Football Nationalism in Southeast Asia

By admin | July 16, 2011

The landslide victory of the opposition Puea Thai Party in Thailand’s general election may have been last Sunday’s top political story in Southeast Asia. But it certainly wasn’t the most talked about topic in the rest of the region.

For most TV viewers and internet surfers in Laos, the Philippines, Vietnam, Malaysia and Burma, it wasn’t Thai politics that they were thinking about, but the football games their respective national teams were involved in the same day. Indeed, it was only much later in the day that many found time to learn about the astonishing electoral success of Yingluck Shinawatra, who was chosen as Thailand’s first female Prime Minister (and Southeast Asia’s newest female icon).

Sunday was a great day for Southeast Asian football, with five of the seven teams competing at the weekend progressing to the second round of the Asia division of the 2014 World Cup qualifiers. The five will join Singapore, Thailand and Indonesia, who had already gone through.

The wins will fan the noticeable revival of football pride in Southeast Asia. People have been returning in large numbers to the region’s stadiums, national team players have become popular personalities, and there’s been a new wave of patriotism tied to the fortunes of the teams.

There was a huge celebration in Malaysia, for example, when its team became the overall champion of the ASEAN Football Federation Cup last December. But the mood was equally festive in Indonesia, where fans still cheered for their national team despite its failure to win the title.

Meanwhile, despite the continuing dominance of basketball in Philippine sports, football has emerged as a popular game among both the rich and poor. The stunning victory of its national team against defending champions Vietnam last year in the ASEAN Football Federation Cup instantly sparked the interest of the people in the magical pleasure of watching and playing football.

The renewed interest in football in the region has prompted governments to give more open support to their national teams and to get behind bigger and better venues. Sensing the political value of publicly backing football, politicians and their parties have been quick to become dedicated fans. Aside from issuing congratulatory statements to their victorious national teams, politicians are also sending players around their respective countries to encourage young people to take up sports.

But it can be a double-edged sword. Fans were sorely disappointed a few months ago when a power struggle within the Indonesian football league threatened to undermine the performance and selection of players for the national team. Football controversies like this make politicians nervous as they are aware that many members of the public expect their government to guarantee the continuous and smooth running of football.

And of course, there are politicians who exploit football nationalism for selfish reasons, including trying to distract the attention of those who might otherwise be incensed by the inability of the government to improve their living conditions.

Still, this kind of nationalism is at least an improvement on the ultra-nationalism of the warmongers who stoke tensions with neighbours for electoral gain. Cambodians and Thais, who have watched their two countries exchange deadly fire over a border dispute in recent years, could perhaps urge their leaders to try a little football nationalism instead.

Written for The Diplomat

Thailand’s ‘Vote No’ Campaign

It isn’t exactly a ‘boycott the election’ drive because voters are still being encouraged to vote on election day in Thailand. But what is unique in this campaign is that the people are being asked to vote ‘no’ on the ballot.

The main group behind the ‘Vote No’ movement is the People’s Alliance for Democracy, or the Yellow Shirts, which organized massive rallies a few years ago against the government of Thaksin Shinawatra. They are former allies of current Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva, who is hoping to be re-elected in next week’s general election.

PAD is urging the public to reject the current electoral system, which they think has been corrupted by power hungry politicians represented by Abhisit on the one hand, and the opposition’s Yingluck Shinawatra (Thaksin’s younger sister) on the other. PAD insists that elections are a futile exercise unless thorough political and electoral reforms are first instituted.

Voting is compulsory in Thailand, and penalties are imposed against those who are unable to vote. In short, voters still need to vote in order to cast a negative vote. Perhaps the ‘no’ option in the ballot is provided to inform voters that rejecting political parties and politicians on election day is a valid political choice.

The ‘Vote No’ campaign isn’t a new phenomenon, since a similar tactic was used by Thaksin’s enemies, which included PAD, in 2006. But PAD is being more aggressive this time, and their campaign seems to be more systematic and well-funded. They even placed oversized ‘Vote No’ posters and billboards around the country, which sparked controversy because they dressed up politicians as animals, perhaps to make the point that all candidates are ‘wild animals.’

The ‘Vote No’ movement is seen by some voters as a form of passive resistance, but others also decried it as a waste of time and effort. The crucial question, however, is whether it will work. In the 2007 general election, the ‘no’ vote constituted a surprising 5-10 percent of the vote results in many areas. It remains to be seen whether PAD’s campaign can garner similar numbers in next week’s voting.

Some political analysts have warned that a 20 percent ‘no’ vote could affect political stability in Thailand since it might be interpreted by dissident forces as proof of the people’s demand for substantive, radical, and even extra-legal political changes. But it’s quite inaccurate to equate a significant number of ‘no’ votes with electoral civil disobedience, since it would only mean that people aren’t particularly enthusiastic about the electoral process. Maybe they voted ‘no’ because they were unimpressed with the candidates, not because they supported the arguments propounded by the PAD.

Thai voters seem to have three choices in next week’s election: the administration party, the opposition, or none of the above. The ‘no’ vote appears to be an unusual option, but in Thailand it perhaps most accurately reflects the deep political divisions within the country.

Written for The Diplomat

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On being a blogger-politician

By admin | July 13, 2011

The complete title of this post is On Being A Blogger-Politician Or Musings Of A Blogger Who Became A Politician. This is a continuation of my earlier piece about how I balance my work in Batasan and my online activities.

When Rep. Edcel Lagman confessed in a televised plenary debate that he isn’t a Catholic Congressman but merely a Congressman who happens to be a Catholic, it got me into thinking about my other less known profession which is blogging. Am I a blogger-congressman or merely a congressman who happens to be a blogger?

I’m the only House member who listed blogging as a profession and unlike some colleagues who equate microblogging and facebooking with blogging, I have been a regular traditional blogger (which means I use more than 140 characters when expressing my thoughts) since 2004.

Politician-bloggers are a dying breed because today they prefer to tweet or update their FB statuses and notes. Not that it’s wrong or unusual since a growing number of netizens and even former blog stalwarts have switched to tweeting and facebooking. But isn’t it better to read the political and philosophical musings of politicians rather than their bland everyday tweets? Isn’t it more fascinating and entertaining to read how politicians organize their thoughts through the essays they write than suffer the torture of monitoring their meaningless soundbytes and self-absorbed tweet reflections?

Of course there are politicians who hire professionals to handle their online accounts while others bombard the public with spam messages and boring youtube videos. This makes us wonder whether a politician’s blog posting is actually his own since it could be written by a PR practitioner. Maybe I’m a purist. But luckily there are public personalities, including politician bloggers, who have successfully demonstrated that they are capable of writing interesting stories.

Politician-bloggers like me face certain dilemmas. Should I livetweet during committee and plenary deliberations? But my priority should be my participation in the sessions. Should I blog the happenings and discussions in all-member caucuses? Is it appropriate to surf the web in the plenary gallery when a colleague is delivering a privilege speech? Can I post pictures of House members and visitors inside the South Wing lounge? Which is more important: Respecting the privacy of individuals or promoting transparency in governance? If I blog too much, I could be accused of being a non-performer in the legislature; but I could be reproached by fellow bloggers if I reduced my blogging activities.

There are some politicians who don’t read newspapers or listen to news reports because they are sensitive to criticism. But as a blogger, I read everything in the web. I confess to the crime of ego surfing but it’s mostly to monitor how my statements and actions are echoed in the cyberspace. It’s delightful to read the kind words of grateful constituents; it’s humbling to be reminded of my mistakes and weak arguments by wise readers; but it hurts to know that there are souls in this world who really hate me.

I’m not annoyed by childish and antagonistic remarks against my person; I can disregard the arrogant and malicious commenters; I can even understand the sentiments of individuals who reject my politics. But I’m quite affected by uninformed attacks and accusations. Maybe I’m a masochist. I still follow some nasty forum threads that discuss my work inside and outside congress.

Maybe some people arrive at wrong conclusions because they fail to recognize the dynamics of my work. Some prefer to highlight my activist identity while the lazy ones conveniently lump me with other traditional politicians. They try to boost their argument by reminding the readers that I’m a mere politician while ignoring the essential fact that I’m also a natdem activist. Meanwhile, others expect me to speak only about activist causes and our critical views against the government.

I’m often described as an activist or a young politician but I prefer to be called an activist legislator. An activist legislator who blogs. An activist legislator blogger.

But the grim and determined haters, especially the proud anti-leftists, continue to hang out as internet trolls hoping to provoke some little online wars. There are people who are ready to twist your words, distort your true intentions, and spread disinformation. Fortunately, I have learned to cultivate the right attitude in confronting these challenges thanks in no small part to my activist background and blogging experience. And writer Alain de Botton provided some additional reassuring words: “We are accused of stupidity when we are being cautious. Our shyness is taken for arrogance and our desire to please for sycophancy. We struggle to clear up a misunderstanding but our throat goes dry and the words found are not the ones met.”

Politician bloggers need the wanted and unwanted reactions of other people to gauge the effectivity of their work. But sometimes they should be the first to assess and question their performance. Bloggers often loathe politicians and those who wield power in society. They often rant against the inefficiencies in government and the wicked decisions of policymakers. But do they still despise politicians and do they still rant against authorities when they become politicians? How do politician bloggers use their influence to promote reforms within the bureaucracy?

Maybe there are bloggers who joined mainstream politics because they recognized the limitations of virtual outbursts. They are similar to journalists and TV news readers who entered politics because they got disappointed with how politicians are running the country. But blogger-politicians must learn from the experience of famous journalist-politicians who quickly discarded their idealism and passion to fight for truth after they got seduced by the dark and sinister side of the force.

This is the reason why bloggers must continue to blog even after getting elected to public office. It helps them not to forget some of the noble reasons why they decided to become active in politics and it allows them to keep in touch with netizens who are always ready to share their thoughts on various political and social issues. Blog not for blog’s sake but as a tool for political empowerment. Blog to promote transparency. Blog to reach out to the broader online community.

If Vicky Belo can successfully tap the internet to gather suggestions for the name of her new vagina tightening machine, I see no reason why politicians, especially politician bloggers, should not maximize the potential of the cyberspace to mobilize citizens and netizens in the search and struggle for new political truths. I refuse to believe that only the eternally young celebrities and hot topics like vagina tightening can spark the interest of the digital natives.

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From Malacanang to Batasan

By admin | July 1, 2011

June 30, 2010 was the day when Noy became President Noy or Pnoy and PGMA became Congresswoman GMA or CGMA. Today, everybody had something to say about Pnoy’s performance as president in the past 12 months but only few people had taken an interest in reviewing Gloria’s legislative work. So how did she perform in Batasan? Let’s start with her congress profile:

Macapagal-Arroyo, Gloria M.
Representative
Pampanga, 2nd District

House of Representatives, Quezon City
Rm. MB-2, Phone: 931-5001 local 7219, 9325258
Chief of Staff: Maria Elena H. Bautista-Horn

Committee Membership:

Appropriations
Economic Affairs
Foreign Affairs
Globalization and WTO
Higher and Technical Education
National Defense and Security
Veterans Affairs and Welfare
Ways and Means
Women and Gender Equality

House Measures Sponsored/Authored

1. HB 172 An Act Establishing the Department of Education and Training
2. HB 173 An Act Providing for the Creation of the Autonomous Region in Southwestern Mindanao and in Central Mindanao
3. HB 174 An Act Banning the Catching, Sale, Purchase, Possession, Transportation and Exportation of all Sharks and Rays in the Country
4. HB 175 An Act Establishing and Maintaining Lactation Stations in Workplaces
5. HB 176 An Act Amending Sections 91 and 97 of the Philippine Fisheries Code of 1998. Status: Approved by the House on 2011-05-31, transmitted to and received by the Senate on 2011-06-02
6. HB 382 An Act Penalizing Persons Driving Under the Influence of Alcohol. Status: Approved by the House on 2011-03-15, transmitted to and received by the Senate on 2011-03-21
7. HB 383 An Act Defining Cybercrime, Providing for Prevention, Suppression and Imposition of Penalties
8. HB 384 An Act Creating the Department of Housing, Planning, and Urban Development
9. HB 2222 An Act Setting the Direction of and Parameters for the Development of and Regulation of the Transportation System in the Philippines. Status: Approved by the Committee on 2011-02-09
10. HB 2378 An Act Strengthening Further Organic Act for the ARMM
11. HB 2670 An Act Providing for Unemployment Benefit to be Provided by the SSS
12. HB 2703 An Act Authorizing and Providing for the Procedure for the Transfer of Sentenced Persons to or from Foreign Countries
13. HB 2910 An Act Providing for the Comprehensive Subic and Clark Development Program
14. HB 3001 An Act to Amend the Overseas Absentee Voting Act of 2003. Status: Under study by the Technical Working Group
15. HB 3162 An Act Rationalizing the Grant and Administration of Fiscal and Non-Fiscal Incentives
16. HB 3244 An Act Creating the Fair Trade Commission of the Philippines. Status: Substituted by HB04835
17. HB 3627 An Act Requiring the Planting of Trees for any Construction of Residential, Commercial or Industrial Structures
18. HB 3963 An Act Regulating the Use of Firecrackers
19. HB 4110 An Act Increasing the Penalty of the Crime of Carnapping
20. HR 8 A Resolution Calling for a Constitution Convention to Propose Amendments to or Revision of the 1987 Constitution
21. HR 839 Resolution Directing the Committee on Justice to Conduct an Investigation into the Arrest and Detention of Korean Nationals and Students for Allegedly Illegaly Operating a Language School in Abucay, Albay

The quantifiable indicators show that she filed 19 House bills, 2 resolutions and co-authored 123 measures. She has yet to deliver a privilege speech. She spoke in the plenary once when she criticized the bloated conditional cash transfer subsidy of the DSWD during the budget deliberations. She voted against the impeachment of Ombudsman Gutierrez.

Her attendance in the plenary is not unusual (using House standards) but she always mysteriously disappears after the roll call. They say she prefers to listen to plenary debates in her spacious office. She re-appears during voting time.

She regularly attends committee hearings especially if one of her proposed bills/resolutions is part of the agenda. She has been quite successful in pushing for the passage of her bills and in fact I couldn’t recall a committee meeting where a House member tried to directly oppose her. But her famous tantrum comes out every time a resource speaker bravely contradicts her statements.

She once remarked in a committee hearing about the failure of Congress to pass the budget bill without making amendments in the document. That was a correct assessment. But she failed to mention that the budget was re-enacted several times during her term. She also questioned DSWD’s expanded CCT program but she co-authored a bill (HB 848) that would institutionalize and even broaden the scope of the program.

There are two ways to read her legislative output. It’s either a showcase of her unfinished agenda as a leader or an indirect admission of what she failed to accomplish during her nine-year (mis)rule. A Gloria admirer would describe the bills/resolutions as fine examples of her superior vision as a leader while a grim and determined Gloria hater would add them to her long list of crimes against the people.

At the minimum, her proposed measures, as well as her committee memberships, reflect some of her advocacies. It’s significant to note that the merging of the three education agencies is the subject of her first bill. Is this meant to inform the public that education reform would be her focus as a legislator? Meanwhile, the first and only resolution which she filed that has national significance supports the revival of the charter change campaign.

While Pnoy prefers to overhaul the ARMM electoral system, Congresswoman Gloria wants the creation of a new autonomous unit in Southwestern and Central Mindanao regions. While Pnoy backs the concept of responsible parenthood, Gloria co-authored a bill on the protection of the unborn child which is being endorsed by the pro-life camp. It’s also the first bill which she co-authored.

Gloria’s decision to return to Congress is still seen by many as a tactic to preempt the efforts of political forces which are determined to make her accountable for her alleged anomalous dealings in Malacanang. As long as her political motive remains doubtful, her actual legislative work would be of little concern to many people. It’s impossible to objectively assess her performance in Congress without citing the aggressive efforts of her minions to rehabilitate her shattered political reputation.

It’s not good for democracy, transparency, and accountability but Gloria’s congressional bid successfully proved how discredited presidents can survive after the end of their six-year term. Gloria did the unthinkable in 2010 and the mainstream political community is still reeling from the shock over her refusal to quietly step down from the political battlefield. This makes it difficult for the public and the media as well to come to terms with her new job description.

Is there a sober way of judging her congressional work without being reminded of the fact that she had been given more than enough time, power, and opportunities in the past to lead this nation out of darkness?

She is no ordinary solon and she certainly doesn’t deserve to be judged on ordinary terms.

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Thailand: Yingluck and Gender Politics

By admin | June 29, 2011

Yingluck Shinawatra could become Thailand’s first female prime minister if her Pheu Thai Party performs well in next month’s general election.

And her chances certainly seem strong, despite her inexperience, because so many voters are disillusioned with male-dominated Thai politics. Sensing this growing frustration, Yingluck’s handlers have been emphasizing her natural ‘feminine qualities’ to attract more support. She may not be a sure bet yet, but her candidacy has certainly excited many Thais who see her entry into politics as a refreshing development. Some observers have even cited her gender as an advantage that she could use to ‘heal’ the political wounds inflicted by the bloody fighting between the country’s warring political forces.

But Yingluck has a significant liability, too. As the younger sister of deposed Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, she’s accused of being a mere proxy of a desperate former head of state seeking a political comeback. It didn’t help that Thaksin casually admitted in a media interview that Yingluck would become her brother’s ‘clone’ after the polls. As a ‘clone’, many fear she might only end up rekindling the animosity of Thaksin haters.

On the other hand, she can’t just simply distance herself from her brother, even if it means confirming the claim of her critics that she’s a mere puppet. Why? Because she needs Thaksin’s billions and most importantly, the support of many of the poor in the countryside who still think that the ousted leader is a caring and compassionate leader.

In short, Yingluck’s link to Thaksin has appeared a mixed blessing for her ambitions to lead the country. But as the election campaign enters its last phase, it is becoming evident that Thaksin is casting a dark and increasingly damaging shadow over Yingluck’s budding political career.

It’s not only her independence that’s being questioned, but also her commitment to promoting women’s rights, democratic reforms, and transparency in governance. After all, transparency would inevitably involve investigating the various alleged crimes committed during the Thaksin years. If she becomes prime minister, would she really allow the revival of corruption and plunder cases against her brother?

In addition, being a woman doesn’t make Yingluck an instant champion of women’s rights, and her victory certainly wouldn’t guarantee a weakening of patriarchal politics in Thailand. Nor does she represent Thailand’s marginalized women seeking political empowerment. Instead, she embodies the conservative political interests of her family.

Of course, if Yingluck succeeds, she could become Southeast Asia’s next great female icon, in the mould of Suu Kyi, Wan Aziah, Megawati, Cory Aquino, and Gloria Arroyo. But if she wants to equal or surpass the legacy of these remarkable female leaders, she must be ready to sacrifice and even betray personal ties and interests for the sake of the greater public good. She must be willing to break tradition by rejecting authoritarianism and its various forms in Thailand.

In the meantime, it’s better that we check our expectations by remembering that her gender isn’t a guarantee that she will pursue meaningful social reform.

Written for The Diplomat

Filipino-Style Divorce, Anyone?

There are only two countries in the world without a divorce law: Malta and the Philippines. Both are Catholic-dominated nations governed by politicians who are afraid to antagonize the bishops who seem to be more popish than the pope in their dogmatic interpretation of the Holy Scriptures. But Malta is expected to finally enact a divorce law after its citizens recently approved the measure through a referendum. What now for the Philippines?

A divorce bill is pending in Congress, but its authors are less worried that Malta would beat the Philippines in legislating divorce than the disturbing fact that Filipino women have few and limited options to get out of failed marriages.

Under Philippines laws, there are only three remedies available to separate couples or terminate a marriage. These are legal separation, declaration of nullity and annulment. Legal separation allows couples to physically separate, but doesn’t allow them to re-marry, while a declaration of nullity makes the children in that marriage illegitimate.

The most popular option therefore used by estranged couples to end a marriage is by invoking Article 36 of the Family Code, which is sometimes referred to as the de facto divorce law in the Philippines. The provision allows a marriage to be voided if one of the parties is proven to be psychologically incapacitated to perform marital obligations. But it requires a comprehensive psychiatric evaluation, not to mention lawyer’s fees, which makes it a costly solution.

The proposed divorce law would address the limitations of these existing legal remedies by expanding the grounds of separation. Divorce is granted if these grounds are met: De facto separation from his or her spouse for at least five years at the time of the filing of the petition and reconciliation is highly improbable; Legal separation for at least two years at the time of the filing of the petition and reconciliation is highly improbable; When any of the grounds for legal separation have caused irreparable breakdown of the marriage; When one or both spouses are psychologically incapacitated to comply with the essential marital obligations; and when the spouses suffer from irreconcilable difference that have caused the irreparable breakdown of the marriage.

The five valid grounds listed above are there to discourage and prevent no-fault divorces or Las Vegas-style divorces. The proposed divorce bill also has some interesting provisions that might be unique to the Philippines, like asking couples to seek reconciliation before petitioning for divorce, extending legal and personal assistance to poor couples who want a divorce, and prescribing a six-month period for the courts to settle divorce cases. Divorces obtained by Filipino citizens abroad will be deemed valid as well.

The intended beneficiaries of the bill aren’t rich couples who can afford expensive annulment proceedings, but poor women who are trapped in dead-end marriages. According to government figures, which should be considered conservative, an average of 22 annulment cases are filed everyday all over the country. In 2010, the number of annulment cases was 40 percent higher than 10 years ago.

It’s crucial to note that in 2007, the Office of the Solicitor General reported that 92 percent who filed for annulment petitions were Roman Catholics. As expected, 61 percent of petitioners were females. During the same year, the police said that a woman is battered every one hour and 50 minutes in the Philippines.

Critics of the divorce bill aver that divorce is alien to Philippine culture and that it’s a bad Western legacy. They are wrong, since absolute divorce was popularly practiced among ancestral tribes in the country prior to the arrival of Spanish colonizers in the 16th century. Divorce was also available during the American period starting 1917. It was only in 1950, when the new Civil Code took effect, that divorce was disallowed in the country.

Opponents of the bill also argue that passing a divorce law would be unconstitutional since the 1987 Constitution explicitly mentions the need to protect the sanctity of marriage. But the same Constitution is silent on divorce, thereby not prohibiting its legalization.

Divorce wouldn’t necessarily destroy the foundation of the family, as has been shown by Italy and Spain, two predominantly Catholic countries with low rates of divorce. If a couple are happy, they wouldn’t file for divorce anyway. But it’s a reality that many are suffering in abusive and irreparable marriages. Why deny them the chance to regain their liberty and happiness?

The chances of legislating divorce in the Philippines is slim today since Congress has yet to finish deliberations on the equally, if not more controversial, Reproductive Health Bill. But it’s the duty of the government to protect the rights of all its citizens, whether Catholic or not. And this duty should include, among other things, the granting of the right of individuals, especially women, to end a bad marriage and seek a new life.

Written for The Diplomat

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House Bills and Resolutions Reloaded!

By admin | June 22, 2011

The current categorization of Congress bills and resolutions is dull and uninformative. If we want the public to know more about the legislative process, we should review our practice of merely classifying the bills into first reading, second reading, and third reading.

Bills filed on first reading are worthy to mention only if they would disrupt and titillate the political landscape. Identifying the bills which hurdled the second and third reading is proper but the Congress journal doesn’t distinguish the bills with parochial intent from those with national significance. And even bills which reached third reading aren’t sure of being signed into laws since they still need the concurrence of the senate, bicameral committee (the third and most powerful house of congress), and the president of the republic.

So what should we do? Below are some suggestions to make the categories more interesting and precise.

The Priority bills have the support of the Congress leadership. They are usually Ledac bills. If a measure is authored by the Speaker, it’s a bill with Mandate From Heaven. Congress can approve a bill on a single day if it has a certification from the president which makes it a Lightning McQueen bill.

Through the tyranny of numbers, Congress can ignore public opinion and approve controversial measures like the Con-Ass in 2009. They are Shock And Awe bills or from the point of view of the ruling party: What We Are In Power For bills. Unconstitutional measures can be called Infirmary bills because they are legally infirm.

Lolit Solis resolutions are often filed to greet influential church leaders and Filipino global achievers. They are similar to Sunrise/Sunset measures which are automatically filed after a huge national or natural disaster is reported by the media.

It’s a popular practice to revive Zombie or Undead bills which were ignored by the previous Congress. Sometimes, legislators make the mistake of refilling bills which have already been passed into law; hence they are called Second Life bills. Archived bills which are reintroduced should be known as Recycled bills. Amending a law is often done by filing Viagra bills especially if the goal is to enhance or enlarge the scope and functionality of the law. Sex Change bills are possible if the original author wants to change the committee referral of the measure. A bill suffers from an Identity Crisis if its title contradicts its own explanatory note and even the main text of the document.

It’s not wrong to adopt a substitute bill which is often done to consolidate several bills that deal on a single subject; but that substitute or consolidated bill mutates into a Prostituted bill if it contains so many provisions that fundamentally alter its intended objectives.

Most legislators are guilty of proposing resolutions not in aid of legislation but In Aid Of Next Elections. Many local bills are actually Reelection bills. Some legislators are also fond of using the official power of Congress to embarrass and weaken their rivals by filing I Hate My Enemies bills.

To improve their political curriculum vitae, some legislators are unnecessarily bombarding the Bills and Index Service with their Bilbil bills. While many measures are sensible, there are also several Everything I Need To Know, I Learned In Kindergarten bills. Long And Winding Road bills have a very lengthy, sometimes superfluous, introductory notes.

My favorite topics are the Padre Damaso and Hallelujiah bills which seek to propagate the Catholic dogma or direct the attention of Congress to unanswerable philosophical and divine questions like the beginning of life.

Those that require substantial funding from the (eternally) bankrupt local and national governments are Bilmoko bills. Good intentions are not enough since the conservative block often brands a well-meaning measure as unrealistic or impossible to implement which makes it a Man in the Moon bill.

Mona Lisa bills remain trapped at the committee level. They are also Bungalow bills since they don’t reach the Upper House. If archived, they are condemned as Basement bills.

Contractor bills are infrastructure measures that benefit a favored public works agency or a private contractor. Uncle Sam bills pay tribute to our former colonial master while Big Brother China or Bad Bully China bills address our dynamic, often tenuous, relationship with the Asian giant.

Here is my congress page and you are very much welcome to classify the bills/resolutions I authored and co-authored based on the categories I listed above.

Next: Privilege and Non-Privilege speeches

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Southeast Asia’s Last Strongman

By admin | June 14, 2011

Lee Kuan Yew, the founding father and architect of modern Singapore, resigned from the Cabinet a week after the ruling People’s Action Party suffered its worst performance in the polls since 1965. Lee was Prime Minister for 31 years from 1959 to 1990, and continued to lead Singapore as Senior Minister for 14 years and then as Minister Mentor since 2004.

But don’t expect him to retreat from public view since he still has a seat in parliament. He gave up his Cabinet rank, but not necessarily his power to dictate the governmental affairs of Singapore. How could his voice become irrelevant when his son is the prime minister? Remember also the threat he made in 1988 that he would rise from the grave if the next generation of leaders led Singapore in the wrong direction.

While Lee’s resignation won’t necessarily mean an actual diminution of his stature and role inside the PAP, it marks the first time in five decades that he has no official Cabinet position. Lee resigned despite the re-election of PAP because he was blamed by many for the reduced popularity of the ruling party. His strong leadership style may have worked before, but it’s now increasingly being rejected by younger voters and it seems he felt compelled to resign to reverse the declining reputation of the party he founded.

But, as expected, he didn’t step down without making some pointed statements about his enemies. He even chastised the young generation for failing to remember the humble beginnings of Singapore and its transformation into a prosperous global city under his leadership.

Nobody is questioning Lee’s economic stewardship. In fact, even his critics admit that it’s his greatest legacy. But Singapore’s young and educated citizens aren’t happy anymore with the built-in authoritarian features of the political system established by Mr Lee. They want a free press, freedom of expression, freedom of assembly – in short they prefer a real and working democracy. Indeed, some of these democratic rights are absent or lacking in Mr Lee’s political philosophy.

That PAP was ready to sacrifice Lee could be an indication of its recognition of the growing discontent in Singapore, and the PAP might be preparing an overhaul of its image to restore public confidence. Maybe it realized that a different PAP has to emerge soon if it wants to maintain its political dominance. Unfortunately for Lee, he would have had to call the shots from behind the scenes.

But despite his reduced role in Singapore government, he’s still considered a legendary figure in modern Southeast Asia politics. Indeed, he is the last strongman standing among post-war leaders of democratic societies in the region, with his contemporaries either dead or retired. Ferdinand Marcos of the Philippines was ousted in 1986, Suharto of Indonesia was forced to resign in 1998, while Mahathir Mohamad of Malaysia retired in 2003. Lee, meanwhile, still holds a seat in parliament.

Lee may be 87 years old, but don’t count him out yet. The old man could still reinvent himself – especially if he thinks he will outlive everybody.

Written for The Diplomat

ASEAN Needs Timor-Leste

Should Timor-Leste be admitted as the eleventh member of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN)?

Member countries Malaysia, Brunei, Thailand, Cambodia, Philippines, and Burma have already expressed approval of Timor-Leste’s decade-long bid to join the regional grouping. Even Indonesia, which occupied the state for a quarter of a century, has agreed to support the membership request of its former colony.

But Singapore, one of the original members of ASEAN, opposes its entry, saying Timor-Leste is ‘not yet ready to absorb the many challenges and complexities of ASEAN membership.’ It’s a polite way of saying that it can’t join ASEAN yet because it’s a poor and fragile state that could affect the stability and security of the regional group.

Yet is this view accurate and fair? Timor-Leste President Jose Ramos-Horta thinks not, and has argued openly why his country is more than ready and deserving to join ASEAN.

He points, for example, to the UNDP Human Development Report 2011, which placed Timor-Leste in the medium human development category. In fact, it ranked higher than Cambodia, Laos and Burma in the overall measure of human development. Ramos-Horta added that his country has no foreign debt, and indeed has the highest surplus in the world, in percentage terms, of over 280 percent of GDP.

Ramos-Horta claimed too that unlike its neighbours in the region, Timor-Leste doesn’t have ethnic or religious conflicts, organized crime and armed insurgency. It also has a multi-party democracy, with nine parties in the national parliament in stark contrast with the situation in many ASEAN countries, where there’s no genuine opposition.

Ramos-Horta also cites the report of the London-based Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative, which rated Timor-Leste as the best performer in Asia in terms of accountability and transparency in the management of petroleum resources.

The Timor-Leste president admits that his country is poor, but he notes that it was still able to hand out cash support to victims of natural disasters in Indonesia, Burma, China, the Madeira Islands (Portugal), Haiti, Brazil and Australia that totalled close to $5 million over the past three years. (This fact may well have been raised by Ramos-Horta as reassurance that his country won’t be begging for aid from its neighbours if it becomes an ASEAN member).

Since gaining independence in 2002, Timor-Leste has made enormous progress, despite its non-inclusion in ASEAN.

Today, it wants to join ASEAN and asks for a five to 10-year transition period to catch up to more advanced ASEAN members. But if we are to believe the statements made by Ramos-Horta, it seems it’s the ASEAN countries that in many ways need to catch up with the human development performance of Timor-Leste.

In fact, maybe it would be wise for Timor-Leste to rethink its ASEAN application and ask itself if membership of the group would be really beneficial to its own long-term interests. Does it really want to join a group that is becoming increasingly irrelevant and ineffective in resolving the many disputes involving its members?

ASEAN should be the one aggressively pursuing membership and integration for Timor-Leste, because if the tiny state realizes it doesn’t need ASEAN to survive, it could always turn to its more powerful friends like China, New Zealand, and Australia.

Rejecting or further delaying the membership bid of Timor-Leste would be a dangerous mistake for ASEAN to make.

Written for The Diplomat

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Mono Towns

By admin | June 12, 2011

Polomolok in South Cotabato is a mono town: Its main economic activity is the agricultural production inside the vast Dole plantation. Its present and future are dictated by the rise and decline of Dole’s fortunes. The residents there and nearby rural communities like Tupi have become dependent on Dole either by working in the fields and processing plants or by establishing business and farming deals with the multinational firm. Small income opportunities are also generated through surplus economic activities (sari-sari store, carenderia, public transport).

Polomolok seems to thrive as a viable farming town because of Dole. But what if Dole decides one day to transfer its operations somewhere else? What will happen to Polomolok’s papaya and pineapple farmers? How will Polomolok survive after decades of supplying the needs of a single company?

There should be more studies on the situation of mono cities and former mono cities in the Philippines. I am particularly interested to learn more about the evolution of mono cities and its impact on the lives of ordinary people. How do they react if their town’s economic profile or potential has been permanently altered?

Military camps

For example, Subic and Clark were American military bases for almost a century before they were converted into special economic zones in the 1990s. What happened to the towns that served the needs of US personnel inside the bases? When the Americans left, the fall of the entertainment and hospitality industries in Angeles, Pampanga and Olongapo, Zambales was expected but the social impact was greater. Until the 1980s, the presence of the bases was considered as permanent by everybody in Angeles, Mabalacat, Dau, Olongapo, and Subic. The bases affected how residents planned their lives and how policymakers drafted development programs. Then, the bases were suddenly removed.

Aside from the world-class airport in Clark and freeport in Subic, the Americans also left behind an undisclosed amount of toxic wastes, Amerisian children, and HIV. How did the people in the towns near Subic and Clark adjust to the new geo-economic realities?

Today, Subic and Clark are still considered super mini cities because of their excellent infrastructure and strategic locations. Meanwhile, Olongapo and Angeles – the towns which benefited and suffered the most during and after the American colonial and neocolonial times – are also performing well but like before, they still play a secondary role compared to the more prominent Subic and Clark centers.

Relocation centers

Relocation sites are also mono towns. Most of the time, these are farming communities outside the Metropolis where land value is lower and more importantly, are found outside the gaze of tourists, credit rating analysts, investors, and national politicians.

Relocating a squatter community is a violent act. First, an entire village of informal settlers is destroyed. Second, they are transferred to a remote community with little livelihood opportunities. And third, the economic potential of the relocation site is downgraded. From a farming estate, the relocation area is instantly converted into a housing center of the former urban poor. Sapang Palay, Bagong Barrio, Pangarap Village, Erap City, Southville are examples of these former farming villages turned relocation sites. Cavite, which used to be an agricultural province with productive fishing and farming villages, is now the most populous province in the country after the Marcos government designated it as the main relocation site outside Manila. The present government’s resettlement areas are now found in Laguna, Bulacan, and Rizal.

How did farmers and their families respond to the abrupt and forced transformation of their agricultural land? Did they react violently when strangers from the city ‘invaded’ their land? When the old and new settlers interact, which culture or value system became dominant?

A relocation site suffers from the stigma of being a colony of city rejects. It’s treated by everybody – from government officials, respectable civic leaders, and corporate sponsors – as a miserable and hopeless community which requires constant charity from the rich and surveillance from state forces.

But as a mono town, a relocation site isn’t permanent since the government or big property speculators can always reclaim it. Residents of an old relocation site in Dasmarinas, Cavite are in danger of being evicted again because SM wants to build a mall in their area. Lupang Pangako settlers near Litex and Payatas will have to be relocated again because their land is the chosen site for the proposed National Government Center. Ownership of Pangarap Village in Caloocan, a housing village of Malacanang employees during the Marcos time, is being contested today by the Araneta clan.

Enclaves

Are mono towns beneficial to the public? Do they uplift the living conditions of the communities they serve? Let’s discuss the social impact of establishing industrial estates and school centers.

Rosario, Cavite has become a mono town ever since an export processing zone started operating there. Its fishing port is still open but the export zone provides the core economic opportunity for the residents. If not hired as workers, Rosario residents cater to the daily needs of the export zone laborers. Inside the export enclave is a well-planned grid of factories and assembly line production units but outside the complex is a vast ghetto-like, working-class community. Rosario has been turned into a giant boarding house for overworked and underpaid workers. The local government of Rosario has no jurisdiction over the export zone and the tax benefits derived from the operations of the export zone are minimal.

The most famous school center in the country is the university belt area in Morayta, Recto, and Mendiola. The old schools are in Taft and Intramuros while the new schools are found in Makati, Alabang and Sta. Rosa in Laguna. Major university towns exist in Baguio, Tuguegarao, Davao, Iloilo, Dumaguete, Bacolod, Cebu, and Cagayan de Oro.

When a university town is established, the most visible and immediate effect is the rise of various school-related businesses like restaurants, dormitories, gaming shops and bookstores that sell school supplies. The U-belt is not just the site of popular UAAP schools; it’s also famous for its fake diplomas, recycled thesis papers, and very ancient textbook materials. The L-belt in Quezon City (Ateneo, Miriam, UP Diliman), where the biggest concentration of scholars with rebellious and reformist causes is located, led to the transformation of the nearby Philcoa and Teachers’ Villages into the country’s NGO center. Today, university towns also attract call center companies which are always on the lookout for skilled, English-proficient, and healthy young workers.

Rezoning

Some mono towns are able to retain its identity even after their economic fundamentals have changed. Marikina is still known as a shoe country despite the death of the local shoe industry. Its shoe museum is a reminder that it was once a famous exporter of durable and world-class quality shoes. Is the tsinelas industry in Liliw, Laguna still thriving?

The San Lazaro and Sta Mesa horse racetracks in Manila have been demolished already but many people still remember them. What happened to the horses, racetrack workers, and the underground gambling business that flourished before the transfer of the horse tournament in Carmona?

Is the oil depot in Pandacan still operating? Are there still salt-making plants in Las Pinas? Paranaque, then and now, is a bird sanctuary but soon the ‘big birds’ will have to move to Clark airport. Is the ban on tuna fishing in General Santos still in effect? Camanava’s manufacturing belt has been defeated by Calabarzon’s industrial estates but at least it’s still functioning, though it already lost its preferential status. The Cojuangcos couldn’t make up their minds on whether to classify Hacienda Luisita as a sugar plantation, industrial estate, agribusiness center, or gateway to SCTEX.

Muntinlupa’s original ‘loob’ is the National Bilibid Prison; then it became a key manufacturing hub in the Metro. Its subsequent attraction is the Ayala-Alabang gated community.

Camarines Sur is now Camsur which wants to shed its image as a dirt poor province. It somehow worked because it became the country’s top tourist destination in 2009 through its watersports facilities and Caramoan.

The country has numerous tourism mono towns – these are exotic places which are dependent on tourism revenues. Example: Boracay, Panglao, Puerto Princesa, Siargao, Pagudpud, Dakak, Mactan, Malapascua, Coron, Samal. Sustaining a tourism mono town is a challenge for local executives who must strive to balance the preservation of the town’s natural beauty and the temptation to earn more dollar receipts. Baguio and Puerto Galera have miserably failed on this tough balancing act. Manila Bay was once famous for its beaches in Pasay and Tanza but who would dare swim on its waters now?

Mono country

Negros has two provinces but it’s just a very big sugar plantation. For more than a century, the sakadas planted sugar but only the hacenderos became rich. If it decides to diversify its agricultural economy, would it mean the liberation of its farmers?

Tondo has been the home of the poor for centuries and it continued to shelter the dispossessed even after the world-famous Smokey Mountain was cosmetically enhanced. Meanwhile, the nouveau poor reside in Payatas.

Mindanao, the country’s Land of Promise and the former ancestral domain of the Moros, is stereotyped as a violent and mystical island. But the government insists it’s only ARMM which should be categorized as a failed sub-state. Nevertheless, everybody suffers from the little and big wars in Mindanao. If peace is finally attained, would the people easily believe it?

How should the Philippines improve its global image? Economists insist it’s no longer an agricultural nation but a service sector economy. Indeed, it ‘services’ the housekeeping needs of rich nations. It’s an outsourcing mecca and at the same time a sub-contracting state. It’s the home of youtube stars (Charice, Arnel, dancing prisoners) and boxing champions. It’s the global source of raw materials from abaca, coconut, to black coral reefs. It’s the only nation without a divorce law. It was once called by an American commentator as a nation of 40 million cowards and one son of a bitch (Marcos). Are we still a nation of cowards who wouldn’t stand-up against a Porsche-riding hacendero president?

There is some hope. We only need to remember our glorious and heroic past. We should accept some tips from the brave Middle East protesters. The communist insurgency in the countryside, probably the world’s longest, should make us realize that the poor folks in the real farmvilles are ready and willing to embrace a new tomorrow.

Related articles:

Loob-Labas
The new U-belt
Fake capital
Vortex of evil

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Reorient the SK

By admin | June 8, 2011

I was interviewed by Manila Bulletin a few months ago about the Sangguniang Kabataan….

1. I learned that you are siding with the Sangguniang Kabataan Federation in this issue and is against its abolition. Please explain your position/stand on this issue and why you are supporting them.

The support is incidental. Our group recognizes the weaknesses of the SK system which is the reason why we filed House Bill 1963.

But the proposed abolition is somewhat an exaggeration. After 30 years of political innovation, is abolishing the SK the only option that the government can think of?

The reasons put forward by the SK abolitionists are legitimate but not substantial enough to convince me that it is the best solution to address the problems besetting the youth institution.

2. DILG Sec. Robredo and former Sen. Pimentel, among others are accusing the SK of being a breeding ground for corruption and for failing to be functional and effective in the delivery of public service while PPCRV chair Henrietta de Villa says it only encourages political dynasties. Do you think that to a certain extent these allegations are true? Why or why not?

These accusations are not without basis. Indeed, there is corruption in the bureaucracy from the national to the local levels. Unfortunately, even some SK leaders are involved. Political dynasties are also extending their nefarious sphere of influence down to the SK level. (Trapo for adults and Bimbo for young politicians – Batang Itinulak ng Magulang sa Pulitika). The idealism of the youth is wasted when SK leaders mutate into young trapo monsters.

These negative features of the SK reflect the bankrupt character of Philippine politics. We have been bad role models for SK leaders. Instead of teaching them the principles of good governance, we have only exposed them to the worst features of politics. The weaknesses of SK point to the failure of the government to empower young people since the institution which is supposed to harness the leadership potential of the youth had been corrupted over the decades. It is shameful that dynasties are even using the SK to strengthen their monopolistic control of local political power.

If the SK is ineffective, it means we didn’t guide them correctly. We didn’t introduce creative types of projects and other services which the SK can implement in the grassroots.

If corruption is present in the SK level, other LGUs are implicated as well. SK officials can’t access local funds without the approval of barangay officials. Why single out the SK as a breeding ground for corruption?

If corruption, ineffectiveness, and promotion of political dynasties are cited as the reasons to abolish the SK, there are equally deserving government agencies, both local and national, which should be abolished as well.

3. Is the alternative option of having a youth representative in the barangay council a feasible idea? Are you and your group willing to settle for this option? Why or why not?

It is a non-solution. It doesn’t solve anything. The single youth representative, who is now not accountable to a youth council, can be more easily seduced by corruption practices because he/she is now alone; and most likely he/she could still belong to a dynasty.

Since the youth representative will be voted at large by barangay residents, we will force that kid to adopt the campaign tactics of adults in order to garner enough votes to win in the election.

Having a youth council is better than electing a single representative because programs, decisions, and ideas are collectively decided in a council.

At present, the SK is composed of a chairperson and 7 kagawads. The kagawads do not receive any payment from the government yet they are mandated by law to serve the community for three years. We have more than 300,000 volunteers through the SK system. The government wants to eliminate this unique institution which encourages youth participation and volunteerism in community affairs.

4. What do you think is the real problem in the SK system? What should the government do to solve it?
5. How can SK officials help in nation building?

The problem is the system itself. We cannot successfully reform the SK if the political system remains corrupt and elitist. The youth draws inspiration from the actions and behavior of adults. Whether it’s SK or single youth representative, it will continue to be ineffective as long as the current disappointing system is in place.

Maybe we should transform SK into an activist institution. Encourage SK leaders to be anti-corruption advocates. Inspire them to expose the wrongdoings in government agencies.

6. In the past, what do you think are the significant contributions of SK to most communities?

Providing opportunities for young people, in-school and out-of-school youth, to participate in the governance process. It gave young people the chance to articulate their ideas and sentiments in barangay councils and LGU councils. It allowed youth leaders to form a municipal, city and provincial networks.

7. What is your group doing to prevent it from being enacted?

Will push for reforms. Will convince lawmakers to rethink the abolition proposal and encourage them to draft a measure that will strengthen or reform the SK. I am even open to the idea of forming a new youth formation in barangays. A new youth body with a different orientation. A stronger and more responsive body that will harness youth idealism

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ASEAN and Human Rights Hypocrisy

By admin | May 29, 2011

Burma’s bid to chair the Association of Southeast Asian Nations in 2014 was politely dismissed when the bloc concluded its latest summit in Indonesia without a clear commitment on the matter. Instead of receiving support for its bid, Burma was advised by fellow ASEAN members to build better infrastructure first if it really wants to lead the group in the future.

But the unstated reason for the quiet rejection of the country’s aspiration is the apparent failure of the ruling junta to improve its poor human rights record. In the eyes of ASEAN, and the rest of the world, Burma’s new government has been unable to hasten the democratization process because of its lack of sincerity and the fact that there is no definite and lasting initiative to promote political reconciliation with dissident parties.

ASEAN also bowed to pressure from Western governments and advocacy groups, which warned about the incompatibility of the regional group’s democracy drive on the one hand, and Burma’s atrocious human rights record on the other. They correctly pointed out that ASEAN would become a laughingstock within the international community if it allows Burma to lead the group in 2014 or 2015.

Indeed, Burma’s government is guilty of spectacular crimes against its people and has committed some of the worst human rights violations in the modern era. Democracy is almost nonexistent in the country, despite the earlier pledge of the junta leadership to promote civil liberties after the holding of elections last year and the revival of the parliament last January. The media, meanwhile, is still tightly controlled, while political parties still need to undergo a strict and unreasonable registration process. In addition, critics are still handed insanely long-term jail sentences and there are about 20,000 political prisoners in Burma.

The decision to deny the country a chance to lead ASEAN is laudable, and must be sustained until we see substantial political reforms in the country. But the political will to uphold human rights must be applied in other countries in the region where gross human rights offenses are also being perpetuated by the state.

Burma isn’t the only nation in ASEAN whose government is accused of undermining the democratic rights of the people. There are equally notorious bullies in the region that must be named as enemies of freedom and human rights.

In fact, Burma’s confidence in asking for the ASEAN chairmanship could have stemmed from the knowledge that its pretentious neighbouring states also have democratic deficiencies. If Burma were asked to explain the continued detention of pro-democracy leaders, it could always retort by inquiring about the documented torture of suspects in Indonesia, the legal persecution of opposition leaders in Malaysia, the use of cluster munitions by Thailand in its border war against Cambodia, the continuing lack of media freedom in Vietnam and Cambodia, the absence of a genuine multiparty political system in Singapore and the rise of extrajudicial killings in the Philippines.

The truth is that ASEAN member countries and Burma critics like the United States have lost the moral ascendancy to preach respect for human rights.

It’s not wrong to regard Burma as the epitome of an evil regime in Southeast Asia, but this view shouldn’t prevent us from exposing and resisting the varying shades of authoritarianism in the region that are anathema to the building of a genuine democracy.

Written for The Diplomat

Sarawak, Singapore Poll Lessons

It was the ruling coalitions that dominated the Sarawak state elections in Malaysia last month and the Singapore general elections last week, but the opposition parties also scored some important victories as well.

The Barisan Nasional coalition secured 55 out of the 71 seats in the Sarawak state assembly, which allowed Chief Minister Taib Mahmud, who has led Sarawak since 1981, to retain his position. The coalition garnered 372,000 votes, while the opposition parties received only 300,000 votes. Meanwhile, Singapore’s People’s Action Party won 81 out of the 87 seats in the parliament and received 60 percent of the popular votes.

In other countries, these figures would have been immediately interpreted as an overwhelming vote of confidence for the winning party, but it seems it isn’t the case in Singapore and Sarawak. It isn’t enough for the dominant party to grab the majority of seats in parliament since the opposition can always claim a moral victory even if it only won a few seats. In other words, the administration’s victory in the polls doesn’t automatically translate into complete political hegemony.

This political paradox becomes less confusing if we take note that the BN has been in power since 1957, while the PAP has never lost an election since 1959. In the case of the PAP, it has been successful in preventing the opposition from clinching even a single seat in parliament.

The BN isn’t used to the Democratic Action Party winning 12 out of the 15 seats it contested in the Sarawak elections. On the other hand, the PAP, for the first time, has lost an important Group Representation Constituency to the opposition. The legendary political invincibility of the mighty BN and PAP has been shattered in the polls.

We should also add that they were ‘humbled’ several times during the campaign period. Sarawak’s Taib, who is the longest-serving minister in Malaysia, was accused of crony capitalism by his enemies. Meanwhile, Singapore Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong issued an apology in behalf of the ruling party for the rising difficulties encountered by Singaporeans. Five years ago, it would have been unthinkable that a PAP leader would apologize for the shortcomings of the Singaporean government.

Despite their minor victories in the polls, the opposition parties in Singapore and Sarawak could use their limited power to expand influence inside the government and broaden their constituencies. The instant boost in their credibility could motivate them to be more aggressive in engaging the dominant parties. They seem to be more ready now to play a bigger and critical role in politics.

Another important point that political observers like us have learned from the recent elections in Singapore and Sarawak has been to be more cautious in measuring the strength of a party based merely on their performance on the internet. The low ratings of the ruling parties in social media didn’t reflect the actual votes on election day. It’s a reminder that the internet can reflect the sentiments of people in a given moment, but not necessarily their voting preference.

Written for The Diplomat

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SK at pagbabago sa lipunan

By admin | May 27, 2011

Bahagi ito ng leadership module na inihanda ng Kabataan Partylist para sa mga bagong miyembro ng Sangguniang Kabataan.

Malaki ang papel ng kabataan sa pagbabago sa lipunan. Sa katunayan, tampok ang naging ambag ng kabataan sa pagtatayo ng ating Republika. Si Rizal ay 25 taong gulang lamang nang isinulat niya ang Noli Me Tangere; si Bonifacio, 28, nang itinatag niya ang Katipunan; si Jacinto, 20, nang maging ‘utak’ ng Rebolusyon.

Maraming kabataan at estudyante ang nagbuwis ng buhay para sa kalayaan ng bansa, mula sa paglaban sa pananakop ng mga dayuhan hanggang sa paghamon sa Batas Militar. Ang kinikilala nating mga beterano ng World War II ngayon ay mga teenager lamang noong 1940s. Karamihan sa mga martir ng pakikibaka laban sa diktaturyang Marcos ay mga mag-aaral.

Mahalaga din ang pagkilos ng kabataan noong Edsa 1986. Sinundan ito ng sama-samang pagbabasura sa US Bases Treaty noong 1991. Tumindig laban sa korupsyon ang maraming kabataan noong Edsa 2001.

Nitong nakaraang dekada ay naging saksi tayo sa mga mapanlikhang pagkilos ng mga estudyante’t kabataan. Ginamit ang texting noong People Power, naging tanyag ang ‘Hello Garci’ ringtone noong 2005, at naging daluyan ang cyberspace upang ipalaganap ang kritikal na boses ng kabataan sa iba’t ibang isyung panlipunan.

Napatunayan na natin ang mabisang pagkilos ng kabataan upang baguhin ang kasaysayan. Nananatiling buhay ang aral na ito sa kasalukuyan. Kailangan ang talino, lakas, giting, at kasanayan ng kabataan sa pag-unlad ng komunidad. Kailangan ang aktibong pakikilahok ng kabataan sa pagpapanday ng isang mas maaliwalas na kinabukasan. Upang maisakatuparan ito, mahalagang batid ng kabataan ang kanyang tungkulin bilang isang makabayang mamamayan ng lipunan na may malasakit sa kapwa. Kasama dito ang kanyang dakilang misyon na maging kritiko ng mali sa lipunan at ahente ng tunay na pagbabago.

Ano ang lugar ng Sangguniang Kabataan sa mga usaping ito?

Inaamin natin na itinatag ang SK upang ilayo ang kabataan sa radikalismo. At para sa ilan na kaaway ng reporma, ito pa rin ang kanilang motibo sa pagsusulong ng mga gawain ng SK. Totoong may kontradiksiyon ang paglalagay ng SK bilang ekstensiyon ng pamahalaan. Likas sa kabataan ang maging mapanuri’t mapanghamon sa sistema tulad ng itinuturo ng kasaysayan kung kaya’t tama ang pagtingin na tila isang anomalya na ang kabataan ay nasa loob ng isang konserbatibong burukrasya.

Bukod sa nalilimita ang pananaw ng ilang SK kung ano ang pwedeng maging ambag ng kabataan sa pagbabago sa lipunan, may panganib na sila’y ‘lamunin’ ng sistemang tradisyunal. Sa halip na magpalaganap ng bagong perspektiba sa pulitika, baka sila ang mabiktima ng bulok na pulitika.

Kung may bantang lubhang pahinain ang kritikal na kaisipan at pagkilos ng kabataan, dapat na bang buwagin ang SK?

Nasa panig ang Kabataan Partylist na makakatulong sa SK kung babaguhin ang oryentasyon nito mula sa pagiging pandayan lamang ng mga susunod na pulitiko tungo sa pagsusulong ng mga makabuluhang reporma sa lipunan. Sila ay maaaring magsilbing mata at tainga ng bayan sa mga nagaganap na katiwalian sa lokal at pambansang pamahalaan. Nasa bentahe ng SK kung bibitbitin at ipagpapatuloy nito ang prinsipyadong uri ng paglilingkod sa bayan.

Kasama sila sa panawagan para sa tunay na pagbabago sa sistemang pulitikal sa bansa. Kaisa sila ng mas malawak na kabataang Pilipino na ang hangarin ay isang malinis na pamahalaan, mapayapang komunidad, at maunlad na bayan.

Bawat henerasyon ay may kongkretong ambag sa kasaysayan. Ang hamon sa bagong SK ay maging sandigan ng mamamayan, lalo na ng mahihirap, sa pakikibaka para sa isang bagong Pilipinas.

Sulong SK! Sulong kabataan!

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