The meaning of Egypt in Southeast Asia

By admin | February 20, 2011

Unless you’re a hermit living in the boondocks, you’ll have heard something about the massive anti-government protests in Egypt that started late last month. The protesters have become global celebrities as they’ve taken a brave stand against the three-decades-old regime of President Hosni Mubarak. The ‘million-man march’ has also made Tahrir Square in Cairo a regular fixture on TV and computer screens across the globe.

A mix of global attention and geo-political significance has prompted reaction and comment from around the world, including here in Southeast Asia. And, based on my monitoring of the online comments from this region, I’d say the responses can be grouped into four categories.

First, there are the netizens who have been focused on declaring support for the struggle of the defiant protesters. They’re using the #egypt Twitter hash tag to express their solidarity with the protesters aiming to topple the Mubarak government. The majority of these commenters are also expressing hope that the protests will help usher in a democratic government in Egypt.

The second, closely related, set of comments has focused on the pro-Mubarak thugs who appear to be sowing the seeds of violence in the streets of Cairo and elsewhere. In particular, they’ve been condemning the use of tear gas and guns to disperse the crowds. These commenters have also noted, with particular concern, the numerous reported attacks on journalists who are covering the crisis.

Then there are those comments focusing on Egypt’s future. It seems that all of a sudden everybody on the web has become a political expert on Egypt and the Middle East. Still, most of them seem to agree that Mubarak’s political fate has already been sealed and that a transition government should be established soon.

This isn’t a view shared by Malaysia’s former leader and now popular blogger Mahathir Mohamad, who himself was prime minister for more than two decades. He warns that political change isn’t always for the better.

‘Should these revolutions succeed there would be new governments. But it is worthwhile to remember that change is not always for the better,’ he wrote recently. ‘It is incumbent upon those bent on effecting change to have some idea about the kind of governments they want. Otherwise they may get the same kind of governments that they try so hard to be rid off. This is because most leaders upon achieving power would change and would forget the struggles and sacrifices which enabled them to be in power. Power corrupts as we all know.’

Finally, many netizens in Southeast Asia are relating the Egyptian protests to past revolts in their own countries. For example, Indonesians are comparing the rallies in Egypt to the 1998 student protests and riots in Jakarta that eventually led to the resignation of President Suharto, who ruled the country for three decades.

Filipinos are describing the ‘revolution’ in Egypt as similar to the People Power Revolution in the Philippines in 1986 that toppled the Marcos dictatorship. Many Filipinos think that it’s more than a coincidence that the Egypt protests are happening during the 25th anniversary celebrations of this historic revolt.

Thai citizens, meanwhile, are pointing out the similarities between the Egypt rallies and the anti-government Red Shirt protests last year in Bangkok.

Remembering the past is a harmless habit as long as it remains a study of ‘dead’ history. But memories of past revolts can also inspire citizens to reflect on their situation today: Are they better off now? Have political and social conditions improved? Remembering the ‘radical’ past could actually trigger a desire in the hearts of many citizens to act in order to change what they see as the oppressive present.

The protests in Egypt therefore dangle the prospect of a real political alternative to those who are tired of waiting for substantial reforms. This makes ‘Egypt’ a potentially subversive idea. ‘Egypt’ is now synonymous with revolution, and this is something that scares dictators of all stripes.

This could well be the reason why Cambodian Prime Hun Sen has warned that he’ll take harsh measures against anyone who attempts to initiate anything ‘Tunisia-like’ or ‘Egypt-like’ in Cambodia.

written for The Diplomat

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Indonesia’s threat to BlackBerry

By admin | February 10, 2011

Last month, Indonesian Communication and Information Minister Tifatul Sembiring announced on Twitter his disappointment over the failure of Research In Motion (RIM), the company that owns BlackBerry, to filter pornographic content in Indonesia. He warned that Indonesia would block BlackBerry’s browser if RIM wouldn’t censor access to porn within two weeks.

It’s unfortunate that Tifatul’s unique Twitter ‘press conference’, which itself was a newsworthy event, was overshadowed by his threat to BlackBerry.

It’s hardly surprising that Indonesia is conducting a war against porn—the country has strict anti-porn laws and the government from time to time reportedly empowers the police to conduct surprise raids in schools to check if students are storing pornographic materials on their mobile phones. Tifatul’s crusade is also understandable on a personal level when you consider that he also blamed immorality for a major earthquake that killed more than 1000 people in Indonesia two years ago.

Still, netizens couldn’t understand why RIM, which is a handset maker and not a service provider, had to be dragged into the anti-porn campaign. More puzzling was the government demand for RIM to shape up in less than a month or else face being closed down in Indonesia altogether. This kind of provocative policy statement doesn’t help efforts to encourage investors to put their money in Indonesia.

Perhaps sensing lack of public support for his latest morality crusade, Tifatul clarified that porn filtering isn’t the only issue with RIM, and he went on to issue additional demands if RIM wants to continue operating in Indonesia: It should open a representative office in Indonesia; it should open a service centre in the country; it should hire more local workers; and it should use local content and software.

On the surface there’s nothing particularly unusual about these kinds of demands—any government is duty bound to protect its country’s own interests. But IT experts have pointed out that these ‘patriotic’ demands by the Indonesian government have already been met by RIM. For example, RIM inaugurated its Indonesian representative office in October 2010. It already has more than a dozen service centres in the country, and is hoping to have 30 centres later this year. In addition, RIM reportedly only has two expat managers, with the rest of its workers being Indonesian citizens.

Yet despite apparently trying to do things right since it started operating in Indonesia, RIM has decided not to challenge the demands put forward by the government. Indeed, it has agreed to filter pornographic content by adopting the Nawala Project, a local software filtering system (although blogger Rob Baiton has warned that this filtering system is very broad, which means that even harmless sites could be blocked from BlackBerry devices).

In the end, it seems, RIM chose to prioritize its profit margins over the consumer rights of its two million subscribers in Indonesia.

written for The Diplomat

Singapore Needs More Babies

Singapore’s total fertility rate has decreased to an all-time low of 1.16 percent. It’s true the country’s population may have increased by 25 percent over the past decade, but this was due largely to the increased hiring of foreign workers in the prosperous city state. In reality, the low fertility rate points to a worrying fact: Singaporeans just aren’t having enough babies.

To encourage married couples to produce more children, the government has implemented the Baby Bonus Scheme, which entitles families to receive a cash gift of up to $6000 for each child they have. Another incentive is the Children Development Account in which the savings of couples is matched by the government to a cap of $6000 each for the first and second child, $12,000 each for the third and fourth child and $18,000 each for the fifth and any subsequent children.

But despite this generous financial package, Singaporeans still seem reluctant to have more children. Why?

The high cost of living in Singapore is the number one reason why couples are discouraged to procreate. The baby bonuses are removed when the child turns six years-old. Singaporeans are also complaining that raising kids is difficult because of prohibitive housing rates and soaring school costs. The pressure to be more productive in the office is also cited as a reason why couples are postponing or canceling their plans of having kids of their own.

To increase the population, the government’s other approach is to invite more foreign workers and immigrants. Singapore’s economy relies heavily on its highly skilled and creative workforce, which explains the aggressiveness of the government in trying to attract foreign talent. But the influx of foreigners is frowned upon by many Singaporeans who blame the ‘mismanaged’ immigration policies of the government for the continued drop in the country’s birth rate. Gerald Giam of the Workers’ Party explains that local workers are spending less time with their families because they have to put in ‘extra hours (at work) so they can be “cheaper, better, faster” and avoid being edged out of a job by foreigners willing to work for a third less salary.’

Singapore’s immigration policy will continue to generate intense public debate and will be a major issue on the election agenda. Meanwhile, the demand of Singaporeans to bring down the cost of living needs to be immediately addressed. Maybe overhauling the Baby Bonus Scheme should be considered.

If Singapore’s fertility rate continues to drop, Singaporeans might come to be known as a dying nationality.

written for The Diplomat

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Reclaim Edsa, the people’s highway

By admin | February 5, 2011

A specter is haunting Edsa today: the specter of street crimes. Car thieves and bus bombers are causing panic in the metropolis. Traffic and pollution are getting worse everyday. Giant billboards are displayed on every building along the highway. The old folks are asking: where are the trees in Edsa?

The government assures us that peace and order will be restored. In fact it has dispatched the MMDA as its executioner in Edsa. Discipline will be enforced (sa ikauunland ng bayan, disiplina ang kailangan). Police patrols will be more visible. State agents will man the buses. Phone SIM cards will be registered.

The networked citizens are cheering. Bravo MMDA for the traffic updates. Bravo MMDA for the CCTV images. Yes to SIM registration; after all we have nothing to hide. We are good citizens of the Republic. Mussolini could be smiling in his grave. After all, Mussolini’s fascist regime was once praised in Italy for making the trains ran on time. Let’s continue the tradition of equating the ruthless but efficient delivery of public services with good politics.

Why did we allow this to happen in Edsa, our Edsa? Just 25 years ago, it was the site of a spectacular uprising of the people against state repression. Its political value was affirmed in 2001 when anti-Erap forces converged there. Its subversiveness was exposed when the pro-Erap plebian crowd used the same space to express their hatred against the elites.

The self-proclaimed guardians of Edsa have since then banned the gathering of suspicious crowds in the highway in order not to repeat what they claim to be the desecration of church properties in Edsa-Ortigas. Desecration my foot! What they really wanted to avoid was the repetition of the political sequence in 1986 and 2001 because the next aspect of that gathering could be a more radical or more genuinely radical event. They fear that if the masses will succeed in Edsa, the hegemony of their rich patrons will weaken. In short, they wanted to preserve Edsa as the site of the last great stand of the intelligentsia and middle forces.

The state is also afraid of Edsa and its radical meaning. And so in the past decade, the MMDA has banned the presence of people in Edsa (Bawal ang tao dito, nakamamatay). Don’t cross the streets, use the footbridge. Don’t walk and march in Edsa – its either jaywalking or illegal assembly. Also, only state and corporate slogans and artworks are permissible in the highway.

Edsa, the site of world-class people power movements, is now off-limits to people. But we don’t complain because this sacrifice is needed to spur progress and better civilization.

The bourgeois state is cunning. It knows that removing the people in Edsa will make state-sanctioned politics the dominant force in the place. There is no People Power (as we know it) without the collective presence of people in Edsa. The ruling party in power feels safe without the threat of People Power haunting the bureaucrats.

And so we must resist. The people must fight back.

The first duty is to remember. The name Edsa orders us not to forget the past. Edsa is historian Epifanio de los Santos, one of the chroniclers of the 1896 Philippine Revolution. Remembering Edsa as a protest landmark is easy since it only refers to the immediate past. Use the memory of radical Edsa to challenge the oppressive present and not to prettify the image of the haciendero president.

The second duty is to question and challenge the dominance of the bourgeoisie in Edsa. They have reterritorialized the space in favor of their class interest. If we allow them complete ownership of Edsa, we will soon lose Commonwealth and C-5. The toiling masses, the real builders of society, are rendered invisible in Edsa. Let the proletariats terrorize the capitalists in Edsa!

How to do it? The third duty involves the restoration of progressive politics in Edsa. There are concrete struggles today: Reject the anti-poor LRT/MRT fare hikes. Defend the San Roque community in North Triangle. Expose and oppose the elements of a police state which are now prevailing in Edsa.

The other alternative (easy but cowardly) is to do nothing. If we choose this option, two kinds of terror will win. The deadly terror inflicted by the anonymous bus bombers and the numbing terror of the state masquerading as public service.

To fight terror, we must bring back politics. Radical politics is needed to defeat terrorism. People Power, not state terror, is the answer to the specter of ‘street crimes’ in Edsa.

Rejecting politics means we are surrendering our right to claim Edsa. If that day comes, Edsa will be in the hands of terrorists, surveillance experts, police/military elements, corporate vultures, and porsche-riding politicians.

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Philippine employment statistics 2010

By admin | February 3, 2011

I was compelled to gather some employment statistics when I was invited to discuss the youth situation in a university job fair last week. I got a copy of the Department of Labor and Employment’s Project Jobsfit August 2010 study on employment prospects in the Philippines. Here are some of the interesting and relevant findings of the report:

2009 Top employment generators

• Real estate, Renting (11.8%)
• Electricity, Gas and Water (9.4%)
• Private households with employed persons
• Health and social work (7.6%)
• Education (6.2%)
• Hotels and Restaurants (6%)

The service sector has generated the most number of jobs in 2009. It is expected that this sector will expand further as the industrial and agricultural sectors continue to face bleak prospects. This can be blamed on the neoliberal economic policies of the government which have contributed to the decline of the domestic manufacturing and agricultural sectors of the country.

2008-09 Most number of graduates

• Business Administration – 114,000
• Education, Teacher – 96,000
• Medical and allied professionals – 87,000
• Engineering – 63,000
• IT – 49,000

Nursing is down; enrolment in HRM and IT is increasing. Business Administration and Teacher Education are traditionally the most popular courses in college. Recently, the Commission on Higher Education announced a moratorium on the creation of new business and teacher courses.

2009 TESDA assessed graduates

• Health, Social, Community Development – 407,237
• Maritime Sector – 293,666
• Hotel, restaurant – 281,389

According to TESDA, the Maritime Sector has the highest ratio of students who immediately received employment certifications. The IT sector performed poorly in this indicator.

Top 12 Key Employment Generators

• Agribusiness
• Cyberservices
• Health and Wellness
• Hotel, Restaurant, Tourism
• Mining
• Construction
• Banking and Finance
• Manufacturing
• Ownership Dwellings and Real Estate
• Transport and Logistics
• Wholesale and Retail Trade
• Overseas Employment

This is based on the economic projections of DOLE and the priority economic activities of the government. Note that mining, cyberservices, and overseas employment are listed here since they are priorities of the past administration. Construction is expected to experience a boom in the next few years if the government’s Public Private Partnership program would deliver on its promises.

Hard to fill occupations

• Aqua-culturist
• Feed processor/Food technician
• Animator
• Optician
• Spa/Massage Therapist
• Baker
• Cook

For those interested to enroll in a second course or those who want to shift to another career, the list above can be a guide. The listing is provided by DOLE and private employers.

Four emerging industries

• Creative industries (3D Modelers, 3D Artist, 3D Animators, Flash Animators, System Analyst and Designers)
• Diversified/Strategic Farming and Fishing
• Power and Utilities (Electrical Control Operator, Equipment Operator, Electrical Technician, Mechanical Technician, Mechanic, Power Production Plant Operator)
• Renewable Energy

The last two items could explain why San Miguel and other conglomerates are shifting to power generation.

NEDA economic activities projection

• High value, FDI-led agribusiness
• Infrastructure
• Long term demand for OFWs
• Tourism
• Medical Tourism
• Retirement estates (Subic, NCR, Tagaytay, Cebu, Dumaguete)
• BPO
• ICT investments
• Real estate
• Shipbuilding
• Mining
• Renewable energy
• Food production

The list reveals the bias of our economic policymakers. We continue to be dependent on foreign direct investments and the sending (exporting) of our people to other countries. The Philippines is also aiming to be a retirement hub aside from attracting investments in medical tourism.

Job prospects (regions)

• Hotels, restaurants, tourism – NCR, II, III, IV-B, V, VI, VII, IX, X, CARAGA
• Health, wellness – NCR, CAR, III, IV-B, VI, VIII, X, XI, XII
• Cyber services – NCR, II, III, VI, VIII, X, XI, XII
• Transport – I, II, VI, X
• Banking, Finance – X, CARAGA
• Mining – II, III, IV-B, VI, IX, XI, XII, CARAGA

The transport industry got a boost from the RORO system devised during the Arroyo years. Meanwhile, the new administration intends to implement a RORO-like cold chain system for agricultural supplies. Tourism it seems is a priority in most regions. I’m quite worried that mining will continue to be a priority of the government.

Emerging industries (regions)

• Agribusiness – VIII
• Creative Industries – NCR
• Cyber services – CAR, IV-A, V, VIII, XII, CARAGA
• Diversified farming – CARAGA
• Education – II
• Furniture – VII
• Health, medical tourism – CAR, V, CARAGA
• Mining – I, VI, X

Cyber services (BPO sector) are focused in regions where education centers exist. Is furniture business an emerging industry in Cebu because of the global success of Kenneth Cobonpue?

NCR Employment Trends 2003-08

• Real Estate, renting
• Hotels, Restaurant, Construction
• Public administration, defense,
• Financial intermediation
• Transport storage and communication
• Wholesale and retail trade

Public administration and financial intermediation are top job generators in Metro Manila because it is the political and financial capital of the country. Defense is also a big industry for job hunters. Ask for a pabaon from the generals. Real estate is growing especially with all the condominium projects everywhere.

NCR emerging business districts

• North Triangle
• Araneta Cyber Center
• Greenhills redevelopment
• EDSA Central Robinsons Gateway Center
• Rockwell Center
• Fort Bonifacio Global City
• McKinley Hill
• SM Central Business Park
• Metropolital Business Park
• Newport City
• ASEANA IT Business Park
• Asiaworld City
• Madrigal Business Park
• Filinvest Corporate City

The service sector enclaves! Political organizing should also be developed in these office areas. North Triangle tops the list – will this mean that the urban poor communities in the vicinity will be demolished soon?

OFWs Top Demandable Category 2009

• Domestic helpers – 109,982
• Production – 36,212
• Nurses – 28,470
• Caregivers – 9,431
• Plumbers – 15,359
• Cooks -14,900
• Wiremen – 15,955
• Welders – 10,592

Despite Arroyo’s assertion that OFWs should be called expats, the data shows that we are still a nation known for having the most skilled domestic helpers in the world.

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A Korean ‘War’ in Cambodia?

By admin | January 27, 2011

It seems like a mini Korean War is brewing in Cambodia. But unlike the tense situation on the Korean Peninsula, which could end up involving a military clash, the ‘war’ in Cambodia is a kind of culinary conflict.

In 2002, the North Korean government opened a restaurant in Siem Reap near the world famous Angkor Wat Temple. It became a popular destination for tourists who wanted to sample North Korean delicacies, including dishes like Pyongyang-style cold noodles. Aside from the food, the restaurant offers another attraction: musical and dance performances put on by North Korea-born waitresses.

The restaurant proved to be a financially successful venture and led to the establishment of two more restaurants in Cambodia—one in Phnom Penh and another in Siem Reap. It’s estimated that the restaurants are contributing about $100,000 to $300,000 a year to North Korea’s national coffers.

Encouraged by the success of their Cambodian eateries, the North Korea regime expanded their business to other friendly countries like China, Laos, Vietnam and Russia. And despite the global financial crisis in 2008, which forced many tourists to trim down their spending habits, the North Korea-operated restaurants in Cambodia managed to survive, probably because tourists couldn’t resist the cultural appeal of exotic North Korea, a country pretty much isolated from the rest of the world.

So the more serious problem is a reported boycott spearheaded by South Korean tourist operators of the North Korean restaurants in Cambodia. About 120,000 South Koreans visit the restaurants every year, so imagine the lost earnings for Pyongyang if the boycott lasts.

What triggered it? Is it driven by a loyalty to the many South Korean-owned restaurants in Cambodia that have sprouted up in recent years?

According to news reports, the boycott was signaled by the South Korean embassy as a sign of protest against the North Korean provocation over the Cheonan warship sinking last year. The boycott was initially ignored as tourists continued to flock to the North Korean restaurants. But it seems that North Korea’s attack on Yeonpyong Island in November angered many South Korean residents in Cambodia, and as a gesture of retaliation they called for a boycott of the Pyongyang restaurants.

And the shunning seems to be working. The Phnom Penh Post for instance has reported that some of the dance shows of the North Korean waitresses have been cancelled. However, it remains to be seen whether the boycott will permanently hurt the financial viability of the restaurants.

As the boycott continues, it seems inevitable that the situation is bound to turn ugly. South Korean residents who supported the boycott drive have complained that they were attacked by unidentified goons inside their homes.

Will violence escalate in this peculiar war? The tensions could end up driving away tourists who don’t want to be involved in any nasty confrontations. If this happens, the only winners will be the other Asian restaurants who’d probably be happy to accommodate more customers by offering kimchi and other Korean delicacies on their own menus.

Written for The Diplomat

The Red Shirts Are Back!

Thousands of anti-government Red Shirt protesters gathered in central Bangkok last Sunday, proving once more that they’re still a major threat to the ruling party. The police estimated the crowd at 30,000, but rally organizers claimed they mobilized 60,000 in the streets.

It was the biggest Red Shirt rally since last year when the Red Shirts launched provocative rallies and street blockades in Bangkok over an about two-month period, paralyzing the country’s shopping and commercial centres. The protests, which at one point gathered more than 100,000 people, ended after government troops violently dispersed the rallies, resulting in almost 100 deaths. The government subsequently placed the country’s capital and other urban centres under a state of emergency, which included a ban on the holding of political assemblies and rallies.

The Red Shirts’ core members are supporters of ousted Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, but the group has since then become a broad movement calling for substantial reforms in Thai government and society. In particular, they’re demanding the resignation of Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva, who they accuse of being an illegitimate and undemocratic leader.

The Sunday rally overwhelmed police and even political experts, who didn’t expect the Red Shirts to still be capable of organizing a massive protest since many of their leaders are still in prison.

Despite the traffic jams it caused, the Red Shirts’ protest rally was welcomed by many Bangkok citizens, and even foreign tourists. The peaceful conduct of the rally could be one of the reasons why many pedestrians clapped during the protest march. Perhaps learning from their mistakes last year, which alienated them from the public, the Red Shirt protesters last Sunday didn’t resort to gangster-like tactics like burning cars, splattering blood on government buildings and destroying shopping malls.

The surprising success of the Red Shirt rally could also be indicative of rising public support for the group’s cause and growing disappointment with the Abhisit government. This is debatable, and the government would be the first to deny that the Red Shirts are gaining more adherents.

But what we can see is the appropriateness of the demands put forward by the Red Shirts last Sunday. Their popular cry was the immediate release of their comrades who are still in jail — reasonable sounding since it reminded the public that the leaders of the pro-government ‘Yellow Shirts’ who ordered the infamous takeover of the Bangkok International Airport in 2008 have yet to be arrested and charged in the courts.

The first month of the New Year isn’t over yet, but the Red Shirts have already gathered tens of thousands of anti-government protesters in the streets. Abhisit’s advisers shouldn’t use the spectre of the reborn Red Shirt movement as another excuse to implement more authoritarian measures. Instead, they should begin to study the prospect of granting the valid demands of the Red Shirts for the sake of political stability and reconciliation.

Written for The Diplomat

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Si JV at ang marahas na demolisyon sa San Juan

By admin | January 26, 2011

1. Eto ang sinulat ni JV Ejercito sa kanyang Facebook hinggil sa naganap na demolisyon sa Barangay Corazon de Jesus sa siyudad ng San Juan: “Ang may kasalanan sa kaguluhan kanina sa Corazon ay ang mga militanteng grupo na angbintensyon talaga ay manggulo. Nang simula ay nang udyok, nanggatong at ginalit ang mga maralita sa Corazon. Pagkatapos ay may mga dalang sumpak, bolo, pana, ice pick, tirador, at granada! Kayo man nasa lugar ng mga awtoridad ay malamang ganun din ang gagawin niyo. Ang intensyon ng mga grupong ito ay malinaw, gamitin ang mga mahihirp at manggulo.”

2. Ilang paglilinaw lamang: Hindi mga militante ang nagsimula ng karahasan. Ang naunang probokasyon ay ang pagkakait sa mga residente ng kanilang karapatang manatili sa kanilang tirahan. Ilang dekada na ang mga Estrada sa San Juan pero kahit murang pabahay ay hindi naibigay sa Barangay Corazon de Jesus.

3. Ang dapat managot sa karahasan ay ang kapulisan at ang nag-utos sa kanila na gibain ang barikada ng mahihirap kahit may mga inaayos pang mga legal na usapin.

4. Dapat maunawaan ni JV na kahit saan mang lugar na may banta ng demolisyon, lalaban at lalaban ang mahihirap. May pag-uudyok man o wala ang mga militante, ipagtatanggol ng mahihirap ang kanilang karapatan lalo na kung buhay, bahay at kabuhayan ng mga tao ang nasa peligro. Halimbawa, wala namang kaliwang elemento sa mga ginibang komunidad ng New Manila at Taguig pero nagkaroon pa rin ng sagupaan sa pagitan ng pulis at mga residente.

5. Dapat magpasalamat si JV at mga Estrada na nandun ang mga militante sa Barangay Corazon de Jesus dahil ginabayan ang paglaban ng mga residente. Organisado ang paglaban. May hinandang hamong legal. Kung wala ang mga militante, baka mas naging marahas pa ang resulta ng demolisyon.

6. Bakit magdadala ng granada at teargas ang mga militante sa barikada? Sila mismo ay maaaring mapahamak, masugatan, at mamatay kung may dala silang granada. Hindi tanga ang mga militante. At kung kaguluhan lang ang pakay ng mga militante, bakit hindi hinagis ang granada sa pulis? Bakit hindi ginamit ang iba pang armas?

7. Nagtataka si JV kung bakit may ice pick, bolo at sumpak sa komunidad. Karaniwang nakikita ang mga ito sa mga komunidad. At ano ang inaasahan niyang hawakan ng mga residente habang ginigiba ang mga bahay: litrato ni Erap?

8. Tanggapin natin pansamantala ang argumento ni JV na ‘inudyok’ ng mga militante ang mga residente na magprotesta laban sa demolisyon. Ibig sabihin ba ay hindi niya tinangkang kausapin ang kanyang mga kababayan? Kung sinuyo niya ang mga taga Barangay Corazon de Jesus, mukhang nabigo siya dahil mas pinili ng mga tao ang lumaban. Mas pinaniwalaan nila ang mga militante. Hindi siya epektibong lider.

9. Huwag siyang magalit kung ayaw mag self-demolish ng mga tao. Ang gigibain kasi ay hindi dollhouse o bahay-bahayan. Hindi man kasinglaki ng Boracay Mansion, ang mga bahay sa Barangay Corazon de Jesus ay bahay pa rin na tinitirhan ng mga tao. Ilan sa mga bahay dun ay mas matanda pa nga sa kanya.

10. Dapat itigil na ni JV ang malisyosong akusasyon laban sa mga militante. Ang dapat niyang gawin ngayon ay humingi ng tawad sa mga kababayan niya sa Barangay Corazon de Jesus. Sila ay tapat na sumuporta sa mga Estrada sa bawat halalan. At ang sukling kabayaran ng mga Estrada ay marahas na demolisyon?

11. Huwag maliitin ang kakayahan ng mahihirap na lumaban at matapang na ipagtanggol ang kanilang karapatan. Sila ay nag-iisip. Nagpaplano. Hindi nila kailangan ng pag-uudyok. Nakalimutan na ba ni JV ang Edsa Tres?

12. Sabi ni JV, ginagamit ng mga militante ang mahihirap para manggulo sa paligid. Palibhasa ang mga pulitiko ang alam nilang lenggwahe ay kung paano hakutin at bilhin ang mahihirap kaya madalas ito rin ang iniisip nilang motibo ng kanilang kaaway. Ibahin ninyo ang Kaliwa: lumalaban sila kasama ang mahihirap. At laging may makatwirang adyenda o hiling ang kanilang tindig.

13. Maiintindihan ko pa ang baluktot na tingin ni JV sa mga militante kung nangyari ang demolisyon bago ang 2001, bago mapatalsik si Erap. Pero nakasama ni JV ang mga militante sa kilusan laban kay Gloria Arroyo. Ilang taong kasama niya ang mga militante sa mga rali, sa mga dispersal, sa mga pulong, sa mga komunidad, sa mga paaralan. Dapat batid niya na ngayon na hindi kaguluhan ang tanging hangarin ng mga militante. Kaya lubha kong ikinulungkot at ikinagalit ang mga maling paratang niya sa mga militante.

14. Marahil sulsol na rin ng mga tagapayo, ginamit ni JV ang red scare para umiwas sa responsibilidad sa naganap na karahasan sa San Juan. Tutal, epektibo pa rin ang taktikang ito ng mga reaksiyonaryo para ikubli ang mga totoong usapin at kumabig ng suporta sa hanay ng mga takot at walang alam sa Kaliwa.

15. Enero 25 – Bus bombing sa Buendia, kaarawan ni Corazon Aquino, at marahas na demolisyon sa Barangay Corazon de Jesus sa San Juan.

16. Nagtatanong ang mga bata kung ano ang slogan noong Edsa Dos. Kung may twitter noon, marahil ito ang hashtag: #sobranangpahirappatalsikinsierap.

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Burma: Where Old Is New, Again

By admin | January 20, 2011

Burma’s junta leaders delivered what could probably be the political masterstroke of 2010 in the South-east Asia region: Obscure the continuing military dictatorship in the country by releasing from detention a global democracy icon and conducting nationwide polls.

Despite its new name (Republic of the Union of Burma) and the inauguration of a new republic with its elected parliament deputies, Burma is in reality still the same old Burma where democracy, freedom and human rights are rigidly defined in favour of the interests of the ruling junta.

But the old generals were wise to adorn the rebranded republic with some democratic trappings since they can use the image of a new Burma to convince the international community—especially the business sector—that substantive positive changes are finally taking place in the country.

Through this genius political maneuver, the generals and their favoured cronies could continue hoarding the nation’s wealth and silencing the organized opposition while proclaiming to the whole world that Western-style democracy is beginning to work again in Burma.

What happened in Burma in 2010—or, to be more precise, what appeared to have changed in Burma last year—was a smart repackaging of an old and discredited political order. The ‘old’ was remodeled to become the ‘new old’. Aung San Suu Kyi was released from her house prison so that she could enter a bigger prison. Election results were pre-determined by the same people who stole Burma’s democracy more than 20 years ago. The elected parliament members were high-ranking members of the military.

It was as if Burma’s citizens were forced to choose between two bad options in 2010: Continue to suffer under the military-backed regime or elect the candidates appointed by the junta so that the people of Burma can at least suffer under a government with some semblance of democratic aspirations.

And the junta’s deception succeeded for two reasons: One, Suu Kyi’s decision to boycott the elections fragmented her party, which crippled the chances of the opposition. Second, the political strategy adopted by the junta is a popular tactic in the playbook of political parties and politicians, especially in South-east Asia.

If Western critics were to expose the sham democracy in Burma, the junta leaders could always claim that their brand of democracy is no different from the other democracies in the region. In Burma, there’s no freedom of the press; there’s no genuine opposition party; and there’s no accountability of public officials. But these democratic deficiencies could also apply in some degree or other to Singapore, Malaysia and Cambodia. Singapore has, after all, been dominated by a single party in the past 50 years, censorship prevails in Cambodia and political accountability is weak in Malaysia.

In previous years, Burma couldn’t easily brush off accusations that it doesn’t uphold democracy because there was a clear military dictatorship in the country. But today, a military that continues to dominate the government can reason that democratic institutions are actually already in place. Furthermore, the elections that were held were monitored by foreign observers and diplomats. The country’s most famous political prisoner is now free. And even the flag of the republic is new.

So how should the international community deal with Burma? Should it welcome the new republic and christen it as the newest and youngest democracy in the world? Or should it support the pro-democracy movement both inside and outside Burma as it continues to struggle for real reforms?

These questions are not difficult to answer since it’s obvious that nothing fundamental has really changed in Burma other than the fact that the situation there has deteriorated because of the two strong typhoons that hit the country in 2008 and 2010.

But maybe what the consistent critics of Burma should also reflect upon is the valid objection raised by the junta about our eagerness to punish the country for betraying the democratic enterprise while pretending to be blind to the similar crimes of Burma’s neighbours. Maybe it’s time to stop designating the Burmese government as some kind of supreme evil that must be fought so that we can objectively redistribute our rage to other anti-democratic governments in the region.

That said, showing solidarity to battling Burmese citizens should remain an urgent political task for all pro-democracy advocates. And this means, first of all, unmasking the real power behind the newly elected government of the Republic of the Union of Burma.

written for The Diplomat

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Politics of Communications: Carandang/Coloma

By admin | January 13, 2011

Part 1: Here come the commies

Sec. Ramon Carandang is the head of the Presidential Communications Development and Strategic Planning while Sec. Herminio Coloma leads the Presidential Communications Operations. They both belong to President Noynoy Aquino’s communications team: Carandang is in charge of ‘messaging’ while Coloma’s focus is ‘dissemination’. Carandang’s group drafts the daily statements/speeches of PNoy while Coloma delivers these messages to the public through government-owned media outlets and the private mass media.

According to a Malacanang briefing paper presented to members of Congress, the main function of Carandang’s team is to “coordinate the crafting, formulation, development and enhancement of the messaging system under the Office of the President of the Philippines.” Meanwhile, Coloma’s team is in charge of “developing and implementing necessary guidelines and mechanisms pertaining to the delivery and dissemination of information relating to the policies, programs, official activities and achievements of the President and the Executive Branch.”

Carandang and Coloma represent the warring factions (Balay vs Samar) inside the PNoy administration but they both claimed that they have been working as a team. However, assuming that their functional relationship is for real, critics still accused them of performing similar tasks. This observation is not without basis.

One of Carandang’s duties is to “assist in the formulation and implementation of New Media strategies for the Office of the President of the Philippines. But Coloma’s job description is also to “manage and administer the OP Website and Web Development Office.” The result is somewhat hilarious: the president has two official websites. Asked during the budget deliberations, Coloma confirmed that they are administering PNoy’s Facebook page. Facebook is a new media platform which is supposed to be Carandang’s turf.

Another official function of Carandang is to “devise the communications strategy to promote the President’s agenda throughout all media and among the many publics with which the administration interacts.” The keywords here are ‘promote’, ‘all media’, and ‘public’. Carandang then would be duplicating the principal mission of Coloma which is to promote and deliver the PNoy’s message to the public through all media platforms.

It is also difficult for Carandang and Coloma to synergize their twin operations since they have separate budget items. Carandang’s funding comes directly from the Office of the President-Executive Secretary while Coloma’s funding source is listed under a different agency.

But Carandang’s team continued to insist that they are not wasting taxpayers’ money despite the existence of two teams which are apparently fulfilling the same functions. They reminded the public that at one point, the unloved former President Gloria Arroyo had four press secretaries. It seems PNoy is merely continuing the legacy of Arroyo, while adopting some fancy modifications like employing the lingo of the new media and establishing sub-agencies with complicated acronyms. Eto na ba ang pagbabago?

Perhaps PNoy’s subordinates can be forgiven for devising a problematic communications network. They seemed to be really obsessed with the idea of maximizing modern communications to advance the agenda of PNoy. How to reform the presidential communications work? Again, based from the briefing paper mentioned earlier:

“…a significant reform of official channels of the government means they must be employed not just to talk to the media but to the public in general in order to convey and properly explain the government’s agenda, as well as to engage both media and the public in a conversation on the reforms and policies of the administration.”

The inspiration of the Communications group is the White House model which also has teams in charge of messaging and dissemination. But recalibrating the official propaganda machine of the state is not a recent innovation and definitely not a White House invention. Perhaps PNoy’s Communications team learned a lot from the late dictator Ferdinand Marcos who recognized the political value of enhancing the communications network of the government.

Marcos wrote: “As President, I have a personal and official stake in the quality of our public forums. There are certain policies which, because they are innovative, must necessarily encounter popular resistance. They must be explained, for they have to be carried out. The government must avail itself of every means of communication, including its own publications….A government that fails to inform its citizens of its programs and decisions yields the ground to the enemy’s propagandists and subverters.”*

The popular tactic of Marcos was to dismiss his critics as purveyors of poisonous propaganda; and in order to weaken the opposition’s ability to influence public opinion, he aggressively reorganized and empowered the state’s communications arm. Fast forward to 2010, PNoy’s Communications group is worried that “innuendo and rumor have proven the weapons of choice of the many anti-reform forces arrayed against the reforms constituency led by the President.” Believing that he is really leading a reform crusade, PNoy does not hesitate to adopt some tricks from Marcos’ political playbook in order to reinforce his leadership. How unoriginal!

Carandang/Coloma and their underlings were former media superstars and freedom-of-information zealots but today they must be judged as enemies of truth. Their concern is no longer the articulation of truth that truly empowers the people but the peddling of market researched truth and opinion-polled truth. It is now in their interest to defend (and defend at all cost) the supreme leader of the bureaucratic state machine.

It is revealing that Carandang’s team identified “continuing conversation” as the “hallmark of the New Media era.” This explains the sudden rise of twittering and facebooking bureaucrats; and the overhauling of government websites which are now happily described by overnight internet experts as user-friendly and interactive. In short, politics today is merely about conversation, debate, and the monitoring of netizens’ rants in the cyberspace. Transparency is reduced to posting of boring statements and statistical figures in websites. Accountability is realized if politicians post a reply in their social media accounts.

Who benefits from “continuing conversation”? Definitely the politician who does not want the tranquil political situation disturbed. What happens when conversation becomes the preferred political sequence? Nothing. Conversation and the sharing of tiny bits and bytes of information are essentially futile political activities. Conversation becomes a potent weapon only if it leads to a decision to act. Debate is enlightening if it generates a concrete political action.

The task of Carandang/Coloma, which is essentially the task of all previous propagandists of Malacanang, is to discourage the people to disrupt the so-called natural state of things. They want to preserve the eternal present. Carandang/Coloma are sophisticated propagandists because they exploit the hypnotizing effect of modern communications and the mantra of ‘continuing conversations’ to make people think and feel that democracy is really working.

The goal of politics is always the invention of new possibilities, new truths, new events. What Carandang/Coloma wants to introduce is a brand of politics that reduces us into passive citizens who are supposed to be satisfied with the political truths dispensed by the government. Of course we should join the conversation. But at one point, we must have the courage to resist the seductive appeal of ‘continuing conversations’. We should resume our original task and that is the thinking and the formulation, and more importantly, the unrelenting struggle for a new political order.

* quoted from an article published by the Philippine Free Press. September 25, 2010.

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Laos, Philippines: The politics of currency notes

By admin | January 9, 2011

Last month, Laos introduced a new 100,000 kip (US$12.45) banknote and released memorial gold and silver coins to commemorate the 450th anniversary of its capital, Vientiane, and the 35th anniversary of the establishment of the Lao People’s Democratic Republic. Meanwhile, the Philippines which elected a new president last May unveiled the new designs of its six banknote denominations two weeks ago.

News about the new banknotes has excited the citizens of the two South-east Asian nations who were curious to see the new designs of the currency notes. Indeed, the issuance of a new banknote design may be warranted. In the case of the Philippines, the last time that it overhauled the design of its banknotes was 25 years ago. But the release of the new banknotes in both Laos and the Philippines was also met with criticism and skepticism, especially among economic experts.

Perhaps the Lao government thinks that making the people use a higher denomination banknote also makes them feel richer or that the government is doing something to solve the seemingly eternal cash problem in the country. But economists are worried about the impact of the 100,000 kip banknote on the country’s inflation rate. Responding to this concern, the Lao government has assured the public and the global community that the total amount of money in circulation would remain unchanged.

This is comforting to hear but it doesn’t solve potential practical problems once the higher denomination banknote enters general circulation. For example, traders might be forced to charge higher prices to avoid having to provide small change. Market transactions in the remote countryside might become complicated if consumers would start using the 100,000 kip currency note.

Fortunately for the Philippines, its highest denomination banknote is only 1,000 pesos. But experts immediately detected errors in the new banknote designs. They pointed out the geographical errors in the 500 peso and 1,000 peso bills which featured some of the tourist attractions and natural wonders in the Philippines. They also added that the Blue-Naped Parrot in the 500 peso bill is not accurately depicted (beak should be red not yellow, and tail should be yellow, not green) and the scientific names of native animals are not properly presented (they should be italicized).

The new currency designs also reflect the changing political dynamics inside Laos and the Philippines. The 100,000 kip note features the statue of King Setthathilat in front of the That Luang, Frangipani flowers, and Ho Phra Keo temple in Vientiane. It seems the government wanted the new currency design to represent Lao’s Buddhist ethnic heritage. Gone are references to the communist past of Laos. Just 20 years ago, Lao currency notes were full of socialist icons and its coat-of-arms reflected the red star, hammer and sickle.

Politics is also evident in the new banknotes of the Philippines. The face of former Philippine President Gloria Arroyo was removed in the 200 peso bill and it was replaced by a Tarsier, one of the smallest primates in the world. Meanwhile, the parents of President Noynoy Aquino are featured in the 500 peso bill. Historians are also asking why an American General during World War II was featured in the 50 peso bill which could make young people think that it was the Americans who liberated the Filipinos during the war.

It is expected that the currency debate will continue for some time but the governments of Laos and the Philippines should not forget that their long term aim is not merely to change money symbols but to increase the purchasing power of their citizens.

Written for The Diplomat

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State of Philippine Sports

By admin | January 4, 2011

I attended the 2010 Sports Summit last month organized by the Philippine Sports Commission (PSC) and Philippine Olympic Committee (POC). Hon. Ricardo R. Garcia of the PSC presented the state of Philippine sports while Hon. Jose Cojuangco Jr. of the POC delivered the national sports development plan in the next three years.

Garcia was candid to admit that there are many troubling issues besetting the sports sector. On the part of the government, he identified the lack of funds, lack of coordination between agencies, and bureaucracy (problema ng lahat ng ahensiya ito).

He complained that sports bodies are too dependent on PSC funds. He blamed this on the poor support from private sector. In fact, only 5 percent of the Top 1,000 corporations in the country are into sports sponsorships. The PSC chairman added that private support exists when there is vested interest.

Another problem is the weak sports culture among the youth. The PSC has already asked the Department of Education to revive the country’s Physical Education program.

Hopefully, this would also cure the obsession of Filipinos with basketball. According to a survey cited by PSC, basketball (22%) is the most popular game in the Philippines followed by volleyball (9%), jogging (5%), and badminton (3%).

Basketball (45%) is the most watched sports on TV followed by mixed martial arts (23%) and boxing (10%).

Sports and history are top sources of Filipino pride (not true if you ask the Central Bank which recently unveiled new currency designs).

Recognizing the impact of sports on nationalism, the government should address the shortage of sports facilities in the country. In Mindanao, sports centers are accessible only in South Cotabato, Davao, Cagayan de Oro, and Tubod in Lanao del Norte. In the National Capital Region, sports centers are located in RMSC, PhilSports, UMAK, Rosario Sports Complex, Amoranto, Ynares, and in private sports clubs.

Outside the Rizal Sports Complex, the country’s premier training center, athletes are seduced by drugs, and prostitutes. Some become victims of petty crimes.

Tarlac City has a sports center but it is ten kilometers away from the city center.

The state of Philippine sports is indicated by the poor performance of our athletes in international competitions. What are some lessons to be learned from our experience in the Asian Games in the past 20 years?

We won seven gold medals in boxing, four silver medals in taekwondo, and one silver for equestrian and athletics. For non-olympic sports, we won a gold in wushu, three gold prizes for cue sports, and two gold medals for bowling.

The Philippines has yet to win a medal in badminton, bodybuilding, sailing, sepak, archery, table tennis, volleyball, and fencing, among others.

The PSC believes we could win more medals in judo and weightlifting. It wants to concentrate on weight categories rather on sports that require height advantage like basketball.

The Rugby national team didn’t receive government funding but it gave us a silver medal in the Southeast Asian Games. The cost of supporting the dancesport team which gave us two bronze medals in the Asian Games is only 88,000 pesos per medal. On the other hand, we spent 11.4 million pesos on our dragonboat team but unfortunately, the game was not included in the 2009 SEA games.

How big is the cash problem of the PSC? Its fund sources come from Pagcor (65 percent), customs, horse racing, PCSO and the national budget (25 percent). It is supposed to get 5 percent of PAGCOR earnings but its actual share every year is only 2.4 percent. It needs 120 million pesos a year just to pay the allowances and support services required by our 643 elite athletes and 143 elite coaches.

The government sports budget is very low compared to what our neighbors in the region are allocating for the sports sector. In 2009, Thailand’s sports budget was 3.4 billion pesos while Malaysia allocated 924 million pesos. Meanwhile, the Philippines sports sector received only 213.4 million pesos.

But lack of funds is not the problem alone. The new PSC leadership has vowed to correct the inefficient use of public funds by sports agencies. In 2009, the government spent 266 million pesos on our athletes but it spent 324 million pesos on administration services. Only 53 million pesos was given for sports infrastructure.

The new PSC chairman said that starting this year, more funds will be devoted to the training and support of our athletes instead of bloating the PSC bureaucracy.

Sports revival

The PSC identified four stages of Philippine sports development: grassroots, talent pool, elite, and professional. I learned that professional leagues are available only for basketball, boxing, billiards, and golf. Aside from having no elite training centers in the country, there is also no integrated talent identification program.

What is the sports plan of the PSC and POC? The highlights of the National Sports Development Plan 2011-2013:

– Combine and consolidate Palarong Pambansa and Batang P-Noy (magkakaroon kaya ng target shooting?)
– Palarong Pambansa games are to be held in 5 areas in the country.
– Games should be open to all students; not just public school students
– Medal winners are to be considered for possible recruitment to the national pool
– Retired medal winners are to be given additional training for possible coaching jobs to assist LGUs in their sports activities
– The books of National Sports Associations will be audited by SGV which has offered to do it for free
– Closer monitoring is required for national pool athletes
– Special elite athletes are required to be quartered and away from all distraction (like Facebook?). Special nutrition and psychological assistance to be given according to specific sport
– Sports officials must have had experience and involvement in sports

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Posted in youth | Tagged | 6 Comments