KKK for Revolution

By admin | December 20, 2010

The yellow ribbon/confetti was a powerful protest symbol during the last years of the Marcos dictatorship in the 1980s. Then, Filipinos used it to mourn the death of former President Cory Aquino. Unfortunately, the yellow mafia inside the Liberal Party usurped its power by transforming it into an election gimmick of Noynoy Aquino. It is now the political symbol of the most powerful politician in the country yet it is still being paraded as the only acceptable and effective symbol of change. So if activists and other reform advocates continue to display the yellow ribbon, it means they have become partisans of the party in power and they have already abandoned the quest for genuine change.

Since the yellow ribbon is now associated with the ruling class, what symbol should be used to represent the yearning of the collective to dismantle the oppressive structures of the state? The best alternative is the ancient script (baybayin or more popularly known in the past as alibata) of ka or the k symbol. In the past 100 years, dissident forces like the Katipunan and Kabataang Makabayan (1964) have used it to signify their revolutionary advocacy. Even mainstream political actors like Sen. Chiz Escudero and the Oakwood Magdalos have adopted it. Malacanang’s directive during Gloria Arroyo’s incumbency to hide the ka script in a mural painting commissioned by the National Press Club means that the reactionaries are aware of the symbol’s subversive meaning.

To further appreciate the radical history of the ka symbol, we should study why Bonifacio and other revolutionaries have chosen to adopt the Katipunan name. It seems that the decision to use the name Katipunan was already deemed as radical during that time. This was lucidly discussed in a paper written by Megan Thomas from the University of California in Santa Cruz.

We may be familiar with the letter K today but it was not part of the Tagalog alphabet during the time of Rizal and Bonifacio. Since Filipinos at that time were using the Spanish writing system, the letter k was represented by letter c. The Kataastaasan Kagalang-galang na Katipunan should have been spelled as Cataastaasan Cagalang-galang na Catipunan. There were many katipunan groups during the last decade of Spanish rule in the Philippines but what distinguished Bonifacio’s Katipunan was its adoption of the letter k in its name and even in its flags.

In 1889, there was a proposal to devise a new orthography by incorporating the letter k in order to rationalize the Tagalog alphabet. Isabelo de los Reyes, Pardo de Tavera and Pedro Serrano Laktaw were among the Filipino intellectuals who pushed for this spelling reform. (For example: cumusta should be kumusta, cabayo should be kabayo).

But not all students and advocates of the Tagalog alphabet were supportive of the revised orthography. Pascual H. Poblete, a Tagalog writer, branded the proposal as anti-Spanish:

“Furthermore, Tagalog compatriots: If our religion, our laws, our customs and our entire mode of being are Spanish, why do we have to use some letters that are not genuinely Spanish? Are the letters that have been taught to us not enough for us to express our ideas and thoughts?”

He further reminded his readers that the letter k is of German origin. Rizal, who was once accused of being a German spy, defended the popularization of the new orthography:

“When you were attending the town’s school to learn your first letters, or when you had to teach them to the littler ones, your attention must have been drawn, as mine was, to the great difficulty that boys encountered when they got to the syllables ca, ce, ci, co . . . because they didn’t understand the cause of these irregularities or the reason that the sounds of some consonants change.

“Why, then do the children of the towns have to kill themselves in learning the syllabary of a language that they will never have to speak? The only thing that they can gain is a hatred of their studies, seeing that they are difficult and useless.”

Three years after this debate, the Katipunan was founded. The acronym KKK (instead of CCC) was used in some of its numerous flags. Thomas has some probing questions on the usage of the letter k by the Katipunan:

“…their orthographic choices suggest a continuity between those who advocated the new orthography in 1889, and those who founded and directed the new society of the Katipunan a few years later.

“While research remains to be done to better understand these connections, that the Katipunan adopted the “k”—when it had only recently been introduced and had quickly disappeared from public use—requires explanation.

The link between Rizal and Bonifacio is already established. Bonifacio was a member of the short-lived La Liga Filipina which Rizal assembled before his arrest. Bonifacio’s decision to use the letter k when he founded the Katipunan could be one of the legacies of the propaganda movement.

If the new orthography was an issue that concerned the educated segments of the population in 1889, it gained popularity among the masses when the Katipunan adopted it in 1892. It was an idea which became a material force capable of generating a radical consciousness when the revolutionaries used it to recruit new members in the independence struggle.

And Bonifacio also recognized the political value of using the k symbol to propagate the creation of a new government and a new society. Thomas quotes Kathryn Woolard who explains the meaning of ‘flagging the nation’

“In countries where identity and nationhood are under negotiation, every aspect of language, including its . . . forms of graphic representation, can be contested. This means that orthographic systems . . . are symbols that themselves carry historical, cultural, and political meanings.”

Through this concept of ‘flagging the nation,’ Thomas interpreted Katipunan’s use of the letter k as an act of defiance against the Spanish colonizers

“In this case, the banner of the letter “k” might be taken to indicate the way that the distinctiveness of the language—its difference from Spanish—was part of the claim of the revolutionaries to self-rule. We have our own language; we should have our own government.”

Soon after gaining independence, the Philippines adopted the new orthography system. And Bonifacio, Katipunan, and Rizal are now part of our Kasaysayan.

To use the ka symbol today is not only to express our commitment to create history, it is also our special way of honoring the revolutionary heroes who fought for our independence.

Reference: Megan C. Thomas. K is for De-Kolonization: Anti-Colonial Nationalism and Orthographic Reform. Comparative Studies in Society and History 2007;49(4):938–967.

Related articles:

Thailand’s colored protesters
Cry of Bonifacio

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Sex education in schools and cyberspace

By admin | December 18, 2010

Written for The Diplomat and Mulat Pinoy

Sex education was first introduced in Philippine schools in 1972 as part of the government’s population education program. At the time, the Philippines’ birth rates were the highest in Asia. But when the education department tried to update the program module in 2006, the powerful Catholic Church opposed it.

To convince the church that the new sex education curriculum includes broader topics like sexual rights, responsible parenthood and HIV/AIDS, the program was renamed ‘reproductive health education.’ Then, when the church continued to oppose it, the subject was again renamed the ‘teen wellness program.’ But the church insists it’s still sex and so it continues to reject it.

Since the executive branch of government is afraid to antagonize the influential church hierarchy, the teaching of sex and reproductive health in public schools still isn’t enforced. This has disappointed health experts and human rights advocates who want politicians to ignore the medieval arguments of the church. Public officials, they say, should instead stand up for the rights of young Filipinos who deserve to be informed and be more aware of their bodies and reproductive health rights. This will help reduce cases of unwanted pregnancies, abortion among teenagers, spread of sexually transmitted diseases, and maternal mortality.

Studies also show that implementing sex education in schools allows the youth to have proper understanding of sexual values and this helps them in delaying their initiation to sexual relations. Guardians of morality will be happy to know that teachers can actually encourage their students to practice abstinence before marriage.

As the education department continues to fine tune its sex education curriculum to the wishes of the conservative church, Congress is now preparing to tackle the much-discussed Reproductive Health Bill which proposes, among others, the mandatory inclusion of age-appropriate sex education in elementary and high schools. The church, as expected, is also busy opposing the legislation of this bill.

But the clerics and other critics should not worry too much about the plan to require the teaching of sex in schools. Schools will not teach promiscuity and pornography. Only trained teachers will handle the special course prepared by education and health agencies. Parents will not be denied of their primary and natural right to teach their children since they will be given relevant and scientific materials on reproductive health.

The proposed topics for the sex education curriculum are not new but essential for the promotion of the well-being of the youth. Some of the listed topics in the Reproductive Health Bill include: 1) Knowledge and skills in self protection against discrimination, sexual violence and abuse, and teen pregnancy; 2) Physical, social and emotional changes in adolescents; 3) Children’s and women’s rights; 4) Fertility awareness; 5) Responsible relationship; 6) Family planning methods; 7) Proscription and hazards of abortion; and 8) Gender and development.

It’ll take some time before Congress is able to gather enough votes and muster the courage to pass the bill. The new president, while supportive of the right for couples to use contraceptives, continues to echo the church-backed slogan of responsible parenthood. And while many schools have already integrated sex education into their programs, the majority of students is still deprived of the opportunity to learn about many of the truths and myths of sex.

If the church will choose to be stubborn and block the passage of Reproductive Health bill, sex education can still succeed by tapping the learning potential of the Internet. An alternative option for curious Filipino teenagers is to go online and seek information from trusted websites. Porn websites may dominate the web but there are useful websites that provide proper education about sex. A good example is sexxie.tv, which was established in Singapore by medical specialists a few months ago. Recently launched in Indonesia and the Philippines, it’s the world’s first interactive website that focuses on sex education and one that parents can (finally) recommend to their children. Aside from offering free services, another good feature of this website is the anonymity it provides to interested readers and visitors.

But even with the utilization of technology, sex education is still most effective if implemented in a traditional school setting. We still need health experts and teachers who can discuss sensitive sex concepts directly to students. Classroom interaction is more persuasive than virtual interaction. And internet penetration has yet to reach the remotest parts of the provinces.

And as for the Philippine government, its policymakers should realize that teaching sex to young Filipinos is not a religious issue that’ll be decided by bishops alone. If the people, especially the youth, want it, the government should be ready to offer it through schools, clinics, community centers—even cyberspace.

Related articles:

Sex and Filipino youth
RH and Rizal Bill
Austria speech on RH

Posted in education | Tagged | 3 Comments

WikiLeaks’ Thai Revelations?

By admin | December 12, 2010

There are some interesting WikiLeaks revelations related to Thailand. Of the estimated 3000 cables sent by the United States Embassy in Bangkok to the US State Department, the most intriguing are those tied to the case of Russian businessman and alleged arms smuggler Viktor Bout, who faced trial in Thailand before being extradited to the United States last month. The documents have revealed the concerns expressed by the United States about the attempt of Bout’s associates in Russia (who were opposed to the extradition) to bribe local Thai officials and influence the court’s decision.

Outgoing US Ambassador Eric John allegedly sent a February 2010 report informing his superiors in Washington on the status of Bout’s case in Thailand that stated:

‘…there have been disturbing indications that Bout’s xxxxxxxxxx (names were removed by WikiLeaks) and Russian supporters have been using money and influence in an attempt to block extradition. The most egregious example was the false testimony of xxxxxxxxxx that Bout was in Thailand as part of government-to-government submarine deal. Thus, we felt it was time to once again raise the matter at the top of the government and make clear that, while we understand the judicial process must take its course without political interference, we insist that the process be free of corruption and undue influence. We will continue to do so in the months ahead.’

These exposed cables confirmed that the US didn’t completely trust the Thai legal system. Also, since the US evidently badly wanted to extradite Bout, many are now asking if it might have used its special relationship with Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva to force the extradition of Bout, who’s accused of being the world’s biggest arms dealer.

Some pundits are even asking if the US negotiated the extradition of Bout with Abhisit in exchange for the extradition of Thailand’s fugitive former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra. Abhisit has denied this, saying he only discussed the iPad with US President Barack Obama during a November meeting, not Thaksin’s extradition.

It’s not certain whether unreleased WikiLeaks cables might reveal more information about this issue—particularly the extradition of Thaksin—but so far we’ve at least been able to confirm that Thailand felt some pressure from state and non-state actors from Russia and the United States in regards to the Bout case.

Meanwhile, Thai citizens are already eagerly anticipating the publication of other WikiLeaks documents that might cover controversial topics such as arms control, human trafficking, military operations, internal government affairs, war crimes and elections.

And as for Ambassador John, it’s unfortunate he’s going to be leaving Thailand while being suspected of interfering with the domestic judicial process of the country.

Written for The Diplomat

WikiLeaks Exposes Kim Flab Jab

Apparently, Singapore’s former Prime Minister and current Minister Mentor Lee Kuan Yew thinks North Koreans are ‘psychopathic types’ and their leader Kim Jong-il is a ‘flabby old chap who prances around stadiums seeking adulation.’

This was revealed as part of the most recent WikiLeaks move, which is set to involve the release of 251,287 classified cables between the US State Department and its embassies around the world. It seems Lee made these particular comments when he met US Deputy Secretary of State James Steinberg at the Istana (presidential palace) back in Singapore on May 30, 2009.

And what are Lee’s thoughts about the future leadership in North Korea? Again, his thinking is both amusing and scandalous: ‘Kim Jong-Il has already had a stroke. It is just a matter of time before he has another stroke. The next leader may not have the gumption or the bile of his father or grandfather. He may not be prepared to see people die like flies.’

Lee is quoted as commenting on many other issues in the region, such as the prospect of Korean unification and China’s attitude towards the two Koreas. But it’s his opinions of the controversial and reclusive North Korean leader that have captured global attention. And it’s also, unsurprisingly, the buzz amongst Lee’s compatriots in Singapore.

Many Singaporeans were surprised that Lee, a seasoned diplomat, would use such unflattering language to describe another leader. Some even commented on the irony that Lee and Kim are in fact seen as similar in many ways (although one difference between the two might be that if somebody were to call Lee a ‘flabby old chap’ in Singapore they could quickly face a libel suit!)

The cable reports exposed by Wikileaks proved once more that Lee, despite his age and less prominent role in Singapore’s government, is still a very influential and intriguing global public figure. Obviously, his views are highly valued by those in the United States. With this in mind, it’s worth looking at what Lee told the Americans about China’s plans for the Korean Peninsula.

According to the WikiLeaks cable report:

‘MM Lee said the Chinese do not want North Korea to have nuclear weapons. At the same time, the Chinese do not want North Korea, which China sees as a buffer state, to collapse. The ROK would take over in the North and China would face a US presence at its border. If China has to choose, Beijing sees a North Korea with nuclear weapons as less bad for China than a North Korea that has collapsed, he stated.’

And what was Lee’s advice to the US on how to best deal with an aggressive China? Again, from the cable report:

‘MM Lee said the best course for the United States on China is to build ties with China’s young people. China’s best and brightest want to study in the United States, with the UK as the next option, then Japan. While they are there, it is important that they be treated as equals, with the cultural support they may need as foreigners.’

Will the US follow the advice given by Lee, particularly the point about being fair to Chinese students? Lee’s fellow Singaporeans, though impressed that their former leader is still mentally sharp and well regarded in the West, could well ask him first if Chinese nationals are being treated equally in Singapore.

And as the WikiLeaks ‘cablegate’ continues to rattle politicians around the world, the Singaporean government has added its voice of disapproval to the decision to publish classified documents. Will Wikileaks be banned soon in Singapore and other nations? If it is, at least we already know what Lee thinks about all those ‘psychopaths’ and their ‘flabby old’ leader.

Written for The Diplomat

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Truth will take care of itself*

By admin | December 6, 2010

What are the ‘facts’ of the online tussle between Rep. Walden Bello and Bayan Muna Rep. Teddy Casino? Bello delivered a privilege speech in the Lower House criticizing the expanded Conditional Cash Transfer Program of President Noynoy Aquino. A few days later, he sponsored a resolution praising the CCT as an innovative poverty containment program. Then, he used his Inquirer column to explain why he changed his mind about the CCT. He also attacked Bayan Muna for opposing Aquino’s CCT and even accused the militant left of forming an ‘evil’ alliance with Gloria Arroyo. Casino, for his part, wrote a comprehensive critique of the CCT which exposed the opportunistic stance of Bello and his party.

Bello said he withdrew his opposition to the CCT because the ‘facts’ have changed. He clarified that his initial negative impression of the program was based on a “reflex suspicion of it as still another ill-conceived World Bank-supported scheme.”

With this reasoning, Bello admitted that he is ready to issue statements and speeches based merely on knee-jerk impulses. Bello, the respected leftist intellectual, could be suffering already from a trapo syndrome: Deliver a speech today, but study the facts later.

By claiming that his delayed epiphany was brought about by a careful examination of the CCT facts, he arrogantly accuses the consistent critics of the CCT of dogmatically opposing the program. It may be his habit to rant without investigating but he should not assume that those who reject the CCT are also like him.

But what is most ridiculous with Bello’s excuse is that, in truth, the FACTS have not changed at all. The CCT of the Arroyo era is the same CCT today. The primary objectives and basic features of the CCT of the Arroyo and Aquino administrations are similar. (But Aquino’s CCT could be worse because its financing is to be sourced through foreign loans.) By praising the small wonders of CCT, Bello is also praising Arroyo who introduced it in the country three years ago.

Then and now, the CCT involves the distribution of cash to poor families under certain conditionalities. Through this intervention, the state hopes that the curse of poverty would magically go away. These are the basic facts of the CCT. Nothing has changed. It is Bello’s opinion that changed. He claims he is merely a stickler for facts but we say that his sudden turnaround smacks of political opportunism.

Bello is also guilty of spreading malicious information about the position of the militant left on certain political issues. He accused the left of signing an anti-CCT manifesto prepared by the Arroyo camp. Wrong. It is the progressive block which drafted the manifesto signed by more than 30 legislators.

And Bello reveals his naïve perception of political reality as he continues to insist that Arroyo’s signature in the anti-CCT petition is proof of the supposed alliance between the Arroyo faction of the ruling elite and the militant left. If we follow his logic, then we can say that Bello and company are aligning themselves with Imelda Marcos who supports the CCT as a lifeline to achieve the Millennium Development Goals. Imelda is the chairperson of the Special MDG Committee in the Lower House.

Bello’s obsession with the ‘unholy alliance’ thesis led him to condemn once more the left’s rejection of the CARPER or the amended land reform law which Bello interprets as the left’s betrayal of its pro-peasant bias. On the charge that we voted against CARPER, we plead guilty. Why would we support a flawed land reform law? On the charge that we slept with the sugar barons, we deny it. Vehemently, we deny it. It is Bello and his party which should explain why the landlords voted in favor of CARPER last year. (Check the voting records). Even the four Arroyos and other hacienderos in Negros became CARPER supporters after successfully inserting their amendments in the plenary debates.

It is evident that the CCT facts have not changed and the ‘unholy alliance’ Bello was alluding to exists only in his wild imagination. So why did he twist the facts and why spew out more than the usual dosage of anti-left poison in the cyberspace? I think it is more than just a personal commitment to defend Noynoy and the government’s centerpiece poverty reduction program. I think it has more to do with defending his integrity as a leftist intellectual.

Bello committed the nakakahiyang blunder of publicly criticizing the CCT only to retract his words after a few days. This is unprecedented and unbelievable even for the gutter standards of the Lower House. Bello’s sudden turnaround has exposed him to the global community as a sham progressive no different from the unprincipled crooks in Congress. And perhaps to divert attention away from his colossal blunder, he had to invent lies and resort to a tired reactionary tactic of invoking the specter of totalitarianism. It is interesting to note that Bello warned against self-styled ‘professional revolutionaries’ whom the philosopher Sartre, after visiting Cuba in the 1950s, concluded as the true individuals who can’t stand injustice.

It is time to reconsider Bello’s reputation as a committed intellectual of the left. Here is an academic who buttresses his arguments with ad hominem attacks (he called Casino a spoiled middle class intellectual). Here is an anti-globalization activist who voted in favor of the national budget which is sustained by the prescription of globalization in the form of neoliberal policies such as reducing state spending on social services while increasing the allotment for debt. Here is an avowed veteran socialist whose shallow analysis of the CCT makes him an ideal cheerleader of another deceptive World Bank-initiated program. Bello, it seems, is already an aging conservative in the guise of a progressive leftist.

Bello’s unfair remarks against the militant left also remind us of the fundamental difference between his group and ours. Bello does not only eschew the need for radical politics, he is content with being part of the ‘reigning reform coalition’ (whatever that means) headed by a super landlord. In short, the supposedly radical Bello prefers to be an apologist of the new administration.

The left does not hide its initial assessment about the Aquino presidency. There is really nothing unique with our observation that Aquino is essentially no different from his predecessor as other mainstream commentators have already pointed out. Is Aquino a tool of US imperialism? Yes he is! Bello plays blind to the true political color of his patron since he and his party are pitifully clinging to the bureaucratic state machine.

Is the militant left averse to fight for small reforms? The left has been fighting for so long and it has achieved small and big victories in the political battlefield. If the left ridicules token reforms, it is because it needs to remind the people that big, thorough-going reforms in society are needed and already possible to achieve.

And if the left continues to validate the necessity of a revolution, it is merely due to the recognition of the sad state of affairs in the country today. As Terry Eagleton explains, “Revolutions were not made in the name of a utopian future, but because of the deficiencies of the present.”

So if Bayan Muna opposes the CCT and urges the poor to fight for their dignity instead of accepting dole-outs, its aim is not to bring the poor to the ‘proletarian nirvana’ but to make them aware that there are better and more effective ways for the state to eliminate poverty in the community.

Bello is getting old but that is no excuse for him to dilute the radical content of leftist politics. Being a senior citizen does not always mean compromising one’s principles and abandoning the imperative to fight, fight, and fight for our rights. Thankfully, there are other senior citizen activists like those from the FQS generation which continues to inspire the youth about how to best serve the masses and not the puppet masters.

*Based from a quotation attributed to William Allen White: “The facts fairly and honestly presented; truth will take care of itself.”

**Aside from Casino’s article about the CCT, I also recommend Carol Araullo’s critique of the program.

Related articles:

Misunderestimating the Philippine Left
Ugly Leftist
Senior Citizen Activists
Noynoy and impossible reformism

Posted in reds | Tagged , , | 2 Comments

On campus strikes

By admin | November 30, 2010

Thanks to @kabataancrew for helping me draft this speech. Delivered on November 30. My second privilege speech in the 15th Congress; my 5th as a legislator.

Mr. Speaker, dear colleagues, a pleasant afternoon.

I rise today to talk about the just demand of our public universities for a higher share in our national budget. I will also discuss the problems plaguing our country’s education system and why the government needs to rethink its education policies.

Today we are commemorating the birth anniversary of Andres Bonifacio, one of the country’s national heroes and without doubt the most popular working-class icon in our history.

The best way to honor the memory of Bonifacio is to continue his revolutionary dreams. And today, while it is truly depressing that the conditions of the poor during Bonifacio’s time and our time have not significantly improved, it is also worthy to mention that Bonifacio’s militancy continues to inspire countless Filipinos, many of them young. And like Bonifacio, today’s young idealists rely on the collective wisdom and power of the oppressed to build a better and more humane and progressive society.

I wish to cite the campus strikes initiated by students in our public universities as a good example of how our youth are reliving the legacy left behind by Bonifacio. We are all familiar with the issue of the decreasing subsidies allocated by the national government to our state universities and I do not wish to repeat the arguments already raised when we tackled the national budget during the committee and plenary deliberations. But I wish to thank our colleagues, those who supported and signed the manifesto urging the government to increase the budget for education.

The reason why students continue to protest is to convince the senate, which is expected to pass the General Appropriations Act bill this week, to make significant amendments in the budget; in particular, restore the slashed MOOE funding of state universities and provide some Capital Outlay to deserving schools. This appeal, I think, is very relevant, doable, and reasonable.

But tomorrow’s campus protests will be different. For the first time in Philippine history, students, teachers, school personnel and university officials will hold a united stand in their respective campuses nationwide. Political bickering inside schools will be set aside for the meantime so that the public higher education sector will speak as one voice tomorrow. There will be various symbolic activities to be staged at lunch time: some will hold prayer rallies, others will conduct campus strikes, student rallyists will troop to the senate. It is hoped that our senators will listen to the collective sentiments of our education stakeholders. It is also hoped that Malacanang will change its hardline position on the issue and begin to review the negative impact of the current higher education policy of the government.

I want to emphasize the last point I made because it is a fundamental issue from the perspective of students. Our students are protesting not merely to beg for a few crumbs from the state; they want President Noynoy Aquino to reject the policy of reducing the role of government in providing higher education services to our youth. They want the president to draft a new higher education roadmap. An education program that does not subscribe to the misguided doctrine that higher education should not be shouldered by the state.

If only Malacanang will review some of the global news stories this year, it will be able to discern that Filipino student protesters are not alone in their demand for greater state subsidy for higher education. For the past few months, we have witnessed massive student protests that swept across the globe. In Ireland, up to 40,000 people flooded the streets to halt a possible increase in registration fees for university students. Tens of thousands of student activists in Ukraine, meanwhile, picketed in front of the Ministry of Education to demand, among others, the scrapping of unjust student fees and to make basic student services accessible to all. Widespread mass actions erupted in London, with hundreds of thousands of students marching steadily into the headquarters of the Liberal Democrats to oppose rising tuition rates and the government’s cutting of higher education budgets.

In other places such as Nepal, Indonesia, New Orleans, California, Argentina, Ottawa and New Jersey, students boycotted classes, barricaded classrooms, occupied universities and disrupted classes for weeks, undaunted and unrelenting in their fight for higher state subsidy for education and the scrapping of detrimental and lopsided education policies.

In all these countries, one common slogan was sprayed on buildings and was written on the placards: “Education is not for sale. We are not for sale.” This message, Mr. Speaker, distinguished colleagues, best captures the unified and principled stand of students worldwide against how their governments have been treating education—a private good, a commodity, an adjunct of corporate business.

Indeed, the string of massive student protests that erupted during the past few months were only a logical response to the aggravating education crisis brought about by the disarray in the current global economic order. Economies that once seemed unscathed are now experiencing economic recessions. In order to curb their impending decline, countries intensify their privatization, deregulation and liberalization schemes—the three essential components of the current dominant economic framework notoriously known as neoliberalism.

And neoliberal globalization, Mr. Speaker, distinguished colleagues, is the real culprit behind the problems that our education sector is facing today.

Spending on higher education has been treated as more of a burden than a responsibility the government has to fulfill. As a result, state universities and colleges were forced to fit in the neoliberal framework and generate their own income. To sustain their operations, SUCs either enter into business ventures or increase tuition, thereby transforming education into a commodity.

The student protests that occurred during the past few weeks, thus, were meant not only to put forward the demands of their sector but to call for the dismantling of the prevailing neoliberal policies that neglect the people’s basic rights.

Instead of viewing the ongoing campus strikes as a nuisance, Malacanang should regard it as an act of desperation on the part of our state universities. Because of the reigning neoliberal ideology, state universities are now considered endangered species. And the protests reflect the struggle of our public schools to remain relevant.

Mr. Speaker, dear colleagues, today we commemorate the birth anniversary of Bonifacio, a very important historical figure. Tomorrow, December 1, we could witness the unfolding of another historic moment – that of students, teachers, and school officials linking arms, marching together, speaking as one, reminding the government about its duty to provide decent education to all. My dear colleagues, let us join the education community as they create history.

Posted in speeches | Tagged , , | 3 Comments

Slashing Scare in Singapore

By admin | November 27, 2010

Earlier this month, the Singaporean government released two National Education Surveys that showed more than 95 percent of young people are proud to be Singaporean. The authorities should be rejoicing—they can cite the survey results as proof that government programmes are successful in tapping into the support of young Singaporeans.

But at the same time, politicians should also think about the other five percent of young people who aren’t proud. Aside from being politically apathetic, these unhappy teenagers could be seduced into joining in with anti-social activities. Indeed, there are already disturbing signs that youth ‘gangsterism’ is on the rise again in prosperous Singapore.

Last week, the Twitter hashtags ‘#slashing’ and ‘#369’ became trending topics on the internet. They refer to the slashing incidents in Singapore involving a youth gang called 3-6-9. Dozens of young Singaporeans aged 14 to 20 have already become victims of slashing attacks, which has prompted authorities to beef up security measures in the city state. The suspects are youth gangsters belonging to a secretive society; about 40 gang members have been arrested already during an island-wide operation.

Singapore’s residents are confused as to why a young gangster would attack another person for no apparent reason. Apparently, one victim was attacked after ‘staring’ at a gang member. Many Singaporeans have also been surprised to discover that some gang members are actually well-educated. The government blames broken homes, while others argue that a lack of parental attention prompts children to display anti-social behavior. Foreign workers and residents, meanwhile, are worried that they might also end up being blamed for rising gang violence.

But scholars emphasize that the new wave of gang-related violence reflects deeper social problems in Singapore and they say they want to investigate whether schools are addressing the needs of teenagers and also if the job market is providing adequate opportunities for young people. Despite being a rich nation, the income gap between the country’s richest and poorest is one of the highest in the world.

But the rise of youth gangs is not the fault of dysfunctional families alone—maybe Singapore’s ‘dysfunctional’ society more broadly is also to blame. Ignoring the roots of the problem could be counter-productive and lead the government and its citizens, many of whom are now fearful, to adopt kneejerk safety measures. Today, there are already proposals for tougher security laws, imposition of curfews on teenagers and even demands to kill the suspected gangsters. Residents want swift results, something that can be done by bringing the case to the courts.

But solving the problem of youth gangsterism should involve more than just arresting members of these secret societies. A holistic approach, which includes the elimination of social conditions that fuel youth apathy, is also needed.

…written for The Diplomat

Thailand’s Abortion Debate

Thailand is still recovering from the shock caused by the appalling recent discovery of more than 2000 illegally aborted fetuses at the Wat Phai Ngern temple in Bangkok.

The discovery of even one dead fetus usually generates strong condemnation in the country, especially from conservative circles. But what’s the reaction when thousands of dead fetuses are found in a Buddhist temple?

The first instinct of authorities was to investigate the temple’s caretakers. But this isn’t only a police matter alone—according to one analyst, the dead fetus horror is merely the ‘tip of Thailand’s illegal abortion iceberg.’ It’s estimated that around 150,000 to 200,000 women every year across the country are going to private clinics for illegal abortions.

Abortion is illegal in Thailand except under certain conditions such as if a woman is raped, if the pregnancy negatively affects her health, or if the fetus is abnormal. Abortion is seldom discussed in the media, but the sight of the bagged fetuses has activated lively public debates on whether it’s time to update the country’s abortion laws.

Asked about his stand on the issue, Thai Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva said there’s no need for new legislative measures since abortion laws are already adequate. What Vejjajiva suggests instead is further re-education of the country’s youth so that proper social values will be instilled in Thais from a young age. But this position is contrary to current public opinion as reflected in the polls, which favours the legalization of abortion now that more people are linking abortion with individual rights.

If the prime minister is unwilling to rethink his stand on abortion, one of his fellow party members in parliament has already proposed the legalization of abortion. But MP Rayong Sathit Pitutecha ‘s objective isn’t merely to give women access to proper health services, but also to reduce the country’s ‘low quality’ population. This point—a public official favouring abortion to get rid of ‘disagreeable’ members of society—has created doubt amongst human rights advocates about the motivation behind this push.

Thailand has taken some bold and effective measures in the past to reduce the spread of sexually transmitted diseases in the country. Maybe the dead fetus scandal will also embolden authorities to review the country’s abortion policy. Or if they are hesitant to change abortion laws, at least they can do something to substantially improve the delivery of reproductive health services to prevent future such incidents.

…written for The Diplomat

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Arroyo-Aquino infrastructure projects

By admin | November 21, 2010

1. The Public-Private-Partnership program of the Noynoy Aquino government is not an innovation since its framework is no different from the Build-Operate-Transfer model of previous governments. In fact, PNoy recently renamed the country’s BOT Center into PPP Center when he issued EO No.8 series of 2010. The name PPP is also misleading since many of the listed projects involve the selling of public projects to private investors. For example, the government plans to privatize the newly constructed Northrail Line (Manila-Clark) and Laguindingan Airport (Misamis Oriental). The maintenance and operation of Luzon’s two main airports, NAIA and Diosdado Macapagal Airport in Clark, will be privatized too. PPP is a fancy name for privatization.

2. The document itself confirms that PNoy’s PPP merely extends and expands the privatization program of Gloria Arroyo. PPP was only announced a few months ago and it was officially launched just a few days ago but the program briefer distributed to Congress members already boasts of several success stories such as the North Luzon Expressway, the privatization of MWSS and Mandaluyong Public Market (described as the cleanest public market in Asia). These ‘successful’ projects were completed by PNoy’s predecessors in Malacanang. PPP, therefore, merely systematizes the initial privatization program and infrastructure plan of the much maligned Arroyo government. PNoy and his team plagiarized Arroyo’s Strong Republic blueprint.

3. The PPP timetable reflects the shortsighted vision of PNoy. PPP projects are categorized into two: projects for 2011 rollout and projects for medium term rollout. All projects are expected to be completed/constructed on or before 2016, the final year of PNoy’s six-year term. It seems politicians and policymakers are incapable of conceptualizing programs and mega projects that require a long time to complete. PNoy, like his predecessors, suffers from an infrastructure and edifice complex. But maybe we should not expect too much from PNoy’s reform agenda. After all, PNoy is a traditional politician, not a visionary leader.

4. Everything is for sale. PPP projects include the building of expressways, road networks, railways, upgrading of airports, and even the reclamation of the Navotas coastal area. Also covered under the PPP scheme are the following: supply of treated bulk water to Metro Manila, irrigation projects, solid waste management projects, coal and geothermal plants, wind farms, education, housing, and health services. Pilipinas, kay cheap!

5. PNoy’s policy bias in favor of privatization is evident when he cited the private sector as the ‘main engine for national growth and development.’ And how does the government entice the private sector to support the PPP? By assuring them that they can charge tolls, fees, and rentals for 50 years. That’s half a century of guaranteed profit. PNoy is even more aggressive than Arroyo because he made a pledge that the government is ready to pay investors if PPP contracts are changed in the future. Never mind if contracts are later found to be disadvantageous to the Filipino people? It reminds me of the saintly Cory Aquino who mothballed the Bataan Nuclear Power Plant but continued to pay the foreign creditors who financed the project.

6. How do you screw the Filipino people? Let me count the ways. Below are the nine BOT variants (parang virus, maraming variants): Build-Operate-Transfer, Build-and-Transfer, Build-Own-and-Operate, Build-Lease-and-Transfer, Build-Transfer-and-Operate, Contract-Add-and-Operate, Develop-Operate-and-Transfer, Rehabilitate-Own-and-Transfer, Rehabilitate-Own-and-Operate. The law empowers the president of the Republic to approve other variations.

7. What are the high-impact urban projects? LRT in the south will be extended to Bacoor. LRT in the east will be extended to Masinag Junction. MRT-7 will pass through Commonwealth, Fairview, and San Jose del Monte in Bulacan. A highway above the old riles in Metro Manila will be constructed to connect the NLEX-SLEX. The Cavite-Laguna expressway (from coastal Cavite to Silang, then Cabuyao up to Calamba) will spur the urbanization in the south and will gobble up the remaining rural spaces in these provinces. Its counterpart in the north is C-6 (Skyway Bicutan, Taguig, Taytay, Antipolo, San Mateo, Rodriguez, Sta. Maria) which will speed up the urbanization in Rizal and Bulacan. CLEX or Central Luzon expressway will connect Tarlac City to Cabanatuan and Cabanatuan to San Jose City in Nueva Ecija. NLEX East will connect Cabanatuan to Manila via a parallel road with Daang Maharlika through Commonwealth, La Mesa Parkway in Quezon City, San Miguel in Bulacan, and Gapan in Nueva Ecija. MRT-8 is a 16-kilometer elevated dual-track between Sta Mesa in Manila and Taytay in Rizal. R-7 features a high-speed transport system from Manila to Quezon City via Quezon Avenue and Commonwealth. R-7 alone is worth US$532 million.

8. The Calamba-Los Banos expressway is both a highway and flood control dike. It will decongest the national road in Calamba and promote the tourism spots near Los Banos. It is again a reminder that if we really want a faster route to Laguna, the best route is through the dying Laguna Lake. Develop a fast ferry system. Maximize the lake for transport purposes. But politicians, being politicians, will always prefer road projects that deliver higher kickbacks.

9. Several airports are mentioned in the PPP document. They include the building and modernization of airports in Bohol, Puerto Princesa, Clark Airport City Terminal, Mactan in Cebu, Balabac in Palawan, Laguindingan, Daraga in Albay, NAIA and Kalibo. I am not a big fan of airport expansion in the country, and these are my reasons: click here.

10. The RoRo is an effective political infrastructure system developed by Arroyo. It connected the islands; it tamed the wild seas ruled by pirates and smugglers; it distracted the people’s attention in the countryside. It enhanced the hegemony of the ruling state in the provinces. Today a new form of RoRo is set to be unveiled through the establishment of cold chain systems and agri-fishery centers. Like RoRo, it aims to connect Luzon, Visayas, and Mindanao. It will invade even the spaces occupied by dissident groups. What will be the response of the radical forces in the countryside?

11. The Philippines became the second geothermal power in the world in 1986. Somehow it explains why Marcos was able to rule the country for two decades. His massive energy infrastructure program solidified his leadership. Then, Ramos used the energy crisis in the 1990s as a justification for his emergency powers. Now, the building of power plants is included in PNoy’s PPP menu. The King which can bring “power” to the masses will have a long reign. But PNoy is going to build dirty power plants. Coal-fired power plants are scheduled for expansion in Sarangani, Subic in Zambales, Mauban and Pagbilao in Quezon, and Calaca in Batangas. Green activists are right when they described PNoy’s energy program as “daang madumi.”

12. PPP or Public-Private-Partnership – Is this it? Is selling the Philippines to the highest bidder the most creative idea that PNoy’s handlers can offer? PNoy’s PPP rewards his campaign donors with state-backed cash transfers through billion dollar infrastructure projects. PNoy is betraying his real bosses by continuing the anti-poor programs of Arroyo. What we need is a new kind of PPP: People Power (in the) Provinces. People Power (not) Privatization. PPP with a genuine pro-people leaning.

* I promise to write a separate article on the politics of RoRo and electrification. For reference, read PNoy’s PPP speech in Pasay. A comprehensive critical review of PPP was written by Bayan.

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Myanmar: New Flag, Same Country

By admin | November 8, 2010

The Union of Myanmar (Burma) is now officially known as the Republic of the Union of Myanmar, and its new flag was unveiled for the first time last week. Is the change part of the so-called democratic reforms that the ruling junta promised to deliver in time for the widely anticipated November 7 elections?

As the image on the left shows, the new flag has a star at the centre set against a yellow, green and red background. According to the government, the green stripe represents peace, yellow solidarity, and red valour.

But many of the country’s netizens were both surprised and disappointed to see the introduction of the new flag. Commenters on message boards were quick to dismiss the flag as a poor imitation of the Lithuanian, Ethiopian and Ghanan flags. One commenter said the flag looked like it had been inspired by a drawing by one the junta generals’ grandchildren when they were testing out crayons. Another commenter, though, remarked that at least with its bright colors it might look good on souvenir t-shirts.

Some critics of the junta have linked the white star on the new flag with the star on the flag of Burma’s Tatmadaw—its navy, air force and police force—and claim that the new flag effectively only represents the country’s armed forces.

Part of the criticism over the new design likely stems from nostalgia for the flag that has been dropped. The old flag, which was introduced in 1974, also had specific meanings attached to its design—the red represented bravery and incisiveness, the blue peace and tranquility, white purity, and the 14 stars the 14 states and divisions. The rice stalk and the pinion represented farmers and workers.

The pro-democracy movement, which prefers Burma to Myanmar, accused the junta of violating its own Constitution by presenting the new flag last week. They say the junta-sponsored 2008 Constitution allowed for the changing of the flag only after the new parliament was convened. Since elections haven’t taken place yet, the new flag certainly seems a little premature.

Some still cling on to the hope that Burma’s decision to adopt a new flag and name will lead to more substantial reforms in the future, and that the upcoming elections might even produce genuinely democratic results. But realistically, the prospects for change seem remote as the junta won’t even allow dissident groups to participate in the polls.

The new flag and name, therefore, should be seen as a token reform meant to convince the public and the international community that change is happening in the country. But despite its new flag and name, Burma is still the same old place.

*written for The Diplomat

Malaysia: Warisan Merdeka Controversy

Does Malaysia need a 100-storey tower? It already has the globally renowned Petronas Twin Towers and Kuala Lumpur Tower. But now it plans to build a third iconic tower—the Warisan Merdeka.

There doesn’t appear to be anything untoward about the $5 billion MYR (about $1.6 billion USD) construction project, and Prime Minister Najib Razak himself announced the project during his presentation for next year’s budget. Yet Malaysians have protested that such a large amount is being spent on a single infrastructure project.

The government has since clarified that no public funds will be used for the building of the tower and it says it’s confident that the project will create thousands of jobs. It says that once finished, the tower will be a new symbol for a developing Malaysia as well as offering trickledown effects to other local industries and that it will boost the economy by attracting foreign companies.

But critics remain unconvinced. They want the funds to be diverted to other infrastructure projects, like improving public transportation and the construction of new schools and hospitals. Many are also worried that the government might be forced to bail-out the project if it fails to secure enough financing. Some also say that Kuala Lumpur is anyway already congested and that there’s an excess of rental office space in the city, so if a tower like this is to go ahead, it should be built in another city.

The vocal opposition has also taken to cyberspace. The ‘1M Malaysians Reject 100-storey Mega Tower’ Facebook page has garnered more than 200,000 supporters in just over two weeks, while a Youtube video has also been created opposing the project.

It’s possible there would have been less opposition if the project hadn’t been announced by the prime minister. But he did so, and what was meant to be a development project has now become a divisive political issue that has fuelled resentment against the government.

*written for The Diplomat

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From belfry to cell phone tower

By admin | November 3, 2010

The cathedral of the Catholic Church in Spanish Philippines was the central symbol of power in the community. The rich and the powerful preferred to establish their residences near the church. The aspiring rich wanted to live in strategic locations where they could see the church tower. The law-abiding and God-fearing poor lived very far from the church but they could still hear the sound coming from the belfry. The church belfry, therefore, was more than just a structure which reminded the faithful to attend church activities. Its more important function was to determine the geographical boundaries of the power of the church and state. Expanding the influence of the Spanish colonizers required the construction of numerous church bell towers. Rebels who resisted colonial and church authorities lived in the mountains where they couldn’t hear the sound of the belfry.

What is today’s equivalent of the belfry? There are three contenders: malls, billboards, and cell phone towers. Malls and billboards may be sprouting everywhere but they are concentrated only in city centers. Meanwhile, cell phone towers dot the cityscape and the countryside. They are ubiquitous, mysterious, and effective infrastructures of power. Like the belfry of our Spanish past, the modern cell phone towers send signals that only reach a certain distance. There is no super tower that can cover the whole archipelago. The poorest and remotest parts of the country continue to have weak cell phone connections. Cell phone signals are linked with modernity and progress which is why the building of cell phone towers receives high protection from the state. (Modern structures are forbidden in Chocolate Hills in Bohol – except cell phone towers, of course).

Then and now the poor are hypnotized by the invisible transmission of magic waves emitted by power structures: the belfry of the past and today’s cell phone towers. The belfry sound represented the presence of the church and the existence of God; the cell phone signals represent development and the existence of modern communications. In the past, rebels were feared and hated because they refused to honor God and His chosen representatives on Earth. Today, rebels are despised for thwarting progress every time they bomb cell phone towers.

Yes, the belfry promoted religion and spirituality but it was used to intensify the colonial subjugation of the pagan islands. Yes, the cell phone towers improved the delivery of communication in the country but they are false indicators of progress. Surrendering to the sound of the church bells affirmed the hegemony of the clergy. Using the cell phone signals made communication easier and information sending faster but profits are being accumulated somewhere and someone is monopolizing these profits; and Big Brother is spying on everyone.

From Ayala to San Roque

Trinoma means Triangle North of Makati. The reference point of the Ayala mall in Quezon City is Makati, the country’s financial center and economic mecca of the domestic ruling elite. Trinoma is located in North Avenue which is part of north triangle of Quezon City but it seems Trinoma owners disregarded the spatial link of the mall to the nearby west, east and south triangles of the city. Instead, the Ayalas preferred to make Trinoma a remote satellite structure of its power base in the Makati control room. Trinoma was built to spur the redevelopment of the north triangle area. Specifically, the plan is to build another business district (create a new Makati) and the north triangle is the chosen territory. The plan has the blessings of the money-hungry local government.

But north triangle is not an empty land. The San Roque community is located in north triangle. San Roque is now branded by the government and property developers as a squatter colony but this is historically inaccurate. Half a century ago, some of the Manila poor were resettled in the area around San Roque, which was at that time an agricultural community that reached up to Bagong Pag-asa, Novaliches and Bulacan. The resettlement center was later known as the residential community of Bago Bantay. Even the Golden Acres, a housing site for senior citizens, was constructed in the area. Schools were later established: Bago Bantay Academy (renamed as Quezon City Academy), San Francisco High School, Quezon City Science, and Philippine Science High School. The public space in north triangle was a housing and schooling center before SM and Trinoma invaded it.

Golden Acres is now SM property. The People’s Park was bought by Ayala which was converted into Trinoma. And now the government wants to demolish the San Roque community.

When Escolta became too small for the business elite, they moved their corporate headquarters to Makati. Then, smaller satellite territories were established in Ortigas, Fort Bonifacio, and Libis. Now they are targeting a new colony in Quezon City, north side of EDSA. The feasibility plan is completed, the financial package has been approved, and government approval has been secured – only one problem remains: the residents of San Roque won’t go away.

When Ayala constructed the Trinoma Mall, everybody commented about the competition it would engender between the SM and Ayala supermalls. Who will emerge the winner in the battle for mall supremacy: the old Spanish clan or the Chinese tycoon? Today, it has become evident that there was really no serious feuding between the two business empires. It was a friendly competition. The real conflict is only starting to unravel: the residents of San Roque on one hand and the capitalists on the other side. The residents belong to the working classes and they are supported by organized collectives. The capitalists are requiring the bureaucrat capitalists to speed up the demolition of the squatter community.

San Roque in North Triangle is the last bastion of proletarian might in the reterritorialized EDSA. It is one of the few remaining public spaces along EDSA which have not yet been invaded by capitalist vultures. It must be defended. Aside from asserting their rights, San Roque residents should derive inspiration from the heroic struggles of the Filipino people in EDSA. The Bantayog ng mga Bayani is located near the San Roque community.

Finally, the hypocrisy of the business community has been exposed. Habitat for Humanity? Gawad Kalinga? Corporate Social Responsibility? Show your love for the homeless poor by defending San Roque.

From Monumento to Mall of Asia

EDSA or Highway 54 is the most important and famous road in the Philippines. It is the site of two People Power actions. It connects the north and south expressways. The three biggest shopping malls in the world are located here. The police and military headquarters are stationed here. Financial centers are established in Makati-EDSA, Ortigas-EDSA and soon North Triangle-EDSA.

EDSA’s evolution was influenced by various contending forces in Manila society: the working poor, capitalist class, and the government. The working poor and capitalists can work together in order to topple an unjust government (People Power). But most of the time, the government is subservient to the demands of the business elite. They join forces so that they can silence and defeat the working class. Their executioner in EDSA is the MMDA.

It is funny, interesting, and symbolic that the EDSA boundary is represented by the Bonifacio monument in the north and Mall of Asia in the south. It signifies the ongoing struggle to define and redefine the meaning of EDSA. Bonifacio represents the plebian forces while Mall of Asia stands for the dictatorship of the capitalist ruling elite. Who is winning the war?

EDSA has a subversive potential and the ruling class is aware of it. The malls are there to hypnotize the poor and rechannel the political rage of the people into consumer frenzy. The MRT transports passengers from one mall to another but it doesn’t have direct station links to People Power monuments.

EDSA, the people’s highway, is quickly evolving into an anti-people thoroughfare. The state, afraid of the People Power past of EDSA, now prevents the people from walking, crossing, and marching in EDSA. The street which witnessed two fantastic uprisings in 1986 and 2001 is now a death zone for innocent jaywalkers (bawal tumawid, nakamamatay), and political protesters.

The struggle of the San Roque residents is a living monument to the people’s right to reclaim the EDSA highway. Do we want this historic space to be forever colonized by oversized malls, billboard deathtraps, and skycrapers? (When he visited Havana during the pre-revolution years, Sartre described skycrapers as “insane protuberances”).

Do people live along EDSA? Yes! If residents of Forbes, Dasmarinas, Corinthians, Philam and Mar Roxas in Cubao can comfortably sleep in their homes near EDSA, why deny this right to San Roque residents. They are Filipinos too. They are humans too. Demolishing San Roque would send a message that the residential space in EDSA is exclusively for the rich and powerful only. Rezoning EDSA is not wrong, but it should not be biased against the poor.

The immediate objective is to destroy the houses in San Roque. The real aim is to quash the fighting capability of the poor. And once the job is finished in EDSA, their next target would be the reclaiming of C5 and Commonwealth.

Defend San Roque! Long Live People Power!

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Abandoned Railways

By admin | October 23, 2010

Construction of the Manila-Dagupan railroad started in 1887. Five years later, the 195 kilometer railway link between Manila and Pangasinan began its operations. The 19th century colonial government was able to connect Imperial Spanish Manila and emerging trading post Dagupan in a span of only five years. It may be an unimpressive feat compared to the experience of other countries but it was and still a remarkable achievement for Philippine standards. The country’s 21st century government couldn’t even expand the expressway beyond Tarlac.

The Manila-Dagupan railroad no longer exists. It is one of the numerous railways in Luzon which have been abandoned and forgotten. Before World War II, the Manila Railway Company operated 1,140 kilometers of railways in the island. Its most popular routes were Manila-Legazpi and Manila-Tabaco in Albay; and Manila-San Fernando in La Union. After World War II, only 452 kilometers of the railways were left operational.

The Manila Railway Company was renamed Philippine National Railways in 1964. Its two major lines were Main Line North and Main Line South.

The Main Line North offered a 266 kilometer link between Manila and La Union. It had a 55 kilometer branch line from Tarlac City to San Jose City in Nueva Ecija. Its other (forgotten) branch lines were railway links from Paniqui in Tarlac to San Quintin in Pangasinan; San Fernando, Pampanga to Floridablanca also in Pampanga; and Balagtas in Bulacan to Cabanatuan in Nueva Ecija.

The more extensive Main Line South operations featured the popular 479 kilometer route of Manila-Legazpi. It had a 5 kilometer branch line from San Pedro in Laguna to Carmona in Cavite. Its other (forgotten) branch lines were railway links from Calamba in Laguna to Batangas City; Los Banos to Santa Cruz in Laguna; and Sta Mesa in Manila to Barangay Hulo in Mandaluyong.

The floods in 1973 forced the closure of the Manila north line. Two years later, floods washed out the bridges east of Camalig in Albay preventing passengers from accessing Legazpi which is still 12 kilometers away. Before the downfall of Marcos in 1986, the Manila south line diverted its operations to Daraga in Albay and rejoined the old line at Barangay Travesia in Guinobatan, and bypassed Camalig to avoid the flashfloods near Mt. Mayon.

No new railways were developed during the Cory Aquino administration. In fact, the northbound services ended in 1988. The south line service was offered only up to Naga in Camarines Sur and Polangui in Albay. The railway branch line of Tarlac City to Dagupan in Pangasinan was also closed during this period.

Today, the 32.2 kilometer railway line from Caloocan to Malolos in Bulacan is being rehabilitated under the Northrail project. The southbound operations today are Manila-Alabang and Manila-Binan. But tracks, bridges, stations of the south line were damaged by typhoons Milenyo and Reming in 2006.

Railway politics

Railways do not just transport people and goods, they also transport political and economic ideas. They serve the political objectives of the party in power. They can also be maximized by various political forces, even by oppositional groups.

The first railways connected the haciendas of the north to imperial Manila, which was and still the country’s principal trading center. The railway infrastructure sustained the needs of the agricultural economy. The railways connected Luzon north (Dagupan and La Union), central Luzon (Pampanga, Tarlac, Bulacan, Nueva Ecija), Manila, south Luzon, and Bicol region (Tabaco in Albay was an important port facing the Pacific Ocean; Aside from abaca, Visayan goods were also transported through this port). The branch lines of the north and south lines were intended to transport rural goods and crops at a shorter distance, probably to facilitate minor trading between towns.

Then and now, the railways benefited the western corridor of Luzon. No railways were built to cross the eastern frontier of Luzon (Cagayan Valley, east of Sierra Madre).

After the war, the corrupt and puppet governments didn’t develop a masterplan on how to use the railways to promote economic growth. As the country became more dependent on foreign loans and investments, succeeding governments have failed to realize the vital relationship of a robust local agricultural sector to overall national industrialization. Instead of extending the railways, the state preferred to make the country an ideal assembly plant of imported goods, including surplus cars and other automobiles from rich nations. The railways were soon abandoned as economic activities focused on manufacturing and service sectors in mega Manila.

The government is now planning to rebuild the almost forgotten railroads of the north and south through the Northrail and Southrail projects. The aim now is to decongest Metro Manila and to connect former military bases which have been converted into economic zones. The state wants to use the infrastructure left behind by the U.S. military to produce positive economic activities. It is proof that the postwar governments didn’t build cities with adequate infrastructure that would warrant the need to construct and maintain railways in the countryside. Paano pala kung hindi umalis ang mga kano?

Because of the uneven economic development in the country, the rural poor are migrating to the cities and the railways were used by the poor to seek better opportunities in Manila. (Nora Aunor used to sell flowers in a train station in Bicol before winning in a nationwide singing contest.) And since the economy has always been in a bankrupt state, majority of the poor migrants from the provinces were unable to find stable jobs, livelihood and decent housing in the city. Thus, many of the rural poor became the urban poor of Manila, the famed residents of home along da riles. It is no coincidence that shantytowns were established near railways since many of the nouveau poor (after the war) arrived in Manila via the railways.

Today the railway shantytowns in Metro Manila have been forcibly removed already. The old poor are now the new poor in Montalban, Laguna, Cavite and other relocation sites. The Southrail team reported that they still need to relocate 1.06 million households before they can complete the project. The efficient and ruthless state of the 21st century is expected to use modern, business-like methods to prevent the poor from invading the railway space again.

The paranoid and repressive state is also expected to prevent dissident forces from using the railways to challenge the hegemony of the ruling class. Yes, the railways can be used by revolutionary forces. The Manila-Dagupan railroad was finished in 1892, the same year when Bonifacio founded the Katipunan. The anti-Spanish revolutionary government was able to liberate numerous towns along the Manila-Dagupan rail link. Why did Japanese forces destroy the railway backbone of Luzon? Probably because the railways were effectively used by the Huks to defeat the colonizers. How can the rural-based communist forces use the Northrail and Southrail and the other railway projects in aid of revolution?

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