socialist alternative was seen by many young people as superior to the capitalist machine.

The rise of the new Left changed the political landscape. The legal Left and the urban mass movement welcomed the revival of the underground Communist Party. Meanwhile, Marcos warned against an evil conspiracy to destroy democracy and used the exaggerated communist threat to impose military dictatorship. Some opposition parties rejected Martial Law but they shared Marcos’ deep animosity towards the Left’s egalitarian vision.

The surge in protests in the first three months of 1970, which came to be known as the First Quarter Storm, heralded the emergence of a broad political movement under the leadership of the militant Left. The FQS is historic not simply because of the massive rallies (post-Ninoy rallies were bigger) but also because of the radical promise it unleashed. It was a propaganda movement which popularized the national democratic political program. Its cadres were young intellectuals who sought to transform the workers and landless peasants from passive victims of oppression into a strong liberation army of natdem activists.

But the FQS was more than just rallies in Plaza Miranda and Mendiola. It actually brought into open the battle plan of the Left: People’s War, not elections; and Revolution, not reformism.

Fear immediately gripped the snobbish classes. The rich can tolerate violent rallies since they can always protect themselves by building higher gates but they instinctively knew that their ilk don’t stand a chance in a revolution. Their wealth is no match to the power of the organized poor, the collectivized poor. In many ways, the FQS was the political Ondoy, the ‘storm’ which swept through the Metropolis and inundated the imperial capital with its radical message.

It was Marcos who unintentionally triggered the expansion of the Left in the rural provinces. Martial Law forced urban-based activists to seek refuge in the countryside where they joined the underground, became Red Fighters, and assumed leadership in the Communist Party. Martial Law hastened the maturity of an entire generation of student and youth activists.

The Maoist theory of encircling the cities from the countryside was affirmed. It proved to be a wise strategy since the Left was able to preserve itself and even expand its ranks while Marcos was spreading all-out terror in the country. More importantly, the Left was able to reach the remotest parts of the country. The revolution arrived in the enchanted forests and the magical 7,100 islands of the Pacific. The islands of calm turned into isles of fire.

The Left achieved nationwide reach and phenomenal growth in just a few years despite the existence of Martial Law. It’s unique for being a movement whose members are ready to sacrifice everything, including their lives, in the struggle for genuine emancipation and democracy. Unlike bourgeois parties whose leaders are mostly elite professionals, lawyers, and politicians, the Left has consciously molded itself as a party of proletarian intellectuals.

It earned prestige and widespread support for consistently defying Marcos and delivering fatal blows to the Martial Law regime. It became the most credible opposition political force after the old vanguards of the Left collaborated with Marcos while mainstream politicians turned silent, left the country, or reluctantly supported the New Society. Meanwhile, the prominent anti-Marcos politicians entered into a tactical alliance with the Left.

Indeed, Marcos the dictator consolidated his power in the 1970s but the cracks in the administration that initially appeared in the same decade and eventually led to its downfall were formed courtesy of the Left’s relentless efforts to expose and isolate Marcos through painstaking mass work and mobilization of the masses.

The flame of democracy was kept alive during the dark days of open dictatorship because of the people’s heroic struggle to end the fascist government. And the Left played a crucial and leading role in this historic fight.

The Left continued to achieve substantial victories in the political battlefield in the early 1980s. It was a respected and unifying voice in the broad united front against the dictatorship. The armed opposition in the provinces grew steadily while the urban mass struggles intensified. Sectoral demands were aggressively articulated and asserted in the streets. Even anti-Marcos politicians became active street parliamentarians.

Ninoy’s murder in 1983 aggravated the political crisis. It emboldened the mainstream opposition to be more daring against Marcos and it contributed to the appeal of the Left as a democratic alternative to the fascist regime. Academics believe the Left reached the peak of its political strength during this period. Indeed, the Left seemed to be an omnipresent political force since it was everywhere – from the boondocks to street plazas, in schools, factories, and rural villages – building red organs of political power or establishing the anti-Marcos alliance.

But the Left’s reputation exceeded its actual strength. Based on the available official documents of the underground movement, it rejected the claim of academics that the Left could have emerged victorious and dominated the state machinery in 1986 if not for the boycott decision in the February snap elections. Aside from the boycott blunder, it pointed out the other glaring policy errors of the leading organs of the Left which ultimately weakened the fighting power of the movement.

Despite its failure to grab power after the downfall of Marcos, the Left was still seen as a major threat to the status quo. In fact, it continued to expose the bankruptness of the system while presenting the revolution as a superior alternative.

Cory Aquino may be a religious person but like Marcos, she was a reactionary and conservative landlord politician. She feared and abhorred the fighting masses, especially poor farmers who are demanding land reform. The Left responded by unleashing its accumulated strength against the new government through Welgang Bayan and urban insurrection actions. The 1980s was actually the most strike-prone decade of the 20th century.

But by this time the Left had been weakened already by internal disputes. Some of its members and supporters opted to try the so-called democratic space offered by the Cory administration. Left-leaning NGOs mushroomed in the country which turned radical activism into a 9am-5pm office affair. Some rejected revolutionary violence and embraced the graveyard pacifism of the liberals.

Another section of the movement advocated urban insurrection tactics and the regularization of the Red Army in the provinces. This meant cadres spending less attention towards mass work since they devoted more time preparing for premature street battles and tactical military offensives. The result was immensely disastrous. The Left lost popular support from wide segments of the population who felt frustrated and disillusioned with the mounting setbacks suffered by the movement. Some of its loyal and committed members became victims of bloody internal purges.

It didn’t help that the fall of the Berlin Wall hurt the image of the local revolution. Commentators insisted that it permanently affected the winning chances of the revolution. But fortunately, the Left used this debacle as an opportunity to review its mistakes and reaffirm its basic principles. An ideological campaign was initiated to combat the pernicious influence of ‘modern revisionism’ inside the movement.

Perhaps the last great battle of the united Left was the campaign for the removal of the US Bases in 1991. It was a concrete achievement of the anti-imperialist movement which was revived by the new Left in the 1960s. It also proved that the natdem propaganda had become part of the national consciousness already.

But soon after this victory, the Left was wracked by warring factions. The Rectification Movement, the second attempt in the past half century, created two blocs: Rejectionists and Reaffirmists.

To be a Reaffirmist in the 1990s was to validate the radical politics of the FQS. A Reaffirmist was a militant activist who has remained faithful to the revolutionary promise of the FQS.

Meanwhile, most Rejectionists were those who abandoned the revolution in favor of conformism and compromise. They pretended to be in favor of activism but they emptied it of its radical essence. They wanted activism minus the hardships of mass struggles. They preferred to redirect the energies of the mass movement into a mere lobby group seeking token legal remedies from the bourgeois state. They were proud to be known as respectable, law-abiding, and non-violent civil society members whose idea of serving the masses was to transform militant struggle into a table battle negotiation.

When Ramos assumed the presidency, he expected that the Left would self-destruct soon since the communists were embroiled in a bitter internal war. In fact, he transferred the anti-insurgency mandate from the military to the police which reflected the confident thinking of the government that the revolution had been practically defeated already.

The weakening of the Left inspired its class enemies to introduce more conservative reforms in the political and economic spheres. For example, the bourgeois state was able to deregulate the downstream oil industry, legalize mining exploitation, expand the VAT, and approve the country’s GATT-WTO membership in the years when the Left was distracted with the Rectification debates. The Left was too deeply divided to even challenge the propaganda spin of Ramos who succeeded in presenting his anti-labor and anti-poor globalization policies as innovative economic reform measures. Lesson: The absence of a strong and genuine Leftist opposition in mainstream politics produces more hardships for the people.

After several years of thorough ideological work, the Left has already reversed its decline in the late 1990s. Near the end of his term, Ramos in fact restored the anti-insurgency drive as the principal national security concern. The quiet resurgence of the revolution surprised many politicians and analysts who didn’t expect the Rectification campaign to immediately revive the strength of the movement. Perhaps the bourgeois apologists were too busy proclaiming the ‘end of history’ that they overlooked the emergence of a new generation of Rectification activists who were trained in the Maoist school of thought and guided by the accumulated experience and wisdom of the mass movement. Indeed, the Rectification exposed the Left’s self-inflicted defeats but its greatest achievement was to highlight the humility of a political movement which bravely and readily admitted its errors and excesses. The Left’s apology to the victims of its past blunders was unprecedented in Philippine politics.

Ramos was also responsible for the renewed appeal of the revolution. His economic reforms were exposed as ‘shallow, hollow, and narrow’ during the 1997 Asian Financial Crisis and they were blamed for the worsening poverty and high income inequality in the country. The Ramos brand was discarded in 1998 when the people voted Joseph Estrada who blinded the masa with his pro-poor rhetoric. But Estrada quickly betrayed his supporters when he clinged to the neoliberal dogma of his predecessor instead of rethinking these World Bank-dictated economic prescriptions. Estrada was also always too drunk to notice the rising dissatisfaction of the masa.

Estrada’s attitude towards the Left may have been influenced by ex-Leftists who formed part of his midnight cabinet. He abandoned the peace talks initiated by Ramos with communist rebels; he launched an all-out war against Moro rebels; and he flatly ignored the sectoral demands of the Left from wage hikes, price controls, independent foreign policy, and respect for civil liberties and media freedom. When Estrada’s corrupt lifestyle was exposed in 2000, there was already a multisectoral effort opposed to his administration; and the Left was a leading voice in this coalition.

The Left’s solid and consistent showing in the anti-Estrada rallies which culminated in the January 16-20 uprising in Edsa and Mendiola was attributed to the Rectification movement which proved effective in consolidating the members of the Left’s various mass organizations. The impressive victory of Bayan Muna Partylist in the 2001 elections further confirmed the nationwide reach and popularity of the Left.

Before 2001, the Left could only prove its popular support through the number of people it can gather in the streets. But after 2001, its core constituency already included the millions of voters who continued to support Left-leaning partylist groups despite the black propaganda and harassment threats of rabid anti-communist and reactionary forces.

The Left’s entry in parliamentary politics was hailed as a welcome development in Philippine politics. As expected, the far right denounced it as a conspiracy to infiltrate the bureaucracy. For the Left, it was a challenge and opportunity to introduce the movement’s progressive agenda inside a reactionary institution. The Left’s sincerity to pursue and expand its parliamentary work was proven when it decided to field senatorial candidates in the 2010 elections.

Despite its electoral successes, the Left didn’t register significant political victories in the past decade. It even failed to overthrow the unpopular Gloria Arroyo although it was instrumental in isolating her government. It has effectively combined mass struggles and parliamentary advocacy but the street protests, though sustained and fairly respectable in size, are not commensurate to the poverty, suffering, and anger of the masses.

Meanwhile, the revolution is neither winning nor losing. It survived the war of terror unleashed by Arroyo and it embarrassed the military top brass who vowed to crush the insurgency before 2010 but the political impact of its armed threat has waned in imperial Manila. Based on media reports, it seems the armed struggle is intensifying in Mindanao and some parts of Visayas.

After four decades of grassroots organizing, the new Left already has hundreds of thousands of members, ex-members, and millions of sympathizers in various public and private institutions who are still directly or indirectly advocating the goals of the movement.

Like Estrada, Noynoy Aquino has been ignoring the Left. He ridicules the Left from time to time and even tried to link activism with dictatorship. The aim of his propagandists and the pseudo-Leftists around him is to obscure the legacy of the Left in the anti-Marcos struggle and to demonize radical politics.

Like Arroyo, Aquino is not interested in peace negotiations that seek to address the roots of the armed rebellion.

Aquino shouldn’t underestimate its class enemy. The Left survived several presidents, including a dictator who imposed Martial Law. It’s a movement whose death had been predicted several times but it has always managed to stage a resurrection. The Left can’t be defeated by spreading inaccurate stereotypes about the politics it espouses.

Aquino is just the latest (amateurish) figurehead of the puppet republic. His daang matuwid is merely an expanded version of Arroyo’s road to hell. The national democratic struggle remains the only political movement that offers a genuine, radical, and comprehensive critique and alternative to the current semi-feudal and semi-colonial system ruled by pro-imperialist apologists, corrupt warlord politicians, and arrogant landlords. The alternative to the natdem revolution is to accept the perpetual cycle of slavery and inequality in society.

Despite Aquino and his deceptive populism, the struggle continues. The mass movement is gearing for a decisive confrontation in the next five years. There is a new decade to conquer.

Related articles:

The Philippines 20th Century: Imperialism and Revolution
The Philippine Left: 1986 and 2001
1848 and 1970
Joma@70
The Other Radicals

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Southeast Asia: The January Spring

By admin | January 29, 2012

It seems that the winds of change have arrived early this year in Southeast Asia, which saw the unprecedented release of more than 600 political prisoners in Burma, the acquittal of Malaysian opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim over sodomy charges, the start of the impeachment trial of Chief Justice Renato Corona of the Philippines, and the approval by Singaporean politicians of the recommendation to have their salaries and fat bonuses reduced.

The junta-backed Burmese government surprised even its supporters when it released 651 political detainees last Friday (it was dubbed the “Beautiful Friday the 13th” by some netizens on Facebook). Those released included activists, journalists and opposition leaders who had been languishing in the country’s 43 prisons and 100 labor camps for years. The government’s decision to grant amnesty to dissidents was immediately welcomed by its neighbors and by Western powers led by the United States, which vowed to restore formal ties with Burma. If sanctions are removed, Burma can expect an influx aid and investment from rich countries. Hopefully, this would also help to end the country’s years of political isolation.

Despite its poor human rights record, it seems Burma has broadly been doing the right things since reviving its parliament, conducting more open elections, releasing Aung San Suu Kyi from house arrest, and now this latest prisoner release. Will the government be able to sustain the democratic reforms it has promised for this year?

Meanwhile, in Malaysia, Anwar’s acquittal was described by opposition groups as a victory for justice after claims the Najib Razak government orchestrated the sodomy case against Anwar to undermine the opposition. The high-profile trial dragged on for two years, which led many people to question the independence of the courts.

Anwar’s acquittal can therefore help restore confidence in the courts, and may help convince ordinary citizens that a transparent and independent judiciary still exists in the country, despite the perceived machinations of the ruling party. Now that Anwar is free, the opposition can also direct its attention to upcoming elections and working out how to defeat the ruling coalition, which has been in power for several decades already. Maybe Malaysia can also review the proposal to repeal its oppressive sodomy laws.

But if the Malaysian judiciary survived the Anwar Ibrahim case, the Philippine judicial system is still facing its biggest crisis after Chief Justice Corona was impeached by the House of Representatives last month. He is now embroiled in a trial in the Senate’s impeachment court. Corona is accused among other things of using his position to protect his patron, former President Gloria Arroyo, who is being prosecuted for corruption and electoral fraud. He’s also accused of amassing ill-gotten wealth after his appointment in the Supreme Court.

Corona’s impeachment is supported by advocacy groups that consider the Chief Justice to be the main stumbling block to holding Arroyo accountable for the crimes she allegedly committed when she was in power. Some groups even view it as a long term campaign to transform the Supreme Court into a more independent and pro-people institution.

Lastly, Singapore’s decision to slash the salaries of government ministers, reportedly the highest paid public servants in the world, should be seen as another victory of the people. The record low number of votes garnered by the ruling party, which has been in power since 1959, forced the government to form a committee to review the pay scale of high-ranking ministers.

Surprisingly, the committee recommended hefty pay cuts for all ministers. The prime minister will see a 36 percent pay cut while the president’s salary will be reduced by 51 percent. Some citizens aren’t satisfied with the recommendations, and think their politicians are still overpaid. And indeed, the prime minister and president will still earn more than Barack Obama, even after their salary reductions. But the pay cuts should still be welcomed as an initial compromise by Singaporean politicians who rarely bow to public pressure. What citizens should focus on is the campaign for more economic reforms to bridge the very large income gap in this prosperous city state.

Political prisoners are now free, an opposition leader is acquitted of a sodomy charge, a chief justice is on trial, and politicians will receive pay cuts. These are inspiring political reforms that have taken place even before the first month of the new year has ended. Aside from the eviction of urban poor residents in Phnom Penh, and the deteriorating conditions of evacuees in flood damaged villages in southern Philippines, 2012 has started remarkably well for Southeast Asia.The January Spring

Written for The Diplomat

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Southeast Asia’s Elder Statesmen

By admin | January 18, 2012

Lee Kuan Yew of Singapore, Mahathir Mohamad of Malaysia, King Bhumibol Adulyadej of Thailand, Sultan Hassanal Bolkiah of Brunei and Juan Ponce Enrile of the Philippines – all have something in commons: they belong to Southeast Asia’s prominent club of senior citizen statesmen.

Politicians may be getting younger, but it doesn’t mean the old guard is completely excluded from politics. Indeed, it continues to be politically relevant despite the rise of a new generation of voters who are skeptical of old-style politics.

Lee Kuan Yew became Singapore’s first prime minister in 1959, and ruled the country for three decades. When he stepped down from power in 1990, he was appointed senior minister. His son, who became prime minister in 2004, designated him minister mentor. He’s the country’s longest serving minister, the world’s longest serving prime minister, and still holds a parliamentary seat. The only global icon who rivals Lee Kuan Yew’s feat of longevity is Fidel Castro, who became Cuba’s leader in 1959.

Mahathir served as Malaysia’s prime minister for 22 years. His political party remained undefeated in the polls, and when he retired from politics, he was offered an emeritus role in the new government, but rejected the offer. But despite no longer holding a position in government, he’s still a feared political figure in Malaysia and has the luxury of being able to criticize the prime minister, a foreign leader, or other countries from time to time. He has consistently attacked the West, for example, for supposedly undermining the economies and sovereignty of developing nations.

King Bhumibol Adulyadej of Thailand and Sultan Hassanal Bolkiah of Brunei are highly respected and well-loved political icons in their respective countries. King Bhumibol, the longest reigning sitting monarch, is the only political figure who can unite Thailand’s warring political forces. Thai politicians show their devotion to the King by strictly implementing a law that forbids anyone insulting the royal family. Meanwhile, Sultan Bolkiah has continued to exercise a direct role in the governmental affairs of his country since his coronation in 1968.

In addition, although Juan Ponce Enrile was never president of the Philippines, he has been influential politically since the 1960s. He was the oldest senator of the republic to be reelected last year, despite an overwhelmingly young electorate. He’s also the senate president, which makes him the third most important lawmaker in the country.

After serving their country for decades, these politicians were expected to retire from politics, but it seems they are incapable of taking a less active role in public affairs. Despite their age and frail health, they still hold powerful positions in government, political parties respect their views and voters continue to re-elect them.

Schooled in the tradition that a country’s leaders are infallible, they continue to expect everybody to agree with their views, even if their beliefs seem to most to be obsolete. Yet despite them being out of touch, no one in government seems to have the stature to antagonize them.

It’s a strange situation indeed when elderly statesmen are still calling the shots despite the future of their countries lying with a much younger future.

Written for The Diplomat

Thailand’s Turbulent Year

Three issues made 2011 an interesting but turbulent year for Thailand: Yingluck Shinawatra, the three-month flooding disaster, and lese majesté.

Yingluck made history when her party dominated the elections this year, which allowed her to become Thailand’s first female prime minister. Her critics, though, accused her of being a mere proxy of her brother, former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, who was ousted from power in 2006. Yingluck’s victory didn’t impress many feminists, but it’s still a significant gain for the political opposition identified with Thaksin.

Still, it was the deadly flooding tragedy, not Thaksin, which proved to be the first serious challenge to Yingluck’s leadership. As expected, her enemies portrayed her as a weak and incompetent leader who failed to handle the floods properly. Massive floods hit most countries in Southeast Asia this year, but Thailand suffered the most when floodwaters submerged a third of the country’s provinces, including major industrial estates, 4.4 million acres of agricultural land, and 470 areas of Bangkok. More than 600 people died in the floods, while 2.4 million families have been displaced from their homes in the past three months.

However, Thailand’s international image suffered not only because of the country’s flooding woes, but also because of the government’s aggressive efforts to implement its very strict and rigid lese majesté laws. Aside from convicting a 61-year-old man to 20 years in prison for sending text messages that insulted the royal family, Thailand’s harsh laws attracted global attention when authorities banned 761,416 webpages that are deemed offensive to the King.

Thai politics certainly seemed less bloody and violent as the year went on compared with the Yellow Shirt airport takeover in 2008, the Red Shirt riots last year, and border clashes with Cambodia earlier this year. But as in previous years, they are still more divisive than ever. The flooding disaster, which was reported to be the worst in 50 years, is also expected to generate a political backlash in the coming months if the government is unable to provide immediate and sustained assistance to flooded communities.

It can only be hoped that when the monsoon rains return next year, Yingluck will be better prepared to minimize flooding casualties. But she should also start addressing the other contentious political issues in the country, such as rising inequality, erosion of democratic values, creeping censorship of online media, and corruption in high places.

Written for The Diplomat

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Youth, Good Governance, Human Development

By admin | January 15, 2012

Speech during the National Congress on Good Governance, UP NCPAG, January 15, 2012.

The keywords of my presentation are youth, good governance, and sustainable human development. The thesis is easy to formulate: The youth have a significant role to perform in promoting good governance in the country to achieve sustainable human development. But how do we concretely realize this mission? How do we effectively tap the youth’s vast potential to bring reforms in our country? Let’s discuss the keywords first.

Youth

The Philippines has a very young population; the youth sector comprises about one-third of the population. If we will include children, almost half of the country can be considered young. How young is this generation? Senate President Juan Ponce Enrile was already 73 years old when our teenagers today were born in 1997.

A big youth population is good for the economy since we can benefit from the talent, skills, energy, and idealism of young people. In short, young people are our human resources, our human capital. But certain conditions exist in order to maximize the potential of the youth. First, young people must be given adequate education and training. Second, their other basic rights are fulfilled like health, leisure time, and participation in societal affairs. Third, they must have access to decent jobs and opportunities for career growth. And fourth, they must be encouraged and given the freedom to lead in various organizations and institutions. I must add that the right of young people to dissent, to criticize, must be respected. Recently, the UN declared internet access as a human right. Are your human rights being violated?

What are the characteristics of today’s generation? Many of you can be called ‘Arroyo Babies.’ You grew up in the decade dominated by this politician, former President now Congresswoman, and Veteran Hospital’s most famous patient, Gloria Arroyo. You are also called ‘Digital Natives’ since IT almost became mainstream during your formative years. My generation sang ‘Ibon man may layang lumipad’ in Edsa while you on the other hand are playing with the angry birds.

To leave the country as OFWs is still the popular option of many young Filipinos. The BPO sector, meanwhile, continues to attract more young workers. Contractualization is accepted as a standard business practice instead of viewing it as an affront on human dignity. There are two career choices which seem to be anathema to young people: one is to work in the farms (students prefer Farmville over real rice fields) and second is either to be a politician or to be active in politics.

Good Governance

I can understand why many young people turn their backs on politics. Who would want to be associated with trapos, warlords, and other dark characters of Philippine politics? But if we will abandon politics, the government will be dominated forever by political dynasties. And why should we reduce political participation into electoral politics? We can still take an active role in politics without necessarily becoming politicians.

Good governance these days is defined by identifying the negative behavior of political leaders. It’s often invoked to battle corruption, abuse of power, and inefficient delivery of services. During my student days, Marcos was the supreme evil symbol for bad governance. Then Estrada came in 1998 and while he was no Marcos, he was ousted from power in our pursuit of good governance. Today, it’s clear that Arroyo is the preferred target of our righteous indignation. The Corona impeachment must be viewed as part of the demand to make Arroyo accountable for her many sins against the people.

Good governance is often discussed separately from people power which I think is wrong. The first term usually refers to the behavior of public officials while the latter is invoked during great political moments. But good governance and people power are directly related. We can successfully achieve good governance through people power. Politicians must not be given the exclusive right to enforce good governance since they can distort or dilute its substantial meaning. Magiging business transaction, accommodation, wheeling-dealing, horse-trading ang mangyayari kapag sila lang ang lalaban. We, the people, the boss, must reclaim our leadership in this battle.

On the other hand, the failure or refusal to empower the grassroots, the rejection of people power politics, must be condemned as a violation of the principles of good governance. How can you preach good governance while depriving the people of their right to take a greater role in the country’s political affairs?

Transparency is the buzzword today and it’s often cited as an effective approach to promote good governance. Thus the campaign for the swift passage of a Freedom of Information law. Young people are also being asked to join the transparency bandwagon by reminding them to engage our leaders and agencies through the aggressive use of social media networks. It’s convenient because the tools are already available, internet use is on the rise, and virtual collectives can be organized in support of a campaign (think of #itsmorefuninthephilippines).

Last year, netizens demonstrated how public officials can be humiliated if they are less honest about their work. DPWH officials learned it through the photoshopped way. But there are other tools we can develop to expose bad governance like maps, videos, and the ubiquitous use of twitter hashtags.

The transparency campaign must be sustained and it must be pursued even if the FOI bill becomes a law. Why? Because we have numerous anti-corruption programs and laws yet we still have one of the most corrupt regimes in the world. Corruption is the best Public-Private Partnership showcase in the country.

From Quirino’s Integrity Board, Magsaysay’s Presidential Complaints and Action Committee, Garcia’s Presidential Committee on Administrative Performance Efficiency, Macapagal’s Presidential Anti-Graft Committee, Marcos’ Complaints and Investigation Office, Aquino’s Presidential Commission on Good Government, Ramos’ Presidential Commission Against Graft and Corruption, Estrada’s Inter-agency Anti-Graft Coordinating Council to Arroyo’s Presidential Anti-Graft Commission – we don’t have a shortage of anti-corruption initiatives in the past half-century. Should I mention too the anti-corruption laws that are still in effect today?

So yes, pass the FOI bill. Release the SALN of Corona and other officials. But let’s not stop with that. Good governance requires that we must be vigilant and aggressive in demanding the implementation of our laws and programs. When was the last time you wrote to your public officials?

‘It’s the economy, student’

Aquino said ‘Kung walang corrupt, walang mahirap.’ It’s simplistic but it made him a winner in the polls. It’s a catchy and impressive slogan but it doesn’t mean we have to believe it. Last week, Arroyo the professor published an essay entitled ‘It’s the economy, student’ to criticize the weak leadership of his successor. In the essay, Arroyo ridiculed Aquino’s anti-corruption slogan: “It is in poverty that we find the material roots of the problem of corruption – because the political system based on patronage–and ultimately, corruption to support patronage–is made possible only by the large gap between the rich and the poor. This will persist until and unless we enlarge the economic pie.”

Arroyo made some valid points in the essay especially about the need to expand the economy. Unfortunately, she should be the last person to lecture us about inclusive economic growth. Yes, GDP numbers improved during her watch but it didn’t lead to equitable growth. The rich became richer while the poor became poorer despite losing their kidneys.

If Aquino doesn’t want the ‘boss’ to be busabos, he must reverse the policies of his predecessor. Unfortunately, he is even expanding the bad legacies of Arroyo like the misnamed conditional cash transfer, foreign debt accumulation, and labor export.

Indeed, the economic fundamentals seemed sound during the time of Arroyo but quality of life deteriorated in the country. Lesson: economic numbers are rendered meaningless by the continuing poverty in the country. But this is no longer a new conclusion. In fact, the Philippines is supportive of innovative international campaigns to combat poverty like the Millennium Development Goals 2015. There is already consensus that the broad human development framework must be adopted if we want our people to escape the inter-generational poverty curse.

So why are we still poor despite the recent tweaking of poverty statistics by our so-called poverty experts? Again, the answer is no longer a mystery since we already knew that the problem is structural. Poverty persists because the system is designed to benefit the privileged few.

This is precisely the reason why the rise of global ‘occupy’ movements in 2011 was welcomed as an inspiring development for those who dream of a better world. The ‘occupy’ protests questioned the system sustained by greed and obscene hoarding of wealth by a cabal of corporations and evil geniuses on one hand, and the pauperized conditions of workers on the other. The ‘occupy’ message is applicable in the Philippines and it should replace the condescending attitude of blaming the ‘lazy poor’ for their destitute conditions.

End of the (old) world

The answer to bad governance is people power. The alternative to poverty is human development. The youth who will inherit this society must decisively act now if they want a more prosperous and peaceful future. Most likely the world will not end in 2012 but for the majority who are excluded from enjoying the wealth of nations, life is nearly synonymous with death.

We need young people who will fight the old system of exploitation, oppression, and injustice. Fortunately, we have the militant example of young people who made a big impact in our history. Our republic was founded by young visionaries like Rizal, Bonifacio, Aguinaldo, and Jacinto; young revolutionaries fought the Spanish, American, and Japanese colonizers; our modern martyrs were students and young workers who defied Martial Law. We ousted Marcos and Estrada. We rejected the US Bases Treaty in 1991.

The promise of the new government is daang matuwid. Our task is to ensure that this new road will be open for all and not only for hacenderos and Porsche owners. Change should not be dictated to us; we should put forward our agenda of genuine change. Otherwise, we will only witness some cosmetic changes in the country.

It’s not enough that we merely absorb and accept the daily dose of information offered to us by mainstream media. Empowering the people requires that they are armed with correct information and a comprehensive understanding of our societal problems. We are in a unique position to perform the task of spreading and sharing relevant information to our various social networks. For example, we should aim to explain the relationship of good governance and sustainable human development, environment protection, and people empowerment. Yes, illegal logging is to blame for the floods in north Mindanao. But what about legal logging, legal mining, and other destructive practices sanctioned by the state?

I recognize that many of you are afraid, reluctant, and even doubt the power of young people participating in advocacy movements. We were told that joining or even supporting causes is dangerous, ineffective, and obsolete. But if we will examine our recent history, some of the most dramatic political episodes which made a huge impact in the country were direct actions and struggles of our people. Besides, do we want to inhabit a world where political engagement is limited to adding causes on Facebook, signing online petitions, and organizing virtual rallies? I can assure you that Filipino politicians are not afraid of online activism because 1) they don’t read; 2) they don’t manage their social media accounts; 3) you don’t vote in their districts and cities. But let’s replicate the outstanding practice of Arab Spring activists who have effectively combined online and offline activism to express their democratic demands.

While researching on employment issues, I stumbled upon an article written by a young American who defends the idea of working as a community organizer. He recalls this conversation he had with his mother. His mother asked him this: “You’re a bright young man. You went to college, didn’t you? I just cannot understand why a bright young man like you would go to college, get that degree and become a community organizer.”

His mother added: “’Cause the pay is low, the hours is long, and don’t nobody appreciate you.”

What was the reply of the son? He said: “It needs to be done, and not enough folks are doing it.”

Who is this young graduate who decided to become a community organizer right after college? His name is Barack Obama and he is now the president of the United States.

American poet Samuel Ullman explained how people grow old. “Youth means a temperamental predominance of courage over timidity of the appetite, for adventure over the love of ease. This often exists in a man of sixty more than a body of twenty. Nobody grows old merely by a number of years. We grow old by deserting our ideals.”

My fellow youth, stay young, dream big for our nation, be brave and fight the oppressors. We are young and we should dedicate the best years of our life in the service of the poor. We should be like the angry birds. We should be like the plants fighting the zombies. Tanong sa isang commercial: Para saan ka bumabangon?

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Political Morality

By admin | January 12, 2012

What’s the proper reaction if confronted with the odious task of manipulating public resources for personal gain? The honorable thing is to immediately reject it and bravely face the consequences. But others condone corruption while some even try to justify it. Then there are bureaucrats like Romulo Neri who simply prefer to ‘moderate the greed’ of their recidivist superiors. So the fight against evil has been reduced from active resistance into mere tweaking of highly malevolent and illegal behavior. Greed, it seems, is not a sin if practiced in moderation.

Isn’t it disturbing that greed is considered not excessive enough and that there is a level of greediness which the public can allegedly tolerate?

Senior civil servants like Neri are unique moralists who think they are still doing a good deed even if they barely scratch the fundamental evils of the hopelessly bankrupt system. Their life goal is no longer to fight the system from within but to collect their fat paychecks every month while diligently doing grand favors for their powerful patrons.

But if we were scandalized by Neri’s ‘moderate their greed’ dictum, General Angelo Reyes shocked us even more with his epic fail attempt to defend his dishonorable performance in government: “I did not invent corruption. I walked into it. Perhaps my first fault was in having accepted aspects of it as a fact of life.”

Maybe it’s a disgraced warrior’s desperate plea for compassion but it essentially captures the attitude of good individuals who decided to compromise their virtue by benefiting from corruption instead of exposing it.

Neri and Reyes were publicly condemned even by lower life forms in government not because they violated the law but because their reckless behavior exposed the imperfections of the system.

As high ranking subalterns who blindly implemented the brutal directives of the system, Neri and Reyes must be seen not as aberrations but authentic representatives of the decaying political system.

Their refusal to act decisively against clear transgressions of the law and public morality is their original sin but it’s also at the same time the preferred political stance of conservative liberals. Sadly, this impotent political posturing is often glorified in the mainstream discourse which allows politicians like Noynoy Aquino to brag their non-involvement in radical politics without generating any political backlash.

Reminiscing his Ateneo student days, Aquino explained why his friends rejected the League of Filipino Students: “There was already a dictatorship outside the university and yet we are going to join an organization that will dictate to us what we will do.” (Chief Justice Corona also uses the word dictator to describe Aquino today)

The revelation here is not Aquino’s anti-LFS sentiment but his rejection of the radical student movement at a time when the clear political choice was to actively oppose the dictatorship. Unknowingly, Aquino confessed that his actual political engagement during the Marcos years was to be a mere passive student leader. He ignored the chance to be part of a group which later became the most militant anti-Marcos student force in the country. It was Aquino’s opportunity to create history without the protective shadow of his family but he rejected it.

How could someone who claims to be the heir of People Power boast his non-action, his passivity, his non-involvement in the student movement during the Martial Law years?

Aquino’s rejection of LFS is similar to an Ilustrado’s refusal to join a Katipunan cell in 1896 or a Makapili’s non-membership in the Huk during the Second World War.

But Aquino only exposed the real kernel of liberal politics: Non-action is still an acceptable option to resist evil.

The alternative to the disappointing political behavior of Neri, Reyes, and Aquino is to embrace the political morality of revolutionaries and genuine dissidents. A revolutionary will not moderate greed; he will punish the greedy. A revolutionary will not tolerate corruption; he will jail the corrupt. A revolutionary will seize the moment by being part a political collective.

Related articles:

No country for young politicians
Corrupt nation

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Southeast Asia 2011: A Year of Protest

By admin | January 11, 2012

The Arab Spring and Occupy Wall Street are localized protests that still made a tremendous impact in the world this year. They were organized in response to place-specific issues, but their appeal and influence were immediately global. Through their marching calls of democratic reforms and economic equality, the protests inspired multitudes of activists in many countries to ignite their own brand of revolution. In Southeast Asia, there were several protest movements this year that echoed the radical politics of Arab Spring and Occupy.

Malaysia’s Bersih (Clean) was the most outstanding protest event of 2011 in the region. The event, which was initially organized to ask for very sensible and doable electoral reforms (e.g. cleaning up of the electoral roll and the use of indelible ink), in the end became a pro-democracy action because of the massive participation of the civilian population in the streets – and the violent reaction of the state.

And like the tech-savvy Arab protesters, the Bersih marchers maximized social media to broaden the movement’s appeal among the apolitical segments of the local internet community. More importantly, it gave ordinary Malaysians the opportunity to imagine the formation of a united and patriotic community of individuals committed to the defense of democracy.

Bersih isn’t just the name of Malaysia’s new revolution; it should also be recognized as Southeast Asia’s Tahrir Square.

Next to Bersih were the various Occupy protests in Indonesia, Malaysia, and the Philippines. They didn’t succeed in sustaining big crowds, but through their militant and creative actions, they were able to highlight the worsening poverty in their societies while the tiny elite of privileged families and corporations are accumulating obscene wealth.

The Occupy protests in the Philippines were joined by students and other young people who used planking as a unique and funny way of expressing their anger over the state budget cuts on education and other social services. Early this month, the Occupy-like campout protests of students near the presidential palace were violently dispersed by the police.

Perhaps the most underrated protest of the year was the rally of Cambodian villagers who dressed up like the Na’vi tribe from the 2009 science fiction film Avatar in opposition to the government’s plan to convert the Prey Lang forest into plantations and mines. Prey Lang is the largest remaining primary lowland dry evergreen forest in the region.

We should expect more Avatar-inspired actions because the story of Prey Lang is similar to other rural communities in the region affected by large-scale development projects like dams, mining, and commercial rezoning. Environmental protests actually intensified this year, and one of them succeeded in forcing Burma’s government to cancel its hydroelectric dam project on the Irrawaddy River.

Not all those who fight for land rights, even through non-violent means, are able to freely express and organize their campaigns – a fact underscored by the experience of seven activists in Vietnam who were arrested, charged, and found guilty of overthrowing the government.

Finally, the protesters whose actions perhaps most symbolized the deep hatred and frustration of the poor against an oppressive system were Pham Thanh Son of Vietnam and Sondang Hutagalung of Indonesia. Son burned himself early this year in front of Da Nang’s municipal office to protest the confiscation of his family’s property by local authorities, while Sondang set his body on fire just a few weeks ago in front of the presidential palace to condemn the anti-poor policies of the government.

There were no London-like urban riots in Southeast Asia this year, but the great floods that destroyed rice fields and food crops in almost all countries of the region could lead to food and rice protests next year.

The challenge for politicians is not to view dissent as the cause of disorder in society, since this will only lead to violent solutions. Instead, they should treat it as a symptom of greater issues that governments must address like rising inequality, corruption, and bad governance.

Written for The Diplomat

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‘Angry Birds’ of the Philippines

By admin | December 26, 2011

This is the year of tweeting birds, homeless migratory birds, and angry birds. Are there angry birds in the Philippines?

Ibong Adarna is the original ‘angry bird’ of the Philippines. It’s a classic in Philippine literature although its author is unknown. It’s a required reading material in schools so students are familiar with the story of this mythical bird whose enchanting voice can magically heal wounds and rare illnesses. But Adarna’s charm is deadly since it possesses the power to turn humans into stones. Below is an excerpt of the original text of Ibong Adarna:

Sa Tabor na cabunducan
ang siyang quinalalaguian,
cahoy na hinahapunan
Piedras Platas ang pangalan.
Cun arao ay uala roon
itong encantadang ibon,
sa iba sumasalilong
at nagpapaui nang gutom.
Cun gabing catahimican
ualang malay ang sino man,
ay siyang pag-oui lamang
sa Tabor na cabunducan.

Ay ano’i, nang tahimic na
ang gabí ay lumalim na,
siya nangang pagdating na
niyong ibong encantada.
Dumapo na siyang agad
sa cahoy na Piedras Platás,
balahibo ay nangulág
pinalitán niyang agad.
At capagdaca’i, nagcantá
itong ibong encantada,
ang tinig ay sabihin pa
tantong caliga-ligaya.
Ang príncipe ay hindi na
nacaringig nang pagcantá,
pagtúlog ay sabihin pa
himbing na ualang capara.
Ang sa ibong ugali na
cun matapos na magcantá,
ay siyang pag-táe niya
at matutulog pagdaca.
Sa masamáng capalaran
ang príncipe’i, natai-an,
ay naguing bató ngang tunay
ang catauan niyang mahal.

Matanglawin (Hawkeye) is a character in Rizal’s second novel, El Filibusterismo. He’s a Luzon bandit formerly known as Kabesang Tales, a cabeza de barangay (barangay head) in Sagpang. Matanglawin’s criminal activities are described in chapter 28 of the book

“Matanglawin was the terror of Luzon…It burned a sugar-mill in Batangas and destroyed the crops, on the following day it murdered the Justice of the Peace of Tiani, and on the next took possession of the town of Cavite, carrying off the arms from the town hall. The central provinces, from Tayabas to Pangasinan, suffered from his depredations, and his bloody name extended from Albay in the south to Kagayan in the north. The towns, disarmed through mistrust on the part of a weak government, fell easy prey into his hands—at his approach the fields were abandoned by the farmers, the herds were scattered, while a trail of blood and fire marked his passage. Matanglawin laughed at the severe measures ordered by the government against the tulisanes, since from them only the people in the outlying villages suffered, being captured and maltreated if they resisted the band, and if they made peace with it being flogged and deported by the government, provided they completed the journey and did not meet with a fatal accident on the way. Thanks to these terrible alternatives many of the country folk decided to enlist under his command.”

Tales the farmer became Matanglawin the bandit because of the oppression and injustice he suffered when the friars took possession of his land and received no support from the civil government. Here’s how Tales reacted when he learned about the plan of the friars to rob him of his precious land

“Poor Tales turned pale, he felt a buzzing in his ears, he saw in the red mist that rose before his eyes his wife and daughter, pallid, emaciated, dying, victims of the intermittent fevers—then he saw the thick forest converted into productive fields, he saw the stream of sweat watering its furrows, he saw himself plowing under the hot sun, bruising his feet against the stones and roots, while this friar had been driving about in his carriage with the wretch who was to get the land following like a slave behind his master.”

Aves de Rapiña (Birds of Prey) is the title of a controversial 1908 editorial written by Fidel Reyes in the nationalist newspaper El Renacimiento. Secretary of Interior Dean Conant Worcester sued the paper for libel because of the article. Worcester won the case but it didn’t invalidate the message of the editorial which accurately depicted the true intentions of US colonial rule in the Philippines.

“The eagle, symbolizing liberty and power, is the bird of prey that counts with the most followers. And men, individually as well as collectively, have frequently aped the most rapacious of birds in order to triumph in their acts of plunder as well as in their acts of robbery and theft against their fellowmen.

“Climbing the mountains of Benguet with the supposed objective of classifying and measuring the skulls of the Igorrotes, with the pretext of studying them in order to civilize them, they go there to really search, as they fly in the air with the eyes of a bird of prey, the locations of gold deposits, (the hidden booty in the midst of the sad mountains), with the aim of later grabbing these for themselves. And thanks to the facilities, supposedly legal with which they do, and undo, their acts at their own pleasure, that they always get to grab these treasures for their own benefit.

“Such are the characteristics of the men who are at the same time an eagle that surprises and devours, a vulture who gorges itself with putrid meat, an owl who feigns petulant omniscience, and a vampire that silently sucks the victim’s blood until leaving her with deathlike pallor.”

Mga Ibong Mandaragit is a socio-political novel written by National Artist for Literature Amado V. Hernandez. It was published in 1969, a year before the author’s death. The book is about the continuing neocolonial subjugation of the Philippines after World War II. It exposes the numerous social problems of agrarian Philippines and the decadent rule of the oligarchic class. It’s still a required reading material for third year high school students in many schools. The book is praised not just for its literary merits but also for its brave articulation of the necessity for radical politics to successfully reform Philippine society.

Bayan Ko is a poem by Jose Corazon de Jesus written in 1929. It has become the most popular protest song in the country especially during the Martial Law years. It’s most famous lines reflected the yearning of Filipinos to be free from colonial and neocolonial bondage and other forms of oppression.

Ibon mang may layang lumipad,
kulungin mo at umiiyak!
Bayan pa kayang sakdal dilag,
Ang ‘di magnasang makaalpas?
Pilipinas kong minumutya,
Pugad ng luha ko’t dalita,
Aking adhika,
Makita kang sakdal laya!

The Philippine Eagle (Pithecophaga jefferyi) is the king of Philippine birds. It was officially declared the country’s national bird in 1995. For a long time it was mocked as a monkey-eating eagle but scientists insisted that it’s an inaccurate moniker for our Haring Agila.

Perhaps the real angry bird is the so-called Maya. First, it was never recognized as a national bird though many Filipinos (including me) grew up thinking that it was the original national bird. Second, the little brown bird we call Maya is actually not the real Maya.

But we will soon have thousands of angry migratory birds if the planned reclamation project in Manila Bay near Coastal Road and Freedom Island will push through. Despite its polluted waters, Manila Bay is still the preferred stopover of migratory birds but the Noynoy Aquino government had just issued an order to demolish the bird sanctuary when it approved a reclamation project in a critical habitat area in Manila Bay.

There are two ways to describe the birds inside cockpit arenas. Either the sabong birds have anger management issues or they are born warriors. Pinikpikan could be the horror code for birds which fear torture. #itlognitopacio is the most infamous angry bird in the Philippines today (apologies to the birds of the world).

Special mention should go to Ibon Foundation, one of the very few angry bird think-tanks in the country.

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Aquino’s Human Rights Problem

By admin | December 23, 2011

Please visit the special page I created about Philippine Airport Terminals. I also edited my profile page

The Philippines is often recognized by global institutions for its strong commitment to human rights. Indeed, compared with other countries in the region, where government critics are given insanely long prison sentences and media reports are heavily censored by the authorities, the freedom loving Philippines may seem like a viable and vibrant democratic state to the casual international observer.

But the existence of Western-style democracy in the country doesn’t mean it’s fully compliant with international human rights norms. There’s a free press in the Philippines, but it’s also one of the most dangerous countries for journalists. Activists and political dissidents are free to organize rallies and assemblies even without securing police permits, but many of them have become victims of extrajudicial killings and enforced disappearances over the past decade.

Indeed, human rights violations became so intense during the incumbency of Gloria Arroyo that a U.N. Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions visited the Philippines in 2007 to investigate the rise in political killings, torture, and kidnapping in the country. Arroyo’s atrocious human rights record was also one of the major issues in last year’s presidential elections, which saw a landslide victory for the opposition.

And since President Benigno Aquino III was one of the leaders who decried the human rights violations committed by the previous administration, human rights groups had high expectations that the killings of activists and journalists would stop. And the killings did stop, but only for a brief time.

To the surprise of human rights defenders, the new government hasn’t bothered to file appropriate charges against military officials involved in well-documented cases of human rights violations. Activists demanded an end to the climate of impunity that allowed perpetrators of the most heinous crimes against humanity to remain unpunished, but they received no concrete response from the government.

The latest report drafted by Karapatan, a human rights NGO, reveals the poor performance of the Aquino government when it comes to human rights. The numbers are very disappointing: There are 64 victims of extrajudicial, summary and arbitrary killings from July 1, 2010 to October 31, 2011. This translates to one political killing per week in the past 16 months. According to the same report, 6 victims are women and 37 are human rights workers. More than 40 percent of the victims are peasants followed by indigenous peoples and workers. There are 9 cases of enforced disappearances and 52 cases of torture.

The government claims there are no political prisoners in the Philippines but Karapatan was able to count 78 prisoners who had been arrested in the past year because of their political beliefs and activities. Karapatan added that there are 356 political detainees in the country who are facing various trumped-up charges.

The group observed that human rights violations tend to be higher in areas where development and infrastructure projects have been identified by the government like large-scale mining, power plants, and airports. In particular, the recent decision of the government to approve the formation of a Special Civilian Armed Auxiliary to secure mining operations is blamed for the heightened attacks against environment defenders and tribal community leaders.

And since the Philippines is confronted with two insurgencies – the world’s longest communist insurgency and a Muslim separatist movement – the slow pace of peace negotiations between the government and the rebels means more civilians are being harmed or killed in conflict areas. Thousands of villagers have also been forced to evacuate their homes in many parts of Mindanao Island because of military operations and the armed activities of rebels.

Aquino should remember the promises he made during his campaign if he wants to address these human rights issues. First, he should mainstream a pro-human rights agenda in the policymaking process. Second, he should tackle the roots of the armed conflict as his government prepares to fast track the peace talks with both the communist and Muslim rebels.

Edited version of a post I submitted for The Diplomat

Jail Gloria

I agree that Rep. Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo deserves ‘special treatment’ because she was former president of the Republic. As a concession to her camp, let’s give Rep. Arroyo the chance to choose her preferred detention facility in Metro Manila. After inquiring from the Bureau of Jail Management and Penology, we learned that there are 25 jails in Metro Manila, 19 of which can accommodate female prisoners.

Name of Jail Female Population

1. Caloocan City Jail 108
2. Las Pinas 83
3. Makati 81
4. Malabon 38
5. Manila 773
6. Mandaluyong 98
7. Marikina 46
8. Muntinlupa 84
9. Paranaque 116
10. Pasay 109
11. Pasig 92
12. Taguig 61
13. Valenzuela 40
14. Navotas 30
15. San Juan 31
16. Pateros 9
17. Quezon City Female Dorm 550
18. Rodriguez 21
19. San Mateo 24

It’s clear that we don’t have a shortage of prisons in Metro Manila so let’s stop looking for hospitals or houses suitable for Rep. Arroyo.

I’m certain that our jail wardens will be honored if their prison will be chosen by Rep. Arroyo. They can reserve a special room where Arroyo can meet visiting relatives, friends and lawyers.

If Arroyo’s wish to be placed under La Vista house arrest is granted, it will be very unfair to the 2,394 female prisoners in Metro Manila who are looking forward to be jailmates with the former president.

First posted on Kabataan Partylist

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Timor-Leste’s Debt Plan

By admin | December 14, 2011

With 37 votes in favor, 19 against and 3 abstentions, Timor-Leste’s parliament initially approved on November 11 the general terms of the government’s proposed budget of $1.763 billion for the year 2012.

2012 promises to be an exciting and significant year for this tiny nation. It will celebrate the 10th anniversary of the Restoration of Independence, the 100th anniversary of the Manufahi Revolt and the 500th anniversary of the arrival of the first Portuguese in the country. It will also conduct the third presidential and parliamentary elections since democracy was restored.

During the budget deliberations, civil society groups questioned the abnormal increase in the budget, the country’s continued dependence on oil revenues, and the unusually high number of mega infrastructure projects. But the most controversial issue was the decision of the government to obtain foreign debt next year. Timor-Leste currently has no debt from other countries or international financial institutions.

The Timor-Leste Institute for Development Monitoring and Analysis notes that the increase in the country’s budget is one of the highest in the world. In nominal terms, the 2012 budget is 35 percent higher than 2011. If adjusted to inflation, it’s 25 percent larger than last year, while the budget has grown 273 percent since 2006. The group cited a report from the IMF World Economic Outlook that identified Zimbabwe as the only country in the world whose state budget grew faster during the last four years. Many are concerned about the inflationary impact of rising state expenditures.

Many from the Institute are also concerned that the budget doesn’t reflect the need to develop non-oil industries. Income from oil and gas provides 95 percent of state revenues, making Timor-Leste the most petroleum-export dependent country in the world. “In the medium term, our oil wealth can’t even pay for provide half the level of services the government will provide next year. That’s why we need to develop our non-oil economy.”

Meanwhile, some parliamentarians criticized the decreasing budget allocation for the education, health, and agriculture sectors and alleged that the government “prefers investing in mega projects which are beyond its capacity to execute and will end up in misuse of lots of money.” One of these huge infrastructure investments is the Tasi Mane Project, which will involve the development of an integrated petroleum infrastructure in the county’s south coastal zone in the next two decades.

But the most controversial, if not unpopular, budget-related issue is the plan by the government to secure $33 million in loans for the Dili sanitation and construction of national roads. It’s the first time the government has asked parliament to approve a proposal to borrow money from foreign institutions, and it immediately drew opposition from civil society groups who initiated a petition drive signed by more than 137 organizations based in 32 countries urging the government to “keep the nation debt-free and refrain from borrowing money from international lenders to protect its future generations.” The groups warned that “Rather than repeat the mistakes of other developing countries that have struggled with debt during recent decades, Timor-Leste should learn from their experiences, which often inflicted great hardships on their people.”

Despite the criticisms, the government maintained that the budget is service and development oriented, and will stimulate the local economy while addressing the human development needs of the people. The government also boasted that the budget process is one of the most transparent in the world. Indeed, it created a Budget Transparency Portal that allows the public to access budget documents. It also provides a daily summary of budget deliberations in parliament.

For the government, the budget proposal reflects the renewed optimism in the country’s future, but for many civil society groups, the budget could harm the economy in the long run.

Written for The Diplomat

Malaysia’s Troubling “Peace” Bill

The Malaysian Parliament has unanimously approved the controversial Peaceful Assembly Bill, which critics warned would make it extremely difficult for citizens to organize protest activities. Activists denounced it as a repressive measure intended to curtail the people’s freedom of speech and expression.

The opposition, for its part, was so outraged by the hasty introduction of the measure (MPs received copies of the bill only on November 22) that they staged a walkout during the voting process. Outside the parliament, lawyers organized a “freedom walk” to dramatize their rejection of the bill, which they think is in violation of several international human rights norms. Protesters also took Prime Minister Najib Razak to task for reneging on his pledge during the Malaysia Day celebration in September to review section 27 of the Police Act 1967 in order to uphold the people’s freedom of assembly.

Lim Chee Wee, president of the Malaysian Bar, identified the dangerous provisions of the bill that could undermine the constitutional rights of Malaysian citizens:

1) Prohibition of street protests;

2) Prohibition of organization of assemblies by persons below the age of twenty one years;

3) Prohibition of participation in peaceful assemblies of children below the age of fifteen years;

4) Unduly onerous responsibilities and restrictions on organizers and assemblies;

5) Excessive fines for non-compliance of the bill.

Civil libertarians are also horrified over the other insidious provisions of the bill, like the prohibition of rallies near a place of worship or any area that the government may declare as “protected,” the banning of foreign journalists in a protest assembly, and the granting of power to the police to use tear gas, chemical-laced water, batons and shields as well as arbitrary arrests on participants if these are deemed necessary by authorities to make the assembly peaceful and orderly. Activists are also worried over a provision that gives police forces the right to disperse an assembly if participants are heard giving statements that “promote feelings of ill-will, discontent or hostility among the public.”

Police are given such extensive powers to disperse assemblies without official permits that even an outdoor birthday party can be classified as an event that needs police approval. Furthermore, the police can impose numerous conditions when they approve the conduct of an assembly. And, if they decide to disperse a crowd, they are given the right to use “all reasonable force” in dealing with protesters.

Perhaps the restrictive Peaceful Assembly Bill is the government’s preemptive legal effort to prevent another Bersih (clean) march, which could further weaken the ruling coalition’s chances in the next elections. Bersih was organized in July by election reform advocates, but it has evolved into a strong political movement after the police violently dispersed a crowd of about 50,000 in the streets of Kuala Lumpur.

Maybe the bill won’t be able to stop Bersih or other protest assemblies organized by the big political forces, but it can minimize the influence of these events by limiting the protest actions in select venues. And because of the broad definitions used in the bill, it can also affect the activities of non-political groups.

After Bersih, everybody expected the government to implement reforms that would convince the people about its commitment to democracy and transparency. But with this bill, it seems the government prefers to provoke its enemies and weaken their ability to shape public opinion by banning street protests. The bill appears proof that the government is afraid of the radical potential of Bersih and the emergence of a Malaysian Spring that could finally deliver the fatal blow to the ruling coalition’s decades-old reign in Malaysia.

Written for The Diplomat

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