Edsa and inequality

By admin | March 13, 2011

Inequality in Philippine society is reflected in the whole stretch of Edsa. Despite its People Power past with its egalitarian promise, the site Edsa is still very much a territory dominated by the elite. In fact, the relics of the feudal past are visible along Edsa. Several prime properties which dot the 54 kilometer highway are former hacienda estates of the old rich. The Cubao Araneta Center was part of the estate owned by the Aranetas. Their relatives (Tuason family) used to own the nearby Katipunan and Marikina. The Madrigals have properties in New Manila, while the Quezon family is the original owner of the PSBA lot today which used to have the best view of the quaint Marikina Valley. Adjacent the Araneta Hacienda is the estate owned by the Ortigas Family. They donated some parts of their vast estate to the government which later became Camp Aguinaldo. The hacienda owned by the Ayalas in Makati was developed in the 1970s and quickly evolved into a major financial mecca.

According to Franciscan friars, Forbes Park was ignored during the Spanish era since the other Church Orders preferred the strategic locations inside and near old Manila. But the Franciscans made a wise decision to spread the word of God by building a church in the former swamp land which was eventually transformed into a famous ghetto of the very filthy rich. The first residents of the exclusive village were landlords from the provinces who needed a residential home outside downtown Manila.

The construction of Edsa was conceptualized to spur the development of areas outside old Manila. As urbanization intensified, Edsa quickly became a key circumferential road network in the expanding metropolis. The old haciendas were converted into commercial centers with the exception of Camp Aguinaldo which has been donated already to the government.

But the old rich didn’t give up their residential villas despite the rezoning of Edsa’s environs. Retired generals suffering from withdrawal syndrome chose to live in Corinthian Gardens since it’s close to the camps. Mar Roxas and family continued to live in Cubao Araneta Center despite the commercialization of the area. The upper middle classes resided in Philam and Wack-Wack. Makati has already metamorphosed from a farmville (in its very old unfacebook sense) into a corporate hub but Forbes Park 2011 is still the Forbes Park of the 1950s – the protected ancestral domain of the landed rich. Even the privatization of Fort Bonifacio didn’t threaten the residential paradise of the rich. Forbes Park and its satellites in central Makati (Dasma, Urdaneta, Magallanes, San Lorenzo, Legaspi) are seemingly exempted from new zoning laws and future development plans.

How did the modern ilustrados react to the ‘structural’ changes outside their gates? How did they protect themselves from the elements (read: working masses)? They built higher walls, erected stronger steel gates, and surrounded their villages with the most sophisticated security systems. Entrance to their enclaves became as accessible as the US Embassy.

Edsa’s politicization in 1986 increased its commercial value. It is interesting (also unique in the Philippines) that malls are located in corporate complexes along Edsa. Megamall and Shangrila in Ortigas, Glorietta and Rockwell in Makati, Market Market in Taguig, Robinsons in Pioneer and SM City-Trinoma in North Triangle.

Encouraged by the constant influx of OFW money, property developers are now building condos everywhere. There is a construction boom in Edsa. Tycoons are on a buying spree. They are buying everything – old buildings, residential communities, public parks, and politicians. Araneta Center’s chic appeal was revived with the opening of Gateway; call center hubs have opened in Edsa-Mandaluyong, Edsa-Ortigas, Edsa-Centris in Quezon City; Makati’s corporate offices branched out to Rockwell and Global City.

Meanwhile, the Ayalas are encountering opposition to their planned corporate center in North Triangle. The San Roque residents who refused to abandon their homes are branded as pests who are stunting the development of Quezon City. If we forget the evolution of Edsa, we will be easily swayed by arguments favoring the demolition of the San Roque community. In the name of economic progress, San Roque residents must sacrifice their abode.

But the framing of the issue is wrong and anti-poor. It is not right to argue that San Roque is now a commercial zone to justify the demolition of the residential community. If that is the case, the government should also demolish the nearby Philam Village. But Edsa’s history and the current confused zoning of cities along the highway clearly demonstrate that a residential village like San Roque in North Triangle would not make it impossible for city planners to build a corporate complex in the area. San Roque can peacefully co-exist with Trinoma and the planned business center. In fact, there are several residential blocks within the Makati Central Business District.

Besides, if the Ayalas really want to expand the Makati world, why not demolish Forbes Park instead? It’s closer to Ayala, Buendia and Taguig. The infrastructure network there is superior. Relocating the affected residents (many of whom are not honest taxpayers) won’t be a huge problem since it will only involve a few families.

We do not complain if a mansion is situated beside a tall tower but we raise the specter of petty street crimes if an informal settler is living beside a mall. We do not question the housing right of rich citizens but we accuse the masa of being unreasonable when they only demand to be left alone in their homes. We are quite fascinated with the fighting cocks in the compound of the Roxas Family in Cubao but we ridicule the selling of goats in San Roque. We want total war against the drug users and pushers in San Roque but we are silent against the drug financiers in Makati.

This is Edsa. This is the Philippines.

(To be continued)

Related articles:

Reclaim Edsa, the people’s highway
From Monumento to Mall of Asia

Posted in places | Tagged | 6 Comments

Why agrarian reform?

By admin | March 12, 2011

1. Despite more jobs are being created today in the service sector, agriculture remains a very important section of our economy. But why do young people today do not want to become farmers? The answer is because most of our farmers are poor.

2. It is this poverty in the countryside which fuels social discontent. In fact, rural poverty is the root of revolutions, past and present, in our country.

3. Since the 1900s, more than 42 laws/programs have been passed to address landlessness and to quell peasant unrests. All have failed to reduce poverty and the inequitable land distribution in our society

4. CARP was supposed to be the most comprehensive land reform program which was enacted in 1987. But from the beginning, the radical aim of CARP was torpedoed by landlord interests. The weaknesses of CARP are not unknown. CARP provides legal basis for the displacement of farmers from their lands. CARP allows big landlords to retain ownership and possession of their vast landholdings through land use conversion, crop conversion, and the infamous stock distribution option. Hacienderos can easily appeal for the exemption of their lands from CARP coverage. ‘Land to the tiller’ becomes ‘parchment to the tiller.’

5. If after 20 years, CARP has failed to deliver on its promises of land emancipation, why did we renew its life in 2009 by passing the CARPER. I was one of those who opposed the passage of CARPER. Why? I didn’t want to endorse a measure which would only extend a pro-landlord agrarian reform program. The principal sponsor of CARPER even admitted during interpellation that CARPER will not correct the congenital defects of the original CARP. Was it Albert Einstein who said that “The height of insanity is continuing to do the same thing and expecting a different result?”

6. What is GARB? Land reform based on social justice and social equity and not merely a business transaction between landlords and tenants. Land reform that requires political will to implement bold reforms in the land management system in the country. Land reform that seeks to redistribute wealth in favor of the landless and the poor.

7. GARB is needed in response to soaring prices of food crops. The vast landholdings of agribusiness firms are in the hands of foreigners (multinational corporations). These lands, if nationalized, can be used to address the food needs of our people. Export of food crops should be a second priority. We should first solve hunger in the countryside.

8. Is it impossible to implement GARB? Only a government committed to the protection of the interests of the tiny elite will reject the egalitarian ideals of GARB.

9. There are several indicators to measure economic performance of the country. If we believe our government statisticians, it seems the economic fundamentals are strong. I propose that we use the conditions of our farmers to measure the real state of the economy. And I believe that the only way to boost the productivity of farmers and to improve the lives of our farmers is to implement a true land reform system in the country.

10. I sincerely wish that land reform will happen in my lifetime. I do not want to grow old and share stories to my children and grand children that even during the time of my youth, land was a precious asset owned only by a few families in the Philippines.

11. I believe GARB is the most appropriate solution to the peasant unrest in the countryside. It is a sincere solution, precisely because the proposed bill is borne out of the struggles of the peasant class. The farmers wrote this bill, unlike CARP and its extension which was written by landlords and self-styled progressives.

*********************

GARB was initially deliberated by the Committee on Agrarian Reform last month. The authors and supporters of GARB were able to clarify and explain some of the controversial features of the bill. For example, critics of GARB decry the provision on the nationalization of agribusiness enterprises owned by TNCs and MNCs. But nationalization of lands is not a new concept, nor is it illegal. It is even a feature of the CARPER law. What GARB proposes is the immediate nationalization of these prime lands while CARPER allows foreigners to lease the land for another 25-50 years.

Will GARB allow the distribution of lands without compensating the landowners? No. Just compensation will be provided to landlords by the government. Of course farmer beneficiaries will be able to own the land for free since it is the most essential component of a genuine agrarian reform program.

Another important provision of GARB is the confiscation of sullied landholdings or lands “acquired through fraud, deception, intimidation, or the use of force or violence, and landholdings whose landowners have maintained private armed groups.”

The time frame for the completion of GARB is five years. Critics insist this is impossible to achieve and only communist countries can implement this swift and radical agrarian reform program. We must remember that post-war South Korea and Japan were able to restructure their traditional land ownership system in only a few years yet they were not communist regimes.

This proves that if only our leaders are sincere in smashing the landlord control of the countryside; and if they are ready to give up ownership of land estates which give them feudal power and wealth, then we can say that the fulfillment of GARB’s objectives is not an impossible dream.

* Thanks JM for the additional input.

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Peace, technology and politics

By admin | March 11, 2011

Closing remarks during the peace talks forum in UP Diliman attended by GPH-MILF and GPH-NDFP panels

Ilang linggo na rin nagsimula ang mga usapang pangkapayapaan sa pagitan ng GPH-MILF at GPH-NDFP. Eh ang usapang pangkapayapaan sa pagitan ng Samar at Balay sa Malakanyang, nagsimula na ba? Sa tingin ko kailangan ng peace talks din sa pagitan ni Sarah Geronimo at Christine Reyes.

Congratulations sa GPH, NDFP at MILF para sa mga joint statement na inyong nilagdaan. Magandang balita ito para sa lahat ng naghahangand ng kapayapaan sa bansa.

Isa sa mga paborito kong website ay wordle. I copy-pasted the joint statements of the GPH, NDFP, MILF in wordle and here are the results. What are the most common words used by the three parties?

Sa GPH-NDFP, ang kanilang mga pangalan ang dominante at ang salitang ‘panel’. Ganun din sa GPH-MILF. Medyo nagulat ako dahil ang talagang inaasahan kong lilitaw na keyword ay salitang peace. Pero nagsisimula pa lang naman ang peace talks kaya mauunawaan siguro natin kung ang pinag-uusapan pa lang naman nila ay tungkol sa kanilang mga sarili. Eto ang hamon sa lahat ng panig: sana habang umuusad ang usapan, ang maging laman ng mga pahayag ay mga substaniyal na isyu ng mamamayan. Ibig sabihin, pag-usapan ang mga kongkretong adyenda ng mamamayan para sa tunay na kapayapaan.

Dapat tumulong din tayo na ipakilala sa publiko ang pulitika at personalidad ng GPH, NDFP, MILF. Kung ang Edsa 1986 nga hindi na alam ng maraming bata, ano pa kaya ang lebel ng pag-unawa nila sa usapang pangkapayapaan.

Batay sa aking maikling internet research, ang kahulugan ng GPH o Government of the Republic of the Philippines ay pwedeng maging iba: Generalized Proportional Hazard, Global Parliamentarians on Habitat, Good Payment History, Gospel Publishing House, Gallons Per Hour.

Ganun din ang MILF o Moro Islamic Liberation Front: Monsters, Inc. Laugh Floor, Mother I’d Like to Find (polite), Man I Like Fragging, Many Islands, Low Fares.

At pati NDFP: New Drug Funding Program, National Dart Foundation of the Philippines, National Database of Food Poisoning, New Day Foundation Program.

Nabanggit ng pangulo sa isang asembliya na pwedeng gamitin ang IT para sa pagsusulong ng kapayapaan. Tinukoy niya ang maraming website pati mga social network site tulad ng twitter, facebook at youtube. Tama ang pangulo sa pagtukoy ng papel ng IT para sa pagpapalaganap ng impormasyon ukol sa usapang pangkapayapaan.

Pero batid din natin ang limitasyon ng teknolohiyang ito. Ngayon, may pagsabog ng impormasyon sa internet. We are heavy consumers of bits and bytes of data everyday. Some information are helpful, enlightening; but most are trash. Spam. We have to filter the healthy information and discard the junk. The challenge is how to make the infinite stream of information meaningful to our lives and to our avowed goal of spreading peace in the land. The bigger challenge is how to make this information useful in building a more peaceful society.

For every tweet that says, #iamforpeace, there are hundreds if not thousands of tweets that says #damnitstrue.

Ideally, we can contact the person who tweeted #iamforpeace and recruit him to be a warrior for peace. But the problem with online conversations is that most of the time, they remain just like that, conversations in the virtual world.

Decades ago, when radio broadcast was developed, there were expectations that it would usher a new era of peace and progress. It was assumed that everybody would share scholarly knowledge through the radio waves. Of course we know Hitler also used that technology. We had the same dreams for TV before it became known as the idiot box. Now we have the internet.

Yes, let’s continue the conversations for real peace but let us also act. Human intervention in the real world. Technology doesn’t make societies more peaceful, people do.

How to be involved in the peace process? Practice politics. I do not refer to the politics of patronage or pabaon. Politics, in our discussion today, refers to the constant but often tenuous interaction between leaders and citizens of a polis. I am a subscriber to the school of thought that the goal of politics is always the invention of new possibilities, new truths, and new events.

To promote peace, we must promote the political actions of the people in the community. The struggle for human rights, economic and political rights is part of the peace process. An authentic peace agenda reflects the specific demands of the people like better social services and grassroots empowerment.

We have to be vigilant against two groups of people: First, the war mongers who prefer a military solution to quell all kinds of rebellion. And second, the naïve pacifists who want peace just for the sake of peace – those who equate peace with the absence of civil unrest and war.

Let us expand the peace constituency in the country, and we can accomplish this by continuing to struggle for our national and democratic rights.

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No Christmas for Malaysian Muslims?

By admin | March 6, 2011

The Malaysian Department of Islamic Development recently posted on its website the ‘Guidelines for Muslims Celebrating Religious Festivals of Non-Muslims,’ issued by the National Fatwa Committee for Islamic Religious Affairs during its 68th muzakarah (discussion) on April 12, 2005.

The guidelines have been posted there to serve as a reminder to Muslims not to violate the teachings of Islam if they intend to attend the religious festivals of non-Muslims. So, what are the religious events and activities that Malaysian Muslims shouldn’t join? Well, they shouldn’t take part if:

1. The event is accompanied by ceremonies that are against the Islamic faith;

2. The event is accompanied by acts against the Islamic law;

3. The event is accompanied by acts that contradict the moral and cultural development of Muslim society in this country;

4. The event is accompanied by acts that can stir the sensitivity of Muslim community.

These criteria seem to be reasonable, since they only advise the faithful not to participate in events that contradict Islamic values. But the religious authorities, who probably don’t want a liberal interpretation of the guidelines, have given specific examples of anti-Islamic practices.

Based on the guidelines, ceremonies and acts that violate Islam include the use of religious symbols such as the cross, lights, candles and Christmas trees. Muslims also can’t wear red costumes like Santa Claus outfits or other garments that reflect religion. Possession of ornaments like church bells, Christmas decorations and the breaking of coconuts are also prohibited. Muslims also can’t sing songs that take the form of non-Muslim religious propaganda. Are Christmas carols off limits then?

The ban on the wearing of conspicuous clothing, organizing beauty pageants and cock-fighting might also seem a bit extreme to some, but are perhaps understandable for a Muslim-dominated country like Malaysia. Indeed, in a sense, the guidelines aren’t entirely unjust because some of the prescriptions are genuinely aimed at protecting the Islamic faith. For example, Muslims can’t listen to speeches that insult Muslims and Islam. They also can’t attend ceremonies that serve intoxicating food or beverages.

However, the guidelines include an instruction to the public to first consult with religious authorities before attending the religious festivals of non-Muslims. Does this mean a Muslim employee is violating Islamic teachings if he attends an office Christmas party without asking permission from religious officials?

Ultimately, these guidelines are in conflict with the avowed aim of the government to promote religious harmony in multiracial Malaysia. Even the prime minister’s political slogan and major campaign programme is called 1Malaysia, with a stated goal of preserving and enhancing ‘this unity in diversity which has always been our strength and remains our best hope for the future.’

Malaysia should continue promoting pluralism—and that includes tolerating the religious practices of all its people. If Malaysia instead favours a strict implementation of religious edicts, it could end up encouraging mob attacks targeting religious minorities, similar to what’s now happening in many parts of Indonesia.

Written for The Diplomat

Thailand-Cambodia border row

The ongoing border conflict between Cambodia and Thailand can’t just be about the Preah Vihear Temple—if the clashes really are motivated only by patriotic determination to defend ownership, then these two neighbours have gone mad.

The ‘idiocy of the situation,’ as described by Thailand-based twitter user @thaitvnews refers to the irony of two Buddhist countries fighting over a ruined 900-year-old Hindu temple. Let’s also not forget that the contested territory on which the temple is located covers only about 1.8 square miles (4.6 square kilometres). It’s therefore difficult to comprehend why two countries are ready to go to war, and risk dangerous instability in the region, over such a tiny piece of land.

But if it’s not about the temple, then what are they fighting for?

My guess is that the real aim of both Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen and Thai Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva is to strengthen their respective domestic leadership credentials. The border dispute, despite its unpleasant portrayal in the international press, serves the political interests of Sen and Vejjajiva. The two leaders seem to be basically using this ‘patriotic war’ to drum up civilian support for their governments. More specifically, they could be planning to project the image of a decisive leader ahead of elections—Thais go to the polls this year, and Cambodians next year.

The war could also be a pretext for requesting bigger military budgets this year, while also helping distract the public from their empty pockets and lack of freedoms.

Whatever the motivations, we shouldn’t underestimate the power of nationalism. More Cambodians, for example, seem to be expressing anger in cyberspace these days, especially since their leaders reminded them that the Khmer Empire was once the oldest and largest in the region, but that centuries of war and invasion have trimmed the country to the size of the state of Missouri. Meanwhile, ultra-nationalists in Thailand are trying to prod the government to take over Cambodia’s Angkor Wat in exchange for the Preah Vihear Temple.

Sen and Vejjajiva, who are supposed to be calming their citizens, are only encouraging more hatred by issuing bellicose political statements.

The United Nations is hesitant to intervene, while the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, as expected, is powerless to implement a peaceful settlement of the issue. Still, they probably offer the best outside chance of preventing the tense situation on the border from deteriorating.

But more importantly, let’s hope that the peace-loving citizens of Cambodia and Thailand reject the war rhetoric of the ultra nationalists in their own countries. They should realize that real patriotism isn’t about supporting warmongers, but exposing the unpatriotic motives of their politicians.

Written for The Diplomat

Posted in east asia | Tagged | 1 Comment

Laban ng Romblon! Laban para sa kinabukasan!

By admin | February 25, 2011

Thank you Bishop Fabriquier for reading my solidarity message last February 14 during the anti-mining rally in Odiongan, Romblon.

Maalab na pagbati sa lahat!

Nagpupugay ang Kabataan Partylist sa mamamayan ng Romblon sa inyong matapang na paglaban at mahigpit na pagkakaisa laban sa planong malakihang pagmimina sa isla ng Tablas. Kasama ninyo ang kabataan sa labang ito. Bakit? Dahil ang laban ng Romblon ay laban ng lahat ng tutol sa pagkasira ng kalikasan. Ito ay makatwirang laban para sa kinabukasan.

Kasama ninyo ang kabataang sisigaw para tutulan ang proyekto ng Ivanhoe. Titiyakin natin na ang sigaw ng Romblon ay maririnig ng buong sambayanan at ng buong mundo. Dadalhin natin ang isyung ito sa Kongreso. Ipapaalam natin sa buong kapuluan ang panganib na bitbit ng proyektong ito sa inyong probinsiya. Kikilos ang kabataan sa mga paaralan, komunidad, at kahit sa internet upang pigilin ang pagmimina sa Tablas.

Hindi naman tayo tutol sa pagmimina dahil mahalaga ang industriyang ito. Pero marami tayong tanong. Sino ba ang nakikinabang sa pagmimina? Sila, silang mga malalaking negosyante kasama ang mga kurakot. Iilan ang yumayaman samantalang ang marami ay naghihirap. Tapos ang pinsalang dulot ng pagmimina sa kalikasan ay permanente na. Sila bang nagnakaw at nakibanang sa ating likas na yaman ang sasagip sa atin kapag ang hagupit ng kalikasan ay rumagasa sa ating mga komunidad?

Huwag nating kalimutan ang nangyari sa Marinduque. Nasaan na ang Marcopper? Lumipad na paalis ng bansa. Hanggang ngayon ramdam ng mga taga Albay ang negatibong epekto ng pagmimina sa isla ng Rapu Rapu. Ilang dekada na ang pagmimina sa Cordillera pero nananatiling mahirap ang rehiyong ito.

Kailangan ba talagang sirain ang kalikasan sa ngalan ng pag-unlad? Hindi! Aanhin pa ang salapi kung ang kapalit nito ay buhay at kinabukasan ng ating mga minamahal?

At dapat nating igiit na ang ating pagtutol sa pagmimina sa Tablas ay isang pagtatanggol ng kalikasan para sa kapakanan ng susunod na henerasyon. Ginagawa natin ito dahil mahal natin ang ating bayan, mahal natin ang Inang Kalikasan.

Ngayon ay araw ng pag-ibig. Araw din ito ng paglaban. Pula ang kulay ng puso. Pula din ang kulay ng pakikibaka para sa kinabukasan. Sama-sama tayo sa labang ito dahil lahat tayo nagmamahal. Hanggang sa tagumpay!

Rep. Mong Palatino
Kabataan Partylist

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Joma Sison: Ang matandang bata

By admin | February 24, 2011

Speech during the book launching of Jose Maria Sison – A Celebration. Review of the book by Ina; and a story about the event by Len.

Sino si Joma Sison para sa mga kabataan? Ang sagot ay mababasa sa aklat na ito kaya bilhin ninyo na lang. Basahin ang mga sinulat ni Nato at Ina; mayroon din akong ambag na artikulo na unang nalathala sa aking blog.

Ano ang pwede kong idagdag sa mga nasulat na tungkol kay Joma? Dahil si Joma ay bahagi na ng kasaysayan, karaniwan siyang paksa sa mga paaralan. Kung ako ay estudyante pa ngayon, matagal ko na siyang ginoogle. Alamin nga natin kung ano ang search result gamit ang pangalan ni Joma.

Kapag ‘Jose Maria Sison’ ang gagamitin sa google, ang resulta ay mahigit 148,000 webpages (0.19 seconds). At kung “Joma Sison” naman ang gamit, mas maraming webpages (154,000 in 0.23 seconds) ang lalabas.

Kung pupunta naman tayo sa socialmention website, mababasa natin na bawat labingpitong minuto ay binabanggit ang pangalan niya sa internet. Sino ang madalas gumamit ng pangalan ni Joma? Nangunguna si arkibongbayan. At saan kadalasan lumalabas ang pangalan niya? Sa digg, google blog, youtube, at stumbleupon.

Si Joma ay Facebooker din. Pero sino ang totoong Joma sa Facebook? Sa page na ito, kaibigan ng Jomang ito si Jesus Lava.

Mahilig ako sa word cloud: ilalagay ko sa wordle ang url link ng isang website o teksto ng isang artikulo at lalabas kung ano ang mga pinakamadalas na gamiting salita sa website na yun. Sinubukan ko ito sa FB page ni Joma, at ito ang lumabas: mukhang madalas gamitin ng mga kaibigan ni Joma ang mga salitang Prof, ILPS, at condemns.

Nagpunta naman ako sa website ni Joma. Hinanap ko yung bibliography section. Nilagay ko ito sa wordle. Ano ang lumabas? Hindi nakapagtataka, Ang Bayan ang prominenteng salita. Mukhang madalas ding magsulat si Joma sa buwan ng Setyembre, Mayo at Marso.

Siyempre hindi reliable ang internet stats dahil mabilis itong magbago. Pero magandang pag-aralan din kung paano nabubuo at binubuo ang imahen ni Joma sa cyberspace.

Tayong lahat na nasa kuwartong ito ay nakakabatid kung sino si Joma at ang kanyang mahalagang ambag sa kilusang mapagpalaya. Dapat tingnan din natin ang internet bilang isang larangan upang itama ang mga kasinungalingan at lasong pinapakalat ng mga reaksiyunaryo tungkol sa ating kilusan.

Sa librong ito ay higit nating mauunawaan ang buhay at pakikibaka ni Joma. May ilan akong dagdag sa aking nasulat na.

Una, alam nating si Joma ay 72 years old na. Pero siya ay nakulong ng siyam na taon. Idagdag pa natin ang pagkakakulong niya sa Netherlands. Siyam na taon ang nawala sa kanyang buhay. Kung ibabawas natin ang siyam na taon sa kanyang edad, siya ay 63 years old lang. Pero siya ay torture victim. Katulad ng iba niyang kahenerasyon, ang isip at diwa man ay malakas pero ang katawan na binugbog sa loob ng kulungan ay tiyak ramdam na nila ang epekto ngayon. Kaya maaaring si Joma ay mas matanda pa sa 72 years old.

Madalas kong mabasa ang pangungutya ng mga akademiko na matanda na raw si Joma. Iba ang aking pamantayan ng matanda. Bata ka nga pero kung ang interes na pinagsisilbihan mo ay ang bulok na lumang sistema, matanda ang turing ko sa iyo. Maraming batang matanda ngayon. Si Joma at ang kanyang kahenerasyong aktibista ang halimbawa ng mga matatandang bata. Tatalakayin ko pa ang puntong ito mamaya.

Pero, kung katandaan lang naman ang pag-ussapn, at kung matanda si Joma, ano ang tawag natin kay Enrile?

Si Joma ay hindi kikilanin ng establisiyimento bilang isang dakilang lider ng pulitika ng bansa. Pero magbilang tayo ng personalidad sa bansa na kayang magheadline news basta magbitiw lang sila ng maikling pananalita. Mga presidente, senador, obispo, artista, atleta, rebelde. Sino sa mga ito ang laman ng balita mula dekada sisenta? Imelda, Enrile, Ramos, at huwag nating kakalimutan, Joma Sison. Kahit FB update niya, kayang lumabas sa front page ng mga dyaryo. Kahit 20 years na siya sa Europa, ang mga salita niya ay pinakikinggan ng iba’t ibang pulitikal na institusyon sa bansa.

Kaya masasabi ko na si Joma ay isa sa mga unmentionable greats of Philippine politics. At mas pangmatagalan ang kanyang pamana dahil kilusang rebolusyonaryo, at hindi ang nabubulok na reaksiyunaryong sistema, ang magtutuloy ng kanyang sinimulan. Ibig sabihin, si Joma ay teorista at aktibista ng hinaharap; hindi siya tagapagtanggol ng mapang-aping sistema.

At higit na hahanga tayo kay Joma kung aalalahanin natin na si Joma ay naging si Joma noong bata pa lamang siya. Ang ilan sa mga kaklase niya ay naging mga tanyag na lider at personalidad ng bansa. Pero marami sa kanila ay nakilala ng publiko noong matatanda na sila. Samantalang si Joma – tinatag ang SCAUP, tinatag ang KM, sinulat ang SND, muling tinatag ang CPP, at NPA bago siya mag 30 years old. I-google ang SND, CPP, NPA at KM at mababasa natin na aktibo pa rin ang mga radikal na institusyong ito.

Henerasyon nina Joma ang aktibong nagpanday sa pambansa demokratikong kilusan na may sosyalistang perspektiba. Naging katuwang nila ang henerasyon ng First Quarter Storm sa pagpapalakas ng kilusan sa buong bansa. Matapang ang henerasyong ito. Sila/Kayo po ang humamon sa diktaturang Marcos. Tinukoy ninyo na Imperyalismo, Burukrata Kapitalismo at Piyudalismo ang ugat ng krisis sa bansa. Kaya natatawa na lang ako kapag may nababasa akong mga komentarista na bilib na bilib sa pangulo na nagbawal ng wangwang sa kalye na para bang ito ang malaking salot sa bansa.

Ipinagdiriwang natin ngayon ang buhay at pakikibaka ni Joma; pero ang pagkilala sa kanya ay isang paraan din natin/namin upang magpugay sa kanyang henerasyon at sa FQS generation.

Spesyal ang taong 2010. Ang 20 years old na FQS member noong 1970 ay 60 years old na noong 2010. Ang batang aktibista noong 1970 ay opisyal na kinikilala na ng komunidad bilang matandang aktibista.

Joma’s generation and the FQS veterans are a special breed of senior citizens of the republic. They are old dissenters who are espousing a new kind of politics. They are old warriors who refused to give up the good fight. They might still have an oversupply of idealism and revolutionary optimism but they already have old and tired (and literally, tortured) bodies. In a political sense, they are “youth without youth.”

In 1970, activists probably discussed Mao, Marcos, Beatles, sex, LSD, and the New People’s Army in rallies and DGs. In 2010, FQS veterans and Joma’s generation are probably discussing Mao, Arroyo, Beatles, sex (batteries not included), high blood, diabetes, arthritis, and the New People’s Army in rallies, reunions, and cyber forum.

In 1970, young activists shocked the elders when they voluntarily embraced the natdem revolution (with a socialist perspective). In 2010, the strong resolve of FQS activists to reaffirm the politics of revolution continues to bewilder everybody. In 1970 they should be pursuing a career in government or establishing their own business but they were more interested in the mass movement. In 2010 they should be thinking about their retirement or the welfare of their families but they continue to struggle as non-conformist militants.

There is no retirement paradise, and no Golden Acres that await FQS veterans and Joma’s generation. They are more concerned with the Five Golden Rays and the building of a revolutionary future.

Natatakot ang mayayamang bansa ngayon sa mabilis na pagtanda ng populasyon. Maraming mall sa Japan tinanggal na ang children’s section. Kaunti na raw ang mga bata. Nakakatakot nga ang hinaharap lalo na kung ang mga senior citizen ay katulad nina Enrile, Imelda, Ramos, at Gloria Arroyo. Pero kung ang huwaran ng mga bata ay tulad nina Joma Sison, Satur Ocampo, Romeo Capulong, Judy Taguiwalo, at ang FQS generation, hindi dapat tayo mangamba sa pagtanda ng populasyon. Dapat matakot ang mga reaksiyonaryo, bata man o matanda: dahil ang henerasyon nina Joma at ang mga FQS, handa pa ring lumaban hanggang ngayon.

Mapalad ang aming henerasyon dahil kapiling pa namin ang henerasyon nina Joma at FQS generation sa sama-sama nating pagsusulong ng isang mapulang bukas. Salamat at tinuruan ninyo kami kung paano lumaban at makibaka mula sa inyong kamusmusan hanggang sa pagtanda. Salamat at pinakita ninyo na basta kasama ang masa, kaya nating baguhin ang kasaysayan.

Mabuhay ang mga lolo at lola aktibista!
Long live the senior citizen activists!
Isulong ang pambansang demokrasya!

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Edsa Babies Unite!

By admin | February 23, 2011

The drafting of this speech is a collective effort. Thanks @kabataanpl. Delivered February 23, 2011, House of Representatives

I rise to speak about the 25th anniversary of the 1986 People Power and its impact on young people.

Madame Speaker, dear colleagues, mga kababayan.

EDSA or Highway 54 is a very important and famous road in the Philippines. It connects the north and south expressways. The three biggest shopping malls in the world are located here. The police and military headquarters are stationed here. Financial centers are established in Makati-EDSA and Ortigas-EDSA. But most importantly, it was the site of People Power in 1986.

This week marks the 25th anniversary of People Power. Madame. Speaker, I was only a kindergarten student in 1986 but the impact of that event was felt and understood by my generation. We may be too young to remember the details of the Edsa Revolt but the stories of heroism, courage, and the militancy of the Filipinos in 1986 were taught to us by our parents and teachers. Before Egypt 2011, there was Philippines 1986. Before Tahrir Square, there was Edsa.

Before I proceed, let me use this opportunity to pay tribute to the millions of Filipinos who valiantly fought for democracy during the dark days of Martial Law. Their sacrifice and arduous struggle led to the restoration of many rights and democratic institutions after 1986.

Our generation grew up while the Philippines was undergoing a transition after 1986. The nation-building process proved to be a daunting task. We were told to contribute to social change by learning from the brave students and youth leaders who participated in Edsa 1986. In many ways, our actions in 2000-2001, which led to Edsa Dos, were our unique attempt to repeat the victorious revolt of the people in 1986. It was our response to the challenge posed by our elders and by the historical circumstances to display our sense of social responsibility.

Today our young people who were born after 1990 have little or almost no direct knowledge of the symbolic importance of 1986. Like us, they learned about Edsa in books but at least our formative years were shaped by the political events prior and after Edsa 1986. There is a need, therefore, Madame Speaker, to refresh our memory about Edsa 1986. It is our duty to share the stories of Edsa to the new generation.

So what does Edsa mean? What is its relevance to Philippine politics today? What should the young learn about Edsa?

I urge the youth, especially the Edsa Babies, to join the celebration by making a pledge to serve the people. This is the core lesson of People Power – a radical weapon of the oppressed against the oppressors. I hope the People Power veterans would always remember that subversive meaning of the Edsa Revolution; and I hope they would share that important legacy of Edsa to the young generation.

While it is commendable that Malacanang has taken the initiative to celebrate the anniversary of People Power, it should not prevent us from using the memory of this historic event to assert our just demands to Malacanang. In light of the various assaults to the people’s democratic rights – price hikes, dwindling budget to social services, dire poverty, and so on – the need to reactivate the hopeful legacy of People Power is now more pertinent than ever.

With all due respect to the President, he may be the son of President Cory who is an Edsa icon, but this doesn’t exempt him from being a target of People Power politics. We, definitely, have the legacy of People Power to use against President Noynoy’s anti-poor policies like fare hikes, dole-out programs, and the lack of substantial reforms in governance.

People Power versus LRT/MRT fare hikes. People Power versus the demolition of the San Roque community in North Triangle. People Power versus corruption in the bureaucracy.

The name Edsa enjoins us to not forget the past. Edsa is the acronym for the name Epifanio de los Santos, a historian and one of the chroniclers of the 1896 Philippine Revolution. Remembering Edsa as a protest landmark is easy since it only refers to the immediate past. The bigger task lies in using the memory of radical Edsa to challenge the oppressive present.

EDSA, the people’s highway, is quickly evolving into an anti-people thoroughfare. The state, afraid of the People Power past of EDSA, now prevents the people from walking, crossing, and marching on EDSA. The street which witnessed two fantastic uprisings in 1986 and 2001 is now a death zone for innocent jaywalkers (bawal tumawid, nakamamatay), and political protesters.

I am quite worried that the Malacanang-sanctioned list of activities to celebrate People Power strips the event of its rebellious potential. It is sad that the memory of People Power is being used to prettify the image of the President. The official People Power anniversary has been reduced into a partisan activity of the President’s party.

Edsa’s legacy is far too important for our nation to be reduced to mere pageantry. Its promise of emancipation is very important for the masses who genuinely yearn for substantial freedom, justice and peace. We should not allow the meaning of Edsa to be monopolized by politicians and bureaucrats in power.

Edsa’s promises of change remain unfulfilled. Twenty-five years after Edsa, we continue to seek for more democratic reforms, human rights protection, economic progress, and political empowerment.

Thus I make this appeal to my fellow youth: Let a hundred unofficial People Power activities bloom. Let a thousand People Power debates contend. Bombard Edsa with our demands for genuine change, freedom, and pro-people governance.

Posted in speeches | Tagged , , , , | 3 Comments

The meaning of Egypt in Southeast Asia

By admin | February 20, 2011

Unless you’re a hermit living in the boondocks, you’ll have heard something about the massive anti-government protests in Egypt that started late last month. The protesters have become global celebrities as they’ve taken a brave stand against the three-decades-old regime of President Hosni Mubarak. The ‘million-man march’ has also made Tahrir Square in Cairo a regular fixture on TV and computer screens across the globe.

A mix of global attention and geo-political significance has prompted reaction and comment from around the world, including here in Southeast Asia. And, based on my monitoring of the online comments from this region, I’d say the responses can be grouped into four categories.

First, there are the netizens who have been focused on declaring support for the struggle of the defiant protesters. They’re using the #egypt Twitter hash tag to express their solidarity with the protesters aiming to topple the Mubarak government. The majority of these commenters are also expressing hope that the protests will help usher in a democratic government in Egypt.

The second, closely related, set of comments has focused on the pro-Mubarak thugs who appear to be sowing the seeds of violence in the streets of Cairo and elsewhere. In particular, they’ve been condemning the use of tear gas and guns to disperse the crowds. These commenters have also noted, with particular concern, the numerous reported attacks on journalists who are covering the crisis.

Then there are those comments focusing on Egypt’s future. It seems that all of a sudden everybody on the web has become a political expert on Egypt and the Middle East. Still, most of them seem to agree that Mubarak’s political fate has already been sealed and that a transition government should be established soon.

This isn’t a view shared by Malaysia’s former leader and now popular blogger Mahathir Mohamad, who himself was prime minister for more than two decades. He warns that political change isn’t always for the better.

‘Should these revolutions succeed there would be new governments. But it is worthwhile to remember that change is not always for the better,’ he wrote recently. ‘It is incumbent upon those bent on effecting change to have some idea about the kind of governments they want. Otherwise they may get the same kind of governments that they try so hard to be rid off. This is because most leaders upon achieving power would change and would forget the struggles and sacrifices which enabled them to be in power. Power corrupts as we all know.’

Finally, many netizens in Southeast Asia are relating the Egyptian protests to past revolts in their own countries. For example, Indonesians are comparing the rallies in Egypt to the 1998 student protests and riots in Jakarta that eventually led to the resignation of President Suharto, who ruled the country for three decades.

Filipinos are describing the ‘revolution’ in Egypt as similar to the People Power Revolution in the Philippines in 1986 that toppled the Marcos dictatorship. Many Filipinos think that it’s more than a coincidence that the Egypt protests are happening during the 25th anniversary celebrations of this historic revolt.

Thai citizens, meanwhile, are pointing out the similarities between the Egypt rallies and the anti-government Red Shirt protests last year in Bangkok.

Remembering the past is a harmless habit as long as it remains a study of ‘dead’ history. But memories of past revolts can also inspire citizens to reflect on their situation today: Are they better off now? Have political and social conditions improved? Remembering the ‘radical’ past could actually trigger a desire in the hearts of many citizens to act in order to change what they see as the oppressive present.

The protests in Egypt therefore dangle the prospect of a real political alternative to those who are tired of waiting for substantial reforms. This makes ‘Egypt’ a potentially subversive idea. ‘Egypt’ is now synonymous with revolution, and this is something that scares dictators of all stripes.

This could well be the reason why Cambodian Prime Hun Sen has warned that he’ll take harsh measures against anyone who attempts to initiate anything ‘Tunisia-like’ or ‘Egypt-like’ in Cambodia.

written for The Diplomat

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Indonesia’s threat to BlackBerry

By admin | February 10, 2011

Last month, Indonesian Communication and Information Minister Tifatul Sembiring announced on Twitter his disappointment over the failure of Research In Motion (RIM), the company that owns BlackBerry, to filter pornographic content in Indonesia. He warned that Indonesia would block BlackBerry’s browser if RIM wouldn’t censor access to porn within two weeks.

It’s unfortunate that Tifatul’s unique Twitter ‘press conference’, which itself was a newsworthy event, was overshadowed by his threat to BlackBerry.

It’s hardly surprising that Indonesia is conducting a war against porn—the country has strict anti-porn laws and the government from time to time reportedly empowers the police to conduct surprise raids in schools to check if students are storing pornographic materials on their mobile phones. Tifatul’s crusade is also understandable on a personal level when you consider that he also blamed immorality for a major earthquake that killed more than 1000 people in Indonesia two years ago.

Still, netizens couldn’t understand why RIM, which is a handset maker and not a service provider, had to be dragged into the anti-porn campaign. More puzzling was the government demand for RIM to shape up in less than a month or else face being closed down in Indonesia altogether. This kind of provocative policy statement doesn’t help efforts to encourage investors to put their money in Indonesia.

Perhaps sensing lack of public support for his latest morality crusade, Tifatul clarified that porn filtering isn’t the only issue with RIM, and he went on to issue additional demands if RIM wants to continue operating in Indonesia: It should open a representative office in Indonesia; it should open a service centre in the country; it should hire more local workers; and it should use local content and software.

On the surface there’s nothing particularly unusual about these kinds of demands—any government is duty bound to protect its country’s own interests. But IT experts have pointed out that these ‘patriotic’ demands by the Indonesian government have already been met by RIM. For example, RIM inaugurated its Indonesian representative office in October 2010. It already has more than a dozen service centres in the country, and is hoping to have 30 centres later this year. In addition, RIM reportedly only has two expat managers, with the rest of its workers being Indonesian citizens.

Yet despite apparently trying to do things right since it started operating in Indonesia, RIM has decided not to challenge the demands put forward by the government. Indeed, it has agreed to filter pornographic content by adopting the Nawala Project, a local software filtering system (although blogger Rob Baiton has warned that this filtering system is very broad, which means that even harmless sites could be blocked from BlackBerry devices).

In the end, it seems, RIM chose to prioritize its profit margins over the consumer rights of its two million subscribers in Indonesia.

written for The Diplomat

Singapore Needs More Babies

Singapore’s total fertility rate has decreased to an all-time low of 1.16 percent. It’s true the country’s population may have increased by 25 percent over the past decade, but this was due largely to the increased hiring of foreign workers in the prosperous city state. In reality, the low fertility rate points to a worrying fact: Singaporeans just aren’t having enough babies.

To encourage married couples to produce more children, the government has implemented the Baby Bonus Scheme, which entitles families to receive a cash gift of up to $6000 for each child they have. Another incentive is the Children Development Account in which the savings of couples is matched by the government to a cap of $6000 each for the first and second child, $12,000 each for the third and fourth child and $18,000 each for the fifth and any subsequent children.

But despite this generous financial package, Singaporeans still seem reluctant to have more children. Why?

The high cost of living in Singapore is the number one reason why couples are discouraged to procreate. The baby bonuses are removed when the child turns six years-old. Singaporeans are also complaining that raising kids is difficult because of prohibitive housing rates and soaring school costs. The pressure to be more productive in the office is also cited as a reason why couples are postponing or canceling their plans of having kids of their own.

To increase the population, the government’s other approach is to invite more foreign workers and immigrants. Singapore’s economy relies heavily on its highly skilled and creative workforce, which explains the aggressiveness of the government in trying to attract foreign talent. But the influx of foreigners is frowned upon by many Singaporeans who blame the ‘mismanaged’ immigration policies of the government for the continued drop in the country’s birth rate. Gerald Giam of the Workers’ Party explains that local workers are spending less time with their families because they have to put in ‘extra hours (at work) so they can be “cheaper, better, faster” and avoid being edged out of a job by foreigners willing to work for a third less salary.’

Singapore’s immigration policy will continue to generate intense public debate and will be a major issue on the election agenda. Meanwhile, the demand of Singaporeans to bring down the cost of living needs to be immediately addressed. Maybe overhauling the Baby Bonus Scheme should be considered.

If Singapore’s fertility rate continues to drop, Singaporeans might come to be known as a dying nationality.

written for The Diplomat

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Reclaim Edsa, the people’s highway

By admin | February 5, 2011

A specter is haunting Edsa today: the specter of street crimes. Car thieves and bus bombers are causing panic in the metropolis. Traffic and pollution are getting worse everyday. Giant billboards are displayed on every building along the highway. The old folks are asking: where are the trees in Edsa?

The government assures us that peace and order will be restored. In fact it has dispatched the MMDA as its executioner in Edsa. Discipline will be enforced (sa ikauunland ng bayan, disiplina ang kailangan). Police patrols will be more visible. State agents will man the buses. Phone SIM cards will be registered.

The networked citizens are cheering. Bravo MMDA for the traffic updates. Bravo MMDA for the CCTV images. Yes to SIM registration; after all we have nothing to hide. We are good citizens of the Republic. Mussolini could be smiling in his grave. After all, Mussolini’s fascist regime was once praised in Italy for making the trains ran on time. Let’s continue the tradition of equating the ruthless but efficient delivery of public services with good politics.

Why did we allow this to happen in Edsa, our Edsa? Just 25 years ago, it was the site of a spectacular uprising of the people against state repression. Its political value was affirmed in 2001 when anti-Erap forces converged there. Its subversiveness was exposed when the pro-Erap plebian crowd used the same space to express their hatred against the elites.

The self-proclaimed guardians of Edsa have since then banned the gathering of suspicious crowds in the highway in order not to repeat what they claim to be the desecration of church properties in Edsa-Ortigas. Desecration my foot! What they really wanted to avoid was the repetition of the political sequence in 1986 and 2001 because the next aspect of that gathering could be a more radical or more genuinely radical event. They fear that if the masses will succeed in Edsa, the hegemony of their rich patrons will weaken. In short, they wanted to preserve Edsa as the site of the last great stand of the intelligentsia and middle forces.

The state is also afraid of Edsa and its radical meaning. And so in the past decade, the MMDA has banned the presence of people in Edsa (Bawal ang tao dito, nakamamatay). Don’t cross the streets, use the footbridge. Don’t walk and march in Edsa – its either jaywalking or illegal assembly. Also, only state and corporate slogans and artworks are permissible in the highway.

Edsa, the site of world-class people power movements, is now off-limits to people. But we don’t complain because this sacrifice is needed to spur progress and better civilization.

The bourgeois state is cunning. It knows that removing the people in Edsa will make state-sanctioned politics the dominant force in the place. There is no People Power (as we know it) without the collective presence of people in Edsa. The ruling party in power feels safe without the threat of People Power haunting the bureaucrats.

And so we must resist. The people must fight back.

The first duty is to remember. The name Edsa orders us not to forget the past. Edsa is historian Epifanio de los Santos, one of the chroniclers of the 1896 Philippine Revolution. Remembering Edsa as a protest landmark is easy since it only refers to the immediate past. Use the memory of radical Edsa to challenge the oppressive present and not to prettify the image of the haciendero president.

The second duty is to question and challenge the dominance of the bourgeoisie in Edsa. They have reterritorialized the space in favor of their class interest. If we allow them complete ownership of Edsa, we will soon lose Commonwealth and C-5. The toiling masses, the real builders of society, are rendered invisible in Edsa. Let the proletariats terrorize the capitalists in Edsa!

How to do it? The third duty involves the restoration of progressive politics in Edsa. There are concrete struggles today: Reject the anti-poor LRT/MRT fare hikes. Defend the San Roque community in North Triangle. Expose and oppose the elements of a police state which are now prevailing in Edsa.

The other alternative (easy but cowardly) is to do nothing. If we choose this option, two kinds of terror will win. The deadly terror inflicted by the anonymous bus bombers and the numbing terror of the state masquerading as public service.

To fight terror, we must bring back politics. Radical politics is needed to defeat terrorism. People Power, not state terror, is the answer to the specter of ‘street crimes’ in Edsa.

Rejecting politics means we are surrendering our right to claim Edsa. If that day comes, Edsa will be in the hands of terrorists, surveillance experts, police/military elements, corporate vultures, and porsche-riding politicians.

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Posted in places | Tagged , | 2 Comments