Myanmar: New Flag, Same Country

By admin | November 8, 2010

The Union of Myanmar (Burma) is now officially known as the Republic of the Union of Myanmar, and its new flag was unveiled for the first time last week. Is the change part of the so-called democratic reforms that the ruling junta promised to deliver in time for the widely anticipated November 7 elections?

As the image on the left shows, the new flag has a star at the centre set against a yellow, green and red background. According to the government, the green stripe represents peace, yellow solidarity, and red valour.

But many of the country’s netizens were both surprised and disappointed to see the introduction of the new flag. Commenters on message boards were quick to dismiss the flag as a poor imitation of the Lithuanian, Ethiopian and Ghanan flags. One commenter said the flag looked like it had been inspired by a drawing by one the junta generals’ grandchildren when they were testing out crayons. Another commenter, though, remarked that at least with its bright colors it might look good on souvenir t-shirts.

Some critics of the junta have linked the white star on the new flag with the star on the flag of Burma’s Tatmadaw—its navy, air force and police force—and claim that the new flag effectively only represents the country’s armed forces.

Part of the criticism over the new design likely stems from nostalgia for the flag that has been dropped. The old flag, which was introduced in 1974, also had specific meanings attached to its design—the red represented bravery and incisiveness, the blue peace and tranquility, white purity, and the 14 stars the 14 states and divisions. The rice stalk and the pinion represented farmers and workers.

The pro-democracy movement, which prefers Burma to Myanmar, accused the junta of violating its own Constitution by presenting the new flag last week. They say the junta-sponsored 2008 Constitution allowed for the changing of the flag only after the new parliament was convened. Since elections haven’t taken place yet, the new flag certainly seems a little premature.

Some still cling on to the hope that Burma’s decision to adopt a new flag and name will lead to more substantial reforms in the future, and that the upcoming elections might even produce genuinely democratic results. But realistically, the prospects for change seem remote as the junta won’t even allow dissident groups to participate in the polls.

The new flag and name, therefore, should be seen as a token reform meant to convince the public and the international community that change is happening in the country. But despite its new flag and name, Burma is still the same old place.

*written for The Diplomat

Malaysia: Warisan Merdeka Controversy

Does Malaysia need a 100-storey tower? It already has the globally renowned Petronas Twin Towers and Kuala Lumpur Tower. But now it plans to build a third iconic tower—the Warisan Merdeka.

There doesn’t appear to be anything untoward about the $5 billion MYR (about $1.6 billion USD) construction project, and Prime Minister Najib Razak himself announced the project during his presentation for next year’s budget. Yet Malaysians have protested that such a large amount is being spent on a single infrastructure project.

The government has since clarified that no public funds will be used for the building of the tower and it says it’s confident that the project will create thousands of jobs. It says that once finished, the tower will be a new symbol for a developing Malaysia as well as offering trickledown effects to other local industries and that it will boost the economy by attracting foreign companies.

But critics remain unconvinced. They want the funds to be diverted to other infrastructure projects, like improving public transportation and the construction of new schools and hospitals. Many are also worried that the government might be forced to bail-out the project if it fails to secure enough financing. Some also say that Kuala Lumpur is anyway already congested and that there’s an excess of rental office space in the city, so if a tower like this is to go ahead, it should be built in another city.

The vocal opposition has also taken to cyberspace. The ‘1M Malaysians Reject 100-storey Mega Tower’ Facebook page has garnered more than 200,000 supporters in just over two weeks, while a Youtube video has also been created opposing the project.

It’s possible there would have been less opposition if the project hadn’t been announced by the prime minister. But he did so, and what was meant to be a development project has now become a divisive political issue that has fuelled resentment against the government.

*written for The Diplomat

Posted in east asia | Tagged , | Leave a comment

From belfry to cell phone tower

By admin | November 3, 2010

The cathedral of the Catholic Church in Spanish Philippines was the central symbol of power in the community. The rich and the powerful preferred to establish their residences near the church. The aspiring rich wanted to live in strategic locations where they could see the church tower. The law-abiding and God-fearing poor lived very far from the church but they could still hear the sound coming from the belfry. The church belfry, therefore, was more than just a structure which reminded the faithful to attend church activities. Its more important function was to determine the geographical boundaries of the power of the church and state. Expanding the influence of the Spanish colonizers required the construction of numerous church bell towers. Rebels who resisted colonial and church authorities lived in the mountains where they couldn’t hear the sound of the belfry.

What is today’s equivalent of the belfry? There are three contenders: malls, billboards, and cell phone towers. Malls and billboards may be sprouting everywhere but they are concentrated only in city centers. Meanwhile, cell phone towers dot the cityscape and the countryside. They are ubiquitous, mysterious, and effective infrastructures of power. Like the belfry of our Spanish past, the modern cell phone towers send signals that only reach a certain distance. There is no super tower that can cover the whole archipelago. The poorest and remotest parts of the country continue to have weak cell phone connections. Cell phone signals are linked with modernity and progress which is why the building of cell phone towers receives high protection from the state. (Modern structures are forbidden in Chocolate Hills in Bohol – except cell phone towers, of course).

Then and now the poor are hypnotized by the invisible transmission of magic waves emitted by power structures: the belfry of the past and today’s cell phone towers. The belfry sound represented the presence of the church and the existence of God; the cell phone signals represent development and the existence of modern communications. In the past, rebels were feared and hated because they refused to honor God and His chosen representatives on Earth. Today, rebels are despised for thwarting progress every time they bomb cell phone towers.

Yes, the belfry promoted religion and spirituality but it was used to intensify the colonial subjugation of the pagan islands. Yes, the cell phone towers improved the delivery of communication in the country but they are false indicators of progress. Surrendering to the sound of the church bells affirmed the hegemony of the clergy. Using the cell phone signals made communication easier and information sending faster but profits are being accumulated somewhere and someone is monopolizing these profits; and Big Brother is spying on everyone.

From Ayala to San Roque

Trinoma means Triangle North of Makati. The reference point of the Ayala mall in Quezon City is Makati, the country’s financial center and economic mecca of the domestic ruling elite. Trinoma is located in North Avenue which is part of north triangle of Quezon City but it seems Trinoma owners disregarded the spatial link of the mall to the nearby west, east and south triangles of the city. Instead, the Ayalas preferred to make Trinoma a remote satellite structure of its power base in the Makati control room. Trinoma was built to spur the redevelopment of the north triangle area. Specifically, the plan is to build another business district (create a new Makati) and the north triangle is the chosen territory. The plan has the blessings of the money-hungry local government.

But north triangle is not an empty land. The San Roque community is located in north triangle. San Roque is now branded by the government and property developers as a squatter colony but this is historically inaccurate. Half a century ago, some of the Manila poor were resettled in the area around San Roque, which was at that time an agricultural community that reached up to Bagong Pag-asa, Novaliches and Bulacan. The resettlement center was later known as the residential community of Bago Bantay. Even the Golden Acres, a housing site for senior citizens, was constructed in the area. Schools were later established: Bago Bantay Academy (renamed as Quezon City Academy), San Francisco High School, Quezon City Science, and Philippine Science High School. The public space in north triangle was a housing and schooling center before SM and Trinoma invaded it.

Golden Acres is now SM property. The People’s Park was bought by Ayala which was converted into Trinoma. And now the government wants to demolish the San Roque community.

When Escolta became too small for the business elite, they moved their corporate headquarters to Makati. Then, smaller satellite territories were established in Ortigas, Fort Bonifacio, and Libis. Now they are targeting a new colony in Quezon City, north side of EDSA. The feasibility plan is completed, the financial package has been approved, and government approval has been secured – only one problem remains: the residents of San Roque won’t go away.

When Ayala constructed the Trinoma Mall, everybody commented about the competition it would engender between the SM and Ayala supermalls. Who will emerge the winner in the battle for mall supremacy: the old Spanish clan or the Chinese tycoon? Today, it has become evident that there was really no serious feuding between the two business empires. It was a friendly competition. The real conflict is only starting to unravel: the residents of San Roque on one hand and the capitalists on the other side. The residents belong to the working classes and they are supported by organized collectives. The capitalists are requiring the bureaucrat capitalists to speed up the demolition of the squatter community.

San Roque in North Triangle is the last bastion of proletarian might in the reterritorialized EDSA. It is one of the few remaining public spaces along EDSA which have not yet been invaded by capitalist vultures. It must be defended. Aside from asserting their rights, San Roque residents should derive inspiration from the heroic struggles of the Filipino people in EDSA. The Bantayog ng mga Bayani is located near the San Roque community.

Finally, the hypocrisy of the business community has been exposed. Habitat for Humanity? Gawad Kalinga? Corporate Social Responsibility? Show your love for the homeless poor by defending San Roque.

From Monumento to Mall of Asia

EDSA or Highway 54 is the most important and famous road in the Philippines. It is the site of two People Power actions. It connects the north and south expressways. The three biggest shopping malls in the world are located here. The police and military headquarters are stationed here. Financial centers are established in Makati-EDSA, Ortigas-EDSA and soon North Triangle-EDSA.

EDSA’s evolution was influenced by various contending forces in Manila society: the working poor, capitalist class, and the government. The working poor and capitalists can work together in order to topple an unjust government (People Power). But most of the time, the government is subservient to the demands of the business elite. They join forces so that they can silence and defeat the working class. Their executioner in EDSA is the MMDA.

It is funny, interesting, and symbolic that the EDSA boundary is represented by the Bonifacio monument in the north and Mall of Asia in the south. It signifies the ongoing struggle to define and redefine the meaning of EDSA. Bonifacio represents the plebian forces while Mall of Asia stands for the dictatorship of the capitalist ruling elite. Who is winning the war?

EDSA has a subversive potential and the ruling class is aware of it. The malls are there to hypnotize the poor and rechannel the political rage of the people into consumer frenzy. The MRT transports passengers from one mall to another but it doesn’t have direct station links to People Power monuments.

EDSA, the people’s highway, is quickly evolving into an anti-people thoroughfare. The state, afraid of the People Power past of EDSA, now prevents the people from walking, crossing, and marching in EDSA. The street which witnessed two fantastic uprisings in 1986 and 2001 is now a death zone for innocent jaywalkers (bawal tumawid, nakamamatay), and political protesters.

The struggle of the San Roque residents is a living monument to the people’s right to reclaim the EDSA highway. Do we want this historic space to be forever colonized by oversized malls, billboard deathtraps, and skycrapers? (When he visited Havana during the pre-revolution years, Sartre described skycrapers as “insane protuberances”).

Do people live along EDSA? Yes! If residents of Forbes, Dasmarinas, Corinthians, Philam and Mar Roxas in Cubao can comfortably sleep in their homes near EDSA, why deny this right to San Roque residents. They are Filipinos too. They are humans too. Demolishing San Roque would send a message that the residential space in EDSA is exclusively for the rich and powerful only. Rezoning EDSA is not wrong, but it should not be biased against the poor.

The immediate objective is to destroy the houses in San Roque. The real aim is to quash the fighting capability of the poor. And once the job is finished in EDSA, their next target would be the reclaiming of C5 and Commonwealth.

Defend San Roque! Long Live People Power!

Related articles:

Loob-labas
Malling republic
Towers of desolation
North triangle
National roads
MMDA power

Posted in places | Tagged , | 1 Comment

Abandoned Railways

By admin | October 23, 2010

Construction of the Manila-Dagupan railroad started in 1887. Five years later, the 195 kilometer railway link between Manila and Pangasinan began its operations. The 19th century colonial government was able to connect Imperial Spanish Manila and emerging trading post Dagupan in a span of only five years. It may be an unimpressive feat compared to the experience of other countries but it was and still a remarkable achievement for Philippine standards. The country’s 21st century government couldn’t even expand the expressway beyond Tarlac.

The Manila-Dagupan railroad no longer exists. It is one of the numerous railways in Luzon which have been abandoned and forgotten. Before World War II, the Manila Railway Company operated 1,140 kilometers of railways in the island. Its most popular routes were Manila-Legazpi and Manila-Tabaco in Albay; and Manila-San Fernando in La Union. After World War II, only 452 kilometers of the railways were left operational.

The Manila Railway Company was renamed Philippine National Railways in 1964. Its two major lines were Main Line North and Main Line South.

The Main Line North offered a 266 kilometer link between Manila and La Union. It had a 55 kilometer branch line from Tarlac City to San Jose City in Nueva Ecija. Its other (forgotten) branch lines were railway links from Paniqui in Tarlac to San Quintin in Pangasinan; San Fernando, Pampanga to Floridablanca also in Pampanga; and Balagtas in Bulacan to Cabanatuan in Nueva Ecija.

The more extensive Main Line South operations featured the popular 479 kilometer route of Manila-Legazpi. It had a 5 kilometer branch line from San Pedro in Laguna to Carmona in Cavite. Its other (forgotten) branch lines were railway links from Calamba in Laguna to Batangas City; Los Banos to Santa Cruz in Laguna; and Sta Mesa in Manila to Barangay Hulo in Mandaluyong.

The floods in 1973 forced the closure of the Manila north line. Two years later, floods washed out the bridges east of Camalig in Albay preventing passengers from accessing Legazpi which is still 12 kilometers away. Before the downfall of Marcos in 1986, the Manila south line diverted its operations to Daraga in Albay and rejoined the old line at Barangay Travesia in Guinobatan, and bypassed Camalig to avoid the flashfloods near Mt. Mayon.

No new railways were developed during the Cory Aquino administration. In fact, the northbound services ended in 1988. The south line service was offered only up to Naga in Camarines Sur and Polangui in Albay. The railway branch line of Tarlac City to Dagupan in Pangasinan was also closed during this period.

Today, the 32.2 kilometer railway line from Caloocan to Malolos in Bulacan is being rehabilitated under the Northrail project. The southbound operations today are Manila-Alabang and Manila-Binan. But tracks, bridges, stations of the south line were damaged by typhoons Milenyo and Reming in 2006.

Railway politics

Railways do not just transport people and goods, they also transport political and economic ideas. They serve the political objectives of the party in power. They can also be maximized by various political forces, even by oppositional groups.

The first railways connected the haciendas of the north to imperial Manila, which was and still the country’s principal trading center. The railway infrastructure sustained the needs of the agricultural economy. The railways connected Luzon north (Dagupan and La Union), central Luzon (Pampanga, Tarlac, Bulacan, Nueva Ecija), Manila, south Luzon, and Bicol region (Tabaco in Albay was an important port facing the Pacific Ocean; Aside from abaca, Visayan goods were also transported through this port). The branch lines of the north and south lines were intended to transport rural goods and crops at a shorter distance, probably to facilitate minor trading between towns.

Then and now, the railways benefited the western corridor of Luzon. No railways were built to cross the eastern frontier of Luzon (Cagayan Valley, east of Sierra Madre).

After the war, the corrupt and puppet governments didn’t develop a masterplan on how to use the railways to promote economic growth. As the country became more dependent on foreign loans and investments, succeeding governments have failed to realize the vital relationship of a robust local agricultural sector to overall national industrialization. Instead of extending the railways, the state preferred to make the country an ideal assembly plant of imported goods, including surplus cars and other automobiles from rich nations. The railways were soon abandoned as economic activities focused on manufacturing and service sectors in mega Manila.

The government is now planning to rebuild the almost forgotten railroads of the north and south through the Northrail and Southrail projects. The aim now is to decongest Metro Manila and to connect former military bases which have been converted into economic zones. The state wants to use the infrastructure left behind by the U.S. military to produce positive economic activities. It is proof that the postwar governments didn’t build cities with adequate infrastructure that would warrant the need to construct and maintain railways in the countryside. Paano pala kung hindi umalis ang mga kano?

Because of the uneven economic development in the country, the rural poor are migrating to the cities and the railways were used by the poor to seek better opportunities in Manila. (Nora Aunor used to sell flowers in a train station in Bicol before winning in a nationwide singing contest.) And since the economy has always been in a bankrupt state, majority of the poor migrants from the provinces were unable to find stable jobs, livelihood and decent housing in the city. Thus, many of the rural poor became the urban poor of Manila, the famed residents of home along da riles. It is no coincidence that shantytowns were established near railways since many of the nouveau poor (after the war) arrived in Manila via the railways.

Today the railway shantytowns in Metro Manila have been forcibly removed already. The old poor are now the new poor in Montalban, Laguna, Cavite and other relocation sites. The Southrail team reported that they still need to relocate 1.06 million households before they can complete the project. The efficient and ruthless state of the 21st century is expected to use modern, business-like methods to prevent the poor from invading the railway space again.

The paranoid and repressive state is also expected to prevent dissident forces from using the railways to challenge the hegemony of the ruling class. Yes, the railways can be used by revolutionary forces. The Manila-Dagupan railroad was finished in 1892, the same year when Bonifacio founded the Katipunan. The anti-Spanish revolutionary government was able to liberate numerous towns along the Manila-Dagupan rail link. Why did Japanese forces destroy the railway backbone of Luzon? Probably because the railways were effectively used by the Huks to defeat the colonizers. How can the rural-based communist forces use the Northrail and Southrail and the other railway projects in aid of revolution?

Related articles:

Railway politics
War and transportation
Labanan sa tubigan
East-West
Balik probinsiya

Posted in places | Tagged , , , | 2 Comments

Mahathir vs Lee

By admin | October 21, 2010

Written for The Diplomat

When Singapore’s longest-serving prime minister and current Minister Mentor Lee Kuan Yew was interviewed by The New York Times last month, nobody expected anything controversial—or that he would upset neighbor Malaysia.

And mostly there was nothing there that would have done, with the 87-year-old leader talking mainly about yoga and literature. But Lee also took the opportunity to take a few jabs at Malaysia, and while the old statesman might be forgiven by some for being a bold thinker, his critics in Malaysia have decided to challenge his ‘revisionist’ version of history. And things really got interesting when Mahathir Mohamad, an old rival of Lee’s and Malaysia’s Prime Minister for 22 years, wrote a scathing reply in his blog.

So what did Lee say to the NYT that so angered Mahathir? First, he said that he lamented being ‘turfed out’ of the Malaysian Federation in 1965, which he claimed was the reason why racial politics is polarizing Malaysia today. Lee further alleged that had Malaysia adopted the multiracial policies of Singapore, there would have been ‘improved inter-racial relations and an improved holistic situation’ in Malaysia. ‘Now we have a very polarized Malaysia…that’s bad for us as close neighbours,’ he said.

Lee also asserted that his decision to reject racial politics and establish an integrated society in Singapore was borne out of the suffering they endured when Singapore became part of Malaysia for two years. In addition, he said that it was wrong to favour the Malays in Malaysia, saying: ‘Malaysians saw it as a Malay country, all others are lodgers. So the Sultans, the Chief Justice and judges, generals, police commissioner, the whole hierarchy is Malay. All the big contracts for Malays. Malay is the language of the schools although it does not get them into modern knowledge. So the Chinese build and find their own independent schools to teach Chinese, the Tamils create their own Tamil schools, which do not get them jobs. It’s a most unhappy situation.’

Mahathir dismissed the statements as mere fantasies, and used his blog to try to ‘correct’ Lee’s statements. He reminded Lee that while ‘amnesia is permissible,’ that to claim that Singapore’s dissociation from Malaysia is the cause of racist politics in Malaysia ‘is simply not supported by facts of history.’

Mahathir, in fact, blamed the rise of racism in Malaysia on the brief period that Singapore was part of the Malaysian Federation. He said there was less racial politics in the country prior to the inclusion of Singapore as member of the federation. He even accused Lee of instigating racial conflict through appealing to Chinese sympathies in order to dominate peninsular politics. Mahathir said that the slogan ‘Malaysian Malaysia,’ which was coined by Lee’s party, ‘implied that the Chinese were not having equal rights with the Malays.’

Mahathir went on to say that he doesn’t believe Lee’s boast that Singapore is a multi-racial society. He noted, for example, that Singapore’s population is made up of 75 percent Chinese but that ‘they own 95 per cent of the economy.’

Finally, Mahathir dismissed Singapore’s political system, claiming that those who try to compete against the ruling party are sued for libel and that the opposition isn’t allowed to sit in parliament.

So who’s telling the truth? Both are, in fact, correct on many points. Lee was right on the mark when he discussed the impact of racial politics in Malaysia, while Mahathir made some valid points when dissecting the flaws of Singapore’s political system. Either way, both have held power and influence for decades, and so in many ways should be seen as accountable for weaknesses in their respective states.

More broadly, though, the online tussle between Mahathir and Lee underscores the continuing debate surrounding the modern history of both countries—and their continued rivalry. And it makes one wonder whether it will be possible for these countries to come to any impartial conclusions while these two leaders are still around and influential.

This wasn’t the first (and certainly won’t be the last) time that ideologues from Singapore and Malaysia have fought over both real and manufactured sins committed by the other. But such debates shouldn’t distract scholars and today’s leaders from their more essential task—the building or rebuilding of non-racist societies.

Posted in east asia | Tagged | 1 Comment

PNoy@100

By admin | October 8, 2010

Talumpating binigkas sa porum ng League of College Councils ng UP Diliman.

Ang daang matuwid ni President Noynoy ay walang pinagkaiba sa dating daan ni President Gloria. Imbes na mag-u-turn slot, ayun nagroad widening lang. Wala ngang wangwang sa kalye, pero baluktot pa rin ang daan. Ano ang tinutukoy ko? Gawin nating halimbawa ang 2011 budget:

– Ang Conditional Cash Transfer program ni Arroyo ay pinalawak pa ni PNoy. Kung may peace bonds noon, may CCT ngayon si Sec. Dinky Soliman ng DSWD.
– Tulad noon, lumobo ang budget para sa utang panlabas. Binabayaran pa rin natin hanggang ngayon ang mga utang na hindi natin pinakinabangan tulad ng proyektong Telepono sa Barangay.
– Pinaganda ni PNoy ang pangalan ng programang pribatisasyon; tinawag niya itong Public-Private Partnership. At may itatayo pang Public-Private Partnership Center. Ang sabi niya nung SONA walang piso, walang sentimong gagastusin sa PPP. Pero sa budget deliberation, inamin ng DBM na gagastos tayo ng P15bilyon para sa PPP.
– Noong Miyerkules nagprotesta ang mga mambabatas mula sa Visayas at Mindanao. Dalawa ang reklamo nila: mababa ang alokasyon para sa kanilang mga rehiyon; at pangalawa, nalulula sila sa malaking lump sum fund ng pangulo. Bukod sa wala ng congressional insertion, nagtataka ang marami kung bakit tumaas ang pork barrel ng pangulo.

Eto ang ilang paghahambing:

Noong 2001, napakulong ni Arroyo si Erap tatlong buwan mula nang maging pangulo siya ng bansa. Ngayong 2010, nasaan si Arroyo? Kahapon nasa Batasan siya. At nagawa pa nga niyang umeksena sa New York noong MDG Summit.

Bumagsak si Erap noong 2000 dahil sa jueteng. Ngayon may jueteng pa rin. At mga taong malapit pa rin sa pangulo ang dinadawit dito.

Noong Hunyo 30, buong mundo ay pinalakpakan si PNoy at mga Pilipino dahil sa matagumpay at mapayapang halalan. Pinuri ang inaugural address ni PNoy sa Luneta. Pagkatapos ng dalawang buwan, pinagtawanan tayo ng buong mundo dahil sa palpak na hostage rescue sa parehong lugar.

Kahapon ay nagbigay si PNoy ng ‘Report kay Boss’ sa La Consolocion. Mahusay naman ang pagsasagawa ng scripted town hall meeting. Tatlo ang totoo sa nangyari kahapon: ang protesta ng mga estudyante, ang nakakatawang pag-upo ng guro, at ang buhok ni PNoy.

Hinambing ni PNoy ang nakaraang pamahalaan sa tatlong matsing na bingi, bulag at kumakatha ng sariling katotohanan. Tama siya. Pero siya ang bagong matsing. Siya ay bingi at bulag sa iba’t ibang isyu sa bansa tulad ng jueteng, repormang agraryo at karapatang pantao. Sa administrasyon ni PNoy, hindi lang isa ang kumakatha ng katotohanan: iba ang katotohanan ng Samar Group, iba ang katotohanan ng Balay Group. Iba rin ang gusto ng Kamag-anak Inc. at Classmates Inc.

Binanggit ni PNoy na ‘bulok ang sistema’. Hindi ba’t ang sarap pakinggan ang pag-amin ng pangulo ng Republika na bulok ang sistema. Pero sa kanyang talumpati ang tinutukoy lamang naman pala niya ay ang PAG-ASA.

Maraming pinagyabang si PNoy na may kinalaman sa budget. Isa-isahin natin:

Tinanggal na raw ang Kilos Asenso at Kalayaan Barangay Fund. Mabuti yun. Kaso hindi niya sinabi na may bagong pondo ang DILG na halos walang pinagkaiba sa kinaltas na pondo na tinuturing na pork barrel ng Malakanyang para sa mga LGU. Ito ay yung Performance Challenge Fund.

Tumaas daw ang pondo ng DOH. Tama. Pero binawasan niya ng P500milyon ang pondo para sa family planning. Akala ko ba isa siya sa mga tagapagsulong ng Reproductive Health?

Pinakamataas daw ang budget ng DepEd. Taun-taon naman ay ganito ang sitwasyon dahil mahigit kalahating milyong guro ang pinapasuweldo ng ahensiya. Pero inamin ni Sec. Armin Luistro sa budget deliberation sa kongreso na maliit pa rin ang pondo para tugunan ang pangangailangan ng ating mga paaralan. At tulad noong panahon ni Arroyo, ang budget sa edukasyon ay kumakatawan lamang sa 12-13 percent ng national budget. Ang minimum dapat na budget ng sektor ng edukasyon ay 20 percent para sa isang developing country. Hindi ko na babanggitin ang budget cut sa mga state universities. Basahin ninyo na lang ang collegian.

Sabi pa ni PNoy “walang maiiwan” na Pilipino. Ang hirap paniwalaan nito dahil cell phone nga niya ay naiwanan niya nang pumunta siya sa Amerika. Kidding aside, marami ang maiiwan sa ilalim ng pamahalaang ito dahil ang sentrong programa para lutasin ang kahirapan ay pamimigay lamang ng dole-out.

Iwanan muna natin si PNoy dahil ang buhay sa bansa nitong nakaraang 100 araw ay hindi lang naman umikot sa kanya. Kung rerebyuhin natin ang mga balita, marami at dumarami ang mga aksiyong radikal sa kalye at mga matatapang na pagkilos ng iba’t ibang sektor.

Nariyan ang banta ng welga ng mga empleyado ng PAL. Kalimutan ninyo na ang dancing flight attendants ng Cebu Pacific. Bantayan natin ang kaso ng PAL. Sana maunawaan ng marami, lalo na ng mga kabataan, ang silbi ng pagkakaroon ng unyon at kung bakit mahalagang kumilos at mag-alsa kung kinakailangan, para ipagtanggol ang karapatan ng mga manggagawa.

Nariyan ang barikada ng mga residente ng San Roque sa Quezon City. Pinatigil ang demolisyon ng korte at ng Malakanyang mismo dahil lumaban ang mga maralita.

Nagwalk-out ang mga mag-aaral para ipanawagan ang pagtaas ng budget sa education. Naglightning rally sa loob ng Kongreso, nagprotesta kahapon sa kalagitnaan ng town hall meeting ni PNoy.

Binato ng paint bomb ang opisina ng DOTC bilang pagtutol sa pagtaas ng pamasahe. Nagcamp-out ang mga magsasaka sa Mendiola at DAR para sa tunay na reporma sa lupa. Kahit ang simbahan nagbabanta ng civil disobedience kung ipapasa ang RH Bill. Tinapatan ito ng Damaso gimik ng isang tour guide.

Welga. Barikada. Walk-out. Camp-out. Lightning rally. Civil disobedience. Ito ang esensiya ng People Power. Sa sama-samang pagkilos ay nagkakaroon ng hugis kung anong pagbabago ang makakamit natin. Huwag nating hayaan ang kampon ni PNoy na ilimita ang kapangyarihan ng People Power sa pagsusuot lamang ng yellow ribbon.

Pero bakit may mga mapangahas na pagkilos eh hindi na naman pangulo si Arroyo? Dahil tulad ng sinabi ni PNoy dapat dun tayo sa daang matuwid. Pero nakalimutan niyang sabihin na tayo mismo ay pwedeng pumili at gumawa ng ating daang matuwid. At ang mga kolektibong aksiyon ay nagpapatunay na ang ating kinabukasan ay hindi hinihintay, ito ay ipinaglalaban.

Related articles:

SONA 2010
Manila hostage
Handa na tayo

Posted in speeches | Tagged | 3 Comments

Adopt A School

By admin | October 6, 2010

Through its Adopt-A-School program, the Department of Education hopes to improve the condition of public schools by raising funds from the private sector. Since its inception in 1998, it has already attracted 300 donors generating almost seven billion pesos in pledges, commitments, and actual contributions which benefited around 22,000 public schools nationwide. On the other hand, this program is a clear proof of the state abandonment of Philippine education. Its conceptualization signals two things: the government’s unwillingness to spend more on education; and the ascendancy of the neoliberal dogma. This is further exemplified by the decision of the government to gradually increase the role of the private sector in managing the country’s education system. Since then, cash-strapped public schools have been practically begging for crumbs from the state and if funds remain insufficient, they can dream of being “adopted” by philanthropists who need tax incentives.

*************************

School donors receive tax incentives of up to 150 percent for their contributions. Furthermore, the DepEd reminds prospective donors that participating in the Adopt-A-School program will “strengthen (their) corporate image and goodwill within the school community.” Enhancing the public image of a company is essential especially if the long-term motive is to influence the innocent minds and spending habits of students. It is no surprise that the big school donors are also big businesses whose operations and profitability depend heavily on the young consumer market. For example:

– Bright Minds Read of McDonalds Charities involving the distribution of donated books to libraries, production of workbooks and learning kits in select Metro Manila elementary schools. Intended beneficiaries are Grade 1-3 students. Cost: P9,300 per school

– Gearing-up Internet Literacy and Access for Students of Ayala Foundation targeting 5,443 public high schools. The project aims to establish internet laboratories. Cost: P125,000 per school

– Intel Teach to the future program. Intel Philippines Manufacturing Inc. sponsors the integration of the use of computers into the existing curriculum. Cost: P5,000 per teacher

– ETV package. ABS-CBN ETV programs have been converted into DVD format for classroom distribution and utilization. Cost: P55,000 per school

– Txt2teach Project for Grade V and VI science classes. Project leader is Ayala Foundation while the coordinators are Globe Telecom, PMSI-Dream Broadcasting, Chikka Asia.

– Little Red Schoolhouse in partnership with Coca Cola Foundation. The goal is to construct a school building with three classrooms. Cost: P1,421,626 per school

– “Send-a-Child-to-School” Program of DepEd and Petron Foundation for Grade I-VI students. Cost: P5,000 per pupil

The Adopt-A-School program boosts the profitability of these companies by giving them the “prerogative of identifying the school of its choice, as well as the area and geographic location where it wishes to place its support.” This allows donors like McDonalds to choose schools which are located near their company outlets.

How can Intel recoup its school investments? Students and teachers who were taught how to maximize computers in the classrooms will most likely prefer the Intel brand when they buy computers in the future.

Coke’s ‘little red schoolhouse’ is an indirect reference to the color of its primary product. Petron’s scholarship bonanza obscures the company’s reputation of being a gang leader of an oil cartel. ABS-CBN’s ETV package expands the TV network’s viewership, especially among the young.

Globally, the Txt2teach Project is known as BridgeIT. But by using the term Txt2teach in the local setting, it risks promoting the wrong idea that IT is limited to texting. But this is a non-issue for schools and the government which are desperate for funds. It is enough that “texting” companies like Globe and Chikka have agreed to become school donors. Even for educational institutions, beggars can’t be choosers.

*******************************

There is always a battle to control the content of schooling. Public debates are often focused on the official curriculum. But scholars have been asserting that the impact of the ‘hidden curriculum’ on the thinking of students is equally powerful. The official curriculum teaches students that the cost of two satellite dishes for a cable subscription is P225,000. This allows them to watch Knowledge Channel. The hidden curriculum, on the other hand, teaches students that the satellite dish donor belongs to ‘the good guys’; and the TV cable symbolized by the Knowledge Channel is associated with intelligent programming.

‘Adopting’ a school, therefore, is a wise business strategy since it improves the social standing of companies while raising their profit margins. Companies are now marketing and selling their products inside schools and more importantly, they are able to introduce their business philosophies to a special and vital segment of the population. When the government abdicated its duty to provide accessible education for all, it ushered the creepy ‘invasion’ of schools by companies which seek to exploit the financial woes of public schools. Despite the claim that the Adopt-A-School program inspires volunteerism, its real legacy is to legitimize the commercialization of public education in the country.

*******************************

The Adopt-A-School model is a preview of the Public-Private-Partnership mantra of the new government. President Aquino’s radical solution to the education crisis is to expand the scope of the Adopt-A-School program. This translates into reduced government subsidies and greater intervention of big business in the schooling system. If K12 is to be implemented, it means students and teachers will be hostaged for 12 years by big business school donors. As Big Business continues to infuse more capital into education, it will acquire greater hegemony in asserting the direction of Philippine education. Business will dictate the future of the education sector. Business perspectives will dominate the academe. This will weaken the democratic potential of schooling to empower the bosses.

Related articles:

Books for Coke
Public and private education
Education and business

Posted in education | Tagged | Leave a comment

Kabataan at daang matuwid

By admin | September 24, 2010

Talumpating binigkas sa isang porum na inorganisa ng Social Sciences and Humanities Association ng San Beda College.

Change? Tama. Sino ba ang may ayaw ng pagbabago. Pero hindi lahat ng change ay kaakit-akit, katanggap-tanggap o ninanais ng lahat. Paano kung charter change, climate change, sex change, change of citizenship?

Mula sa baluktot na daan, ang tatahakin na daw natin ay daang matuwid. Paano kung matuwid nga ang daan pero overpriced naman, at substandard na materyal ang ginamit? Matuwid na daan ang Diosdado Macapagal Boulevard pero pinakamahal na kalsada sa buong mundo. At dapat nating tandaan na hindi lang isa ang daang matuwid. Ibig sabihin, hindi lang ang daang matuwid ni PNoy ang pwede nating gamitin. Pwede tayong gumawa ng sarili nating daang matuwid. May tamang daan ang Iglesia, dating daan ni Bro. Eli. Kayo anong klaseng daan ang gusto ninyo?

Ang sabi nila, the road to hell is paved with good intentions. Dapat bantayan natin ang daang matuwid, baka mamaya papunta ito sa impiyerno. Baka matulad ito sa isang tulay sa Loboc, Bohol na hindi natapos ang konstruksiyon dahil tinutumbok nito ang isang lumang simbahan. O kaya para mabigyang-katwiran ang paggawa ng isang tulay sa Iloilo, gumawa sila ng ilog.

Paano nagiging masama ang isang mabuting tao? Ayon kay William Ryan, “in order to persuade a good man to do evil, it is not necessary first to persuade him to become evil. It is only necessary to teach him that he is doing good.” Hindi sapat na maganda ang iyong intensiyon. Tayo, tayo ang huhusga kung naging mabuti ba ang ating mga pinuno.

Hindi dapat tayo agad maniwala sa layunin ng daang matuwid. Madalas banggitin ni PNoy ang kanyang ina, ang dating pangulong Cory Aquino, bilang kanyang inspirasyon o modelo. Mabuting tao si Tita Cory, pero hindi lahat ay nagkakaisa sa paniniwala na naging epektibo siyang lider.

Eto ang sabi ni Joker Arroyo noong 1992; si Joker ay nagsilbing executive secretary ni Tita Cory: “When I was still in the Guest House, I asked for the logs which listed those who had visited President Marcos. I compared them with those visiting President Aquino. They were the same people – they came from the same companies, shared the same business views, the same mindset, and they went to the same parties.”

Pagbabago ba ito?

Eto naman ang pag-amin ni Tita Cory: “I knew when I assumed office that poverty alleviation should be the primary concern of my administration. I must admit, however, that we didn’t have a clear idea of how to go about it.”

Aral: huwag hayaan ang mga lider na mamili ng daan para sa atin. Tayo ang boss, hindi ang Balay faction, hindi ang Samar faction, hindi si Danding, hindi ang Tsina, hindi ang Estados Unidos. Dapat tayo ang magtakda kung anong pagbabago ang gusto natin.

Maaaring tanungin ninyo, ano ang pwede naming gawin? Bumoto na kami, di pa ba sapat yun? Hindi sapat ang eleksiyon. Karamihan ng nananalo sa halalan ay mga lords: jueteng lords, drug lords, gambling lords, warlords, landlords, at mga praise the lords. Huwag nating ikahon ang pulitika sa pagpili lamang ng mga pinuno. Gawin natin itong sandata ng taong bayan para makamit natin ang tunay na pagbabagong inaasam natin. At ang pulitika ay nagiging mabisa, makapangyarihan kung ito ay pinapanday ng sama-samang pagkilos ng mamamayan.

Ilang dekadang ninais ng mga estudyante na matanggal ang ROTC. Nagtagumpay tayo noong 2001 nang magprotesta ang mga ROTC cadets. Natakot si Gloria dahil katatapos lamang noon ng People Power II kung saan aktibong lumahok ang maraming kabataan. Ang naging resulta, pinalitan ang ROTC ng NSTP. At ngayon, hindi na mandatory para sa lahat ang pagpasok sa ROTC.

Paano nabalik ang student council, student publication, mga campus organization noong panahon ni Marcos? Pinaglaban ito ng mga mag-aaral. Kumilos sila para kilalanin ang ating mga karapatan sa loob ng paaralan.

Matagal nang gustong magpataw ng text tax ang pamahalaan. Pero ang pumipigil sa kanila ay ang banta ng texters’ revolt.

Huwag nating kalimutan na ang ating Republika ay tinatag ng mga bata. Si Rizal ay 25 lamang nang sinulat niya ang Noli Me Tangere. Si Bonifacio ay 28 nang pinamunuan niya ang Katipunan. Si Aguinaldo ay 29 nang idineklara niya ang ating kalayaan noong 1898. Si Emilio Jacinto ay 20 lamang nang maging utak siya ng Katipunan. Maraming kabataan ang sumapi sa Huk noong World War II para labanan ang mga mananakop. Ang dinadakila nating War Veterans ngayon ay mga kabataang lumaban para sa kalayaan noong 1940s.

Hindi nagtapos ang kasaysayan noong 1946. Ang kinikilala nating mga bagong martir ay mga kabataang lumaban sa diktaturang Marcos. Ang mga salitang People Power, Welgang Bayan, Boykot, Noise Barrage ay naging popular lamang nitong nakalipas na tatlong dekada. Ibig sabihin, kapag sinasabi nating dapat kumilos ang kabataan, ang batayan natin ay ang iba’t ibang porma ng pag-aalsa ng mamamayan sa modernong panahon.

Noon at lalo na ngayon, mahalaga ang kolektibong aksiyon sa mga pampublikong espasyo. Gayunpaman, kinikilala ko na maraming balakid ang humahadlang para mangyari ito. At dapat natin itong tukuyin para maunawaan natin ang mga hakbang na dapat nating gawin o baguhin upang epektibo nating magampanan ang ating mga tungkulin bilang mga dakilang pag-asa ng bayan.

1. Nagiging spectacle na lang ang pulitika para sa marami. Parang sports yan: may mga propesyunal at amateur. Nanonood tayo ng tennis o football; hinahangaan ang mga propesyunal na manlalaro. Hanggang panonood na lang ang ating ginagawa. Hindi tayo nangangahas na maging propesyunal na manlalaro.

Ganun din sa pulitika. Hinahayaan natin ang mga propesyunal na maging dominante sa pulitika. Tayo ay nagkakasya na lamang sa pagiging amateur dahil ayaw natin makisawsaw sa pulitika. Tayo ay may mga pulitikal na opinyon pero ano ang ginagawa natin para baguhin ang uri ng pulitika sa bansa?

2. Malakas ang kultura ng indibidwalismo ngayon. Halos nawawala ang sense of collective solidarity. Masyadong nagpopokus sa kompetisyon imbes na bayanihan. Nawawasak ang mga panlipunang institusyon na nagbubuklod sa mga indibidwal.

Halimbawa, hiwa-hiwalay ang pamilyang Pilipino dahil ang mga nanay at tatay ay nangingibang-bayan. Karamihan sa mga kabataan ay hindi batid ang kahalagahan ng pag-uunyon. Palibhasa uso ngayon ang mga trabaho sa service sector tulad ng mga call center company na bawal ang pag-uunyon. At kapag sinabi mong unyon, ang una nating iniisip ay welga, at hindi ang benepisyong binibigay nito sa pangkalahatang kagalingan ng mga manggagawa.

Hindi na rin uso ang pagsali sa mga kooperatiba. Sa katunayan, ang panawagan ngayon ng pamahalaan sa mga magsasaka ay maging farmer-entrepreneur.

Sa paghina ng mga batayang institusyon tulad ng pamilya, unyon at kooperatiba, naaapektuhan din ang pulitikal na pananaw ng mga tao. Wala ng komunidad, mga indibidwal na lamang. Wala ng sama-samang pagkilos, sariling diskarte na lamang ang uso.

3. Pati ang teknolohiya ay nagiging kasangkapan para pahinain ang pulitikal na pakikisangkot ng kabataan. Makikinig na lang ako ng mga kanta sa aking iPod. Maglalaro ng portable playstation. Mag-iinternet at magbubukas ng Facebook.

Malaki ang epekto nito sa pulitikal na kamalayan ng kabataan. Bukod sa nahahatak ang mga kabataan na maglaan ng oras sa mga ganitong aktibidad, tinuturuan din nito ang mga tao na pwede ang mapayapang paglahok sa pulitika kahit nasa bahay lamang.

Bakit ako pupunta ng rali eh pwede naman ako manood ng ANC o makinig sa radyo? Pwede ako mag-internet, basahin ang breaking news sa twitter. Ano ba ang top trend ngayon? Puntahan ang website ni PNoy at mag-iwan ng komento. Pumirma sa online petition.

4. Dapat labanan natin ang amnesia. Kahapon ay anibersaryo ng Martial Law. Kahapon napanood ko si Enrile sa jueteng hearing, pinapagalitan niya ang mga pulis. Kahapon napakinggan ko si Senator Bongbong, maganda raw ang buhay ng mga Pilipino noong Martial Law. Kahapon nakita ko si Imelda sa Batasan.

Ang Martial Law ngayon ay parang World War II ng aming henerasyon. Ang sabi sa amin ng matatanda, at ang turo sa paaralan, magulo daw ang Pilipinas noong gera. Mababagsik ang mga Hapon. Pero hindi namin maramdaman ang sinapit ng mga kababayan natin. Ang yugtong yun ng kasaysayan ay binasa na lang namin sa libro. Hindi rin nakatulong na ang mga Hapon noong kami ay mga bata ay hindi na tinuturing na mananakop kundi mga mababait na foreign investors at tourists. Ang tanging ugnay naming sa panahong yun na nagpapaalala sa amin sa malagim na karanasan ng mga Pilipino ay ang mga beterano at comfort women.

Ngayon ang martial law ay isa na lamang bahagi ng ating kurikulum sa paaralan. Si Imelda ay adik sa sapatos. Si Bongbong ay nagpatayo ng windmill sa Ilocos. At si Imee ay nanay ni Borgy. Kung may mga beterano at comfort women noong panahon ng Hapon, ang panahon ni Marcos ay may mga martial law victims, torture victims, political prisoners. Sila ang mga buhay na alaala ng martial law. They are the “walking wounded” of that dark, yet almost forgotten episode of the modern history of the Republic. Huwag natin silang kalimutan.

Ano ang dapat nating gawin?

Lumahok sa pulitika. Makisangkot. Makialam. Pero hindi lang dapat ito tulad ng pag volunteer natin sa mga charity events. Mahaba, masalimuot ang proseso ng pagbabago. Maraming sakripisyo ang dapat nating gawin. Hindi uubra na ang daang matuwid ay ipantay natin sa paggawa lamang ng mga bahay o pagpost ng mga witty comment sa twitter o FB.

Malapit kayo sa Malakanyang. Maririnig ni PNoy ang inyong mga boses. Huwag ninyong isipin na mababasa ni PNoy ang inyong mga komento sa kanyang website. Sa budget hearing sa Kongreso, inamin ni Secretary Coloma na hindi sa lahat ng panahon ay nababasa ni PNoy ang mga sinusulat natin sa kanyang FB account at official website.

Pag-aralan ninyo ang lipunan. Suriin ninyo ang buhay ng ating mga kababayang maralita at huwag lamang ang personal na buhay ng ating mga FB friends. Alamin ang kabuluhan ng land reform at hindi ninyo yan mauunawaan sa paglalaro lamang ng Farmville.

Nasa harapan ninyo lang ang Mendiola. Bakit ba nagrarali dito ang mga aktbista? Hindi yan tinakda ng batas. Noong 1970, naghanap ng daan ang mga estudyante kung paano ba makakalapit sa Palasyo. At ang natukoy nilang daang matuwid ay ang Mendiola. Mula noon, ito na ang naging altar ng masang naghahangad ng tunay na pagbabago sa lipunan. Ito ay makasaysayang espasyo. Ito ay simbolo ng tunggalian sa ating lipunan sa pagitan ng mga mapanupil na pwersang nasa kapangyarihan at mga pwersang demokratiko. Kaya ako ay nalulungkot, nagagalit diyan sa Peace Arch na tinayo sa Mendiola. Peace Arch pero sarado ang gate. Peace arch pero may CCTV cameras. Bakit hinarangan ang Mendiola? Bakit ayaw payagan ang taong bayan na magpahayag ng kanilang damdamin sa harap ng Palasyo. Sa US, nagrarali ang mga tao sa harap mismo ng White House. Kailan huling nakita ng mga Pilipino ang Malakanyang? Siguro kaninang tanghali nang mag-abot kayo ng bente pesos sa canteen.

Tayo ang magmamana ng lipunang ito. Ngayon pa lamang ay mag-ambag na tayo sa kilusang pagbabago. Baguhin natin ang lipunan. Baguhin natin ang mundo. Higit sa pagpili sa daang matuwid, pinakamahalaga ang panglilingkod sa kapwa.

*Ang ilang bahagi ng talumpati ay hango sa isang artikulong sinulat ko noong 2008

Posted in speeches | Tagged , , , | Leave a comment

MDGs and health workers

By admin | September 17, 2010

Talumpating binigkas sa pambansang kumbensiyon ng Alliance of Young Nurse Leaders & Advocates International Inc. na ginanap sa Manila Pavilion.

Binabati ko kayong lahat sa paglulunsad ng aktibidad na ito. Higit akong humanga sa inyong desisyon na gamitin ang okasyong ito upang pagtibayin ang ating panata na makamit ang tinatawag nating Millenium Development Goals.

Taong 2000, buwan ng Setyembre, nang magbuklod-buklod ang 191 bansa, kabilang ang Pilipinas, at nilagdaan ang isang deklarasyon upang sugpuin ang kahirapan, at iba pa nitong manipestasyon tulad ng malawak na di pagkapantay-pantay sa lipunan at mga sakit na pwede namang mapigilan ang pagkalat kung ito ay bibigyang pansin ng mga pamahalaan. Halimbawa, taong 2009 nang binulaga tayo ng AH1N1 at nakadebelop agad ang mga doktor ng bakuna para ito ay sugpuin. Pero bakit wala pang gamot sa HIV/AIDS, TB, at dengue?

Ano na ang narating natin sampung taon pagkatapos pirmahan ang MDG declaration? Mahabang panahon ang sampung taon at nasaksihan natin ang maraming pagbabago sa paligid: Noong 2000, nasa elementary pa lamang kayo. Ngayon, malapit na kayong magtapos sa kolehiyo. Noong 2000 si Justin Bieber ay anim na taon pa lamang. Ngayon siya na ang pinakasikat na teenager sa buong mundo. Si Erap pa ang presidente noong 2000 kaso pinabagsak siya ng jueteng. Ngayon si PNoy na ang nakatira sa Malakanyang kaso may jueteng pa rin. Noong 2000 ang nakalagay sa aming mga bag ay notebook, libro, pager, at walkman. Ngayon ang nakalagay sa inyong bag marahil ay netbook, cellphone at MP3 player. Noon, at kahit hanggang ngayon, nakakahiyang magdala ng condom.

Kamusta naman ang performance ng Pilipinas sa target nitong makamit ang MDGs? Kaya ba nating habulin ang 2015 deadline? O mananawagan ba tayo ng extension, tulad ng ginagawa natin kapag voters’ registration?

Hindi ito ang panahon upang bulatlatin ang status ng MDG sa bansa. Pwede ninyong basahin ang ulat ng mga ahensiya ng pamahalaan. I-google ninyo na lang. Nais kong talakayin ang ilang natatanging paksa na may kaugnayan sa kalusugan at pagkamit natin ng MDG.

Narinig ninyo na marahil ang sanggol na iniwan ng nanay sa basurahan sa ating pandaigdigang paliparan. Pansinin ang ilang mungkahi na dapat tugisin ang ina. To quote former Senator Ramos Shahani, the first instinct was to criminalize the mother. Pero ang trahedyang ito ay isang sampal sa ating lahat, lalo na sa ating mga pinuno. Tayo ay bigo na maglaan ng impormasyon at serbisyo ukol sa safe pregnancy, maternal care, infant care.

Nitong mga nakaraang araw, maraming dead fetus ang natagpuan sa mga basurahan at simbahan. Kung babasahin mo ang mga dyaryo, parang mga bombang di sumabog ang mga natatagpuan kung saan-saan. Kung bomba ang mga dead fetus, baka napasa na ngayon ang Reproductive Health Bill. Kaso ang nababasa ko ay mga pagkutya sa mga kabataan na hindi raw marunong magpigil ng kanilang mga hormones. Dapat wala raw munang pre-marital sex.

Susi sa pagkamit ng MDG ay pagkakaroon ng isang epektibong health delivery system. Pero dapat hindi ito humuhusga. Wala dapat diskriminasyon. Dapat ibigay ang serbisyo sa lahat – bata man o matanda, kasal man o hindi, mayaman man o mahirap lalo na yung walang pambayad ng deposit sa ospital.

Malaki ang pananagutan ng pamahalaan. Matagal na nating binabarat ang sektor ng kalusugan. Kung susundin lang natin ang Magna Carta for Public Health Workers at Nursing Act of 2002, dapat signipikante na ang pagtaas ng sahod ng ating mga health practitioners. Kaso iba ang prayoridad ng pamahalaan. At ang masaklap, gusto nitong magbawas pa ng ginagastos para sa ating kalusugan. Gusto nitong ipaubaya sa mas maraming pribadong ospital ang pangangasiwa sa kalusugan ng mga Pilipino. Dapat kalampagin natin si PNoy at ipaalala sa kanya na ang kalusugan ay dapat ituring na mayor na responsibilidad ng estado.

Ano ang pwede ninyong gawin bilang kabataang naglilingkod sa sektor ng kalusugan?

Gamitin ang teknolohiya para sa pagpapabuti ng serbisyong pangkalusugan. Sa Ghana, ginagamit ang SMS o texting para sa konsultayon sa pagitan ng pasyente at duktor. Pwede kayong gumawa ng mashup sa tulong ng google map at tukuyin ang mga lugar na malayo sa mga health center. Para sa inyong kaalaman, ang mga Pilipino sa buong bansa ay bumabyahe pa ng 39 minuto para marating ang isang health center. Sa ARMM, ang byahe ay tumatagal ng 83 minuto.

Mainam at kayo ay nagsama-sama upang iparamdam ang inyong lakas sa mga kinauukulan. Gamitin ninyo ang inyong kolektibong impluwensiya upang malutas ang mga sakit ng sektor ng kalusugan. Igiit ninyo ang mga repormang kailangan upang maging kaakit-akit ang paglilingkod sa mga pampublikong ospital, lalo na sa kanayunan. Ipatigil ninyo ang mga di makatwirang patakaran na inyong nararanasan: Dapat bang wala kayong sahod na natatanggap bilang mga student nurse? Dapat bang kayo pa ang magbayad nang sobra-sobra sa mga pagamutan?

Hindi ko kayo mapipigilang umalis ng bansa pero ako ay nakikiusap sa inyo na isama ninyo sa inyong prayoridad ang paglilingkod sa ating mga komunidad, lalo na sa probinsiya, lalo na sa mga malalayong barangay.

Hindi kayang pantayan ng remittance o padala ang serbisyo na pwede ninyong ibigay sa ating mga komunidad at ospital. Hindi rin pwedeng maghintay ang mga may sakit. Kailangan nila ng agad na pansin at aruga. Kailangang ibalanse ang pagsusulong ng pansariling kagustuhan at pagbibigay ng napapanahong serbisyong pangkalusugan sa ating kapwa.

Minsan hindi lang isa ang daang matuwid. Pwede kayong mangibang bayan, magpakadalubhasa, mag-ipon at pagkatapos ng ilang taon o dekada, bumalik dito sa ating bayan. Pero pwede rin kayong manatili dito; dito sa bansang hitik sa likas-yaman subalit naghihikahos ang kanyang tao. Dito pwede kayong maging duktor at nurse ng mahihirap, at higit sa lahat, may pagkakataon kayong baguhin ang mali sa paligid.

Pero aanhin mo ang daang matuwid kung lahat ay nag-eroplano na papunta sa ibang bayan?

Hangad ko ang tagumpay ng pagtitipong ito. Isang matamis na pagpupugay sa lahat ng kabataang naghahangad ialay ang kanilang talino’t lakas sa ating inang bayan. Maraming salamat sa inyong imbitasyon. Mabuhay!

Related articles:

MDGs 2010
Nurse migration

Posted in speeches | Tagged , | 1 Comment

Manila hostage blunder

By admin | September 15, 2010

written for The Diplomat…

The announcement yesterday that some of the Hong Kong hostages killed in Manila last month may have been killed by ‘friendly fire’ is a painful reminder of the global embarrassment the incident caused. And the damage it could do to the Philippines’ international relations.

Although the incident was initially a domestic law and order problem, the deaths of nine Hong Kong tourists ended up thrusting it into global awareness. And the anger on show in the aftermath of the tragedy made something abundantly clear—if the two-month-old government of President Benigno ‘Noynoy’ Aquino fails to conduct a thorough probe of the incident, and if the police officers responsible for the rescue blunder aren’t punished, the issue could do lasting damage to the country’s relations with Hong Kong and China.

The basic facts of the case point to the culpability of the police. The drama, much of which unfolded live on TV, lasted for 11 hours, with the police failing to appease the hostage taker or secure the release of the bus passengers. When the police finally decided to force their way inside the bus, it ended with the violent death of nine Hong Kong tourists. Indeed, yesterday, Justice Secretary Leila de Lima is reported as saying that some of the hostages may actually have been hit by police bullets. The botched rescue operation, which was beamed live around the world, exposed the inadequate preparation of the Philippine police for a crisis.

But if the police bungled their jobs, it has been President Aquino who has been at the receiving end of some of the most pointed international criticism. Aquino was taken to task for: his apparent absence during the crisis and failing to form a committee to immediately monitor and resolve it; failure to take a phone call from Hong Kong Chief Executive Donald Tsang, who was obviously eager to be briefed about the situation; and for ‘smiling’ on TV when he visited the crime scene a few hours after the bloody ordeal had ended.

On top of all this, the site where the hostage crisis took place was in the same location that Aquino took his oath of office and delivered his inaugural address just two months prior—a moment when Aquino promised Filipinos that they could once again dream and become proud citizens of the world. Two months later, the Philippines (and Aquino) have become a laughingstock.

The incident has also rocked Aquino’s plan to make his first 100 days in office a sort of a preview of what to expect from his government over the next six years. Instead of aggressively pursuing his anti-corruption programme, which was his major election platform, Aquino is now expected to redirect his focus to convincing Filipinos and the rest of the world that he’s a capable leader.

But aside from proving his competence, Aquino also has to swiftly repair strained relations with both Hong Kong and China. Immediately after the hostage incident, Hong Kong issued a travel advisory against the Philippines and the Chinese vice premier cancelled his trip to Manila. The Philippines has to complete its probe if it wants to appease angry citizens and officials in Hong Kong and China, many of whom believe it was the inefficiency of the Philippine police that led to the death of their fellow citizens.

But securing justice for the memory of those slain isn’t the only goal for the Philippines. Officials also want to prevent anti-Filipino sentiment in Hong Kong and China—both major destinations for Filipinos seeking employment abroad—from fermenting. In addition, the Philippine government also has to be able to reassure the international community that it’s ready to defend the security of tourists and foreigners.

This is by no means the first time that the Philippines has become entangled in messy issues involving its neighbours. In 1995, for example, it downgraded its diplomatic ties with Singapore after a Filipina domestic worker was executed in Singapore for murder. For many years, relations between the two countries were chilly, and there were knock-on effects for Filipinos employed in Singapore. The Philippines government doesn’t want a repeat of such tensions, which could see restrictions placed on Filipinos working in Hong Kong, or further discourage its citizens from visiting the Philippines.

And the crisis could also have an impact on the Aquino government’s foreign policy by pushing the administration closer to the United States if China isn’t appeased. Aquino, in fact, recently cancelled trips to Vietnam and Indonesia, although he plans to follow through with his scheduled visit to the United States later this month.

The other option for Aquino is to forge closer ties with China, as a kind of apologetic gesture over the hostage blunder. But he can’t do this without upsetting the US, which considers the Philippines as a reliable ally as the US and China vie for supremacy in the region.

It’s a genuine dilemma for Aquino, and one he would have had no idea he was going to encounter when he first heard about the unfolding ‘domestic’ tragedy in Manila.

Posted in nation | Tagged , | 1 Comment

Politics of education reforms

By admin | September 9, 2010

Political solutions are needed to fix education problems because the organization and distribution of knowledge in a society has always been a political question. Those who want education reforms but reject politics are guilty of espousing an ignorant view of history and society. Schools are not autonomous sites that operate in an uncorrupted social universe. They mirror the imperfections of the community. They reproduce the values, habits, and know-how that are required for the survival of our social institutions. We cannot sincerely advocate a better education system without yearning and fighting for a better social set-up. If we really desire good schools, we should build a more progressive society. Therefore, the democratization movement inside schools should not be divorced from the struggles of various social forces. If we refuse to recognize the political character of education issues or the relationship of the struggle for meaningful schooling with the broader socio-political process, all conflicts inside schools would remain parochial concerns with no power to alter the educational landscape. De-politicized school conflicts pit teachers, students, and administrators against one another while the real enemies of the people are unscathed. Political school struggles should involve everybody in the campus against the unequal social order and those who defend and control it.

*************************

Curriculum design is the most politically important aspect of public education but the people are not democratically consulted on this matter. Technocrats and bureaucrats decide which subjects should be taught inside schools. Without the participation of the public, the school curriculum would always reflect the imprimatur of big business and the political party in power. Would the ruling elite endorse the teaching of concepts or the distribution of texts that undermine their hegemony? Their power is multiplied by making their narrow worldview the official knowledge in society. Through the schooling process, their self-serving notions of everything bear the stamp of universality which even their supposedly class enemies imbibe and embrace as their very own.

That is why the sex education issue provides an opportunity for those who wish to inject politics into the debate. The Catholic Church is right to challenge the inclusion of sex in schools if the hierarchy thinks it would violate the innocence of children. The Bishops are entitled to their own ignorance but we should support the idea that the public should have a definitive voice in designing the curriculum. Democratization does not only mean expanding access to education; it should also refer to the challenge posed by the working classes to influence the content of schooling. Otherwise, if we abandon the curriculum wars, our children will continue to believe in meaningless bourgeois mantras like “sa ikauunlad ng bayan, disiplina ang kailangan” and “kung walang corrupt, walang mahirap.”

*****************************

The Noynoy Aquino government seems serious in its plan to lengthen the school cycle. I am reminded by what the education adviser of U.S. President Richard Nixon said decades ago: “We are in danger of producing an educated proletariat. That’s dynamite! We have to be selective about who we allow to through higher education. If not, we will have a large number of highly trained and unemployed people.”

Reactionary educators in the Philippines are also afraid of the ‘educated proletariat.’ They want to reverse the mass struggle victories of the poor – free and compulsory elementary and high school education and the establishment of state universities in many provinces. We must remember that the proliferation of state universities in the 1970s-1990s became possible only after the student sector raised the issue of higher education access and equity as a national political question. Since then, building state universities has been synonymous with good politics. This is what reactionary educators are protesting today. Maintaining public higher education institutions is incompatible with the spectre of neoliberalism, the ideological vogue today.

The K12 proposal is perhaps one ingenious method to prevent the mass production of ‘educated proletariats’. PNoy’s education apologists are already announcing that K12 graduates need not proceed to college to receive more education. They want this new breed of graduates to immediately find work after K12 or if unsuccessful, leave the country.

*******************************

The K12 is the latest manifestation of the state-sponsored design to impose a neoliberal type of education in the country. Or the pathetic attempt to restructure the education system under a neoliberal framework. If in the past the goal of education was to produce responsible citizens, it has been replaced with the imperative to produce obedient workers and consumers. Education has been reduced into a simplified sorting machine churning out employable subjects. The neoliberal dogma is worshipped in school altars which means more standardized examinations, focus on subjects demanded by industry, less time for the arts and history, reinforcing individualism and competition, reduced subsidies from the state, partnerships with companies which want more profit but are hesitant to admit it so they prefer to call it corporate social responsibility, and emphasis on the inevitability of globalization and all its accompanying evils. What about critical pedagogy? Progressive education? What happened to the idea of molding holistic individuals?

It is not wrong to revise the school system. But do not invoke the crisis of Philippine education to introduce more neoliberal reforms. Pagbabago, yes! Pero para kanino?

Posted in education | Tagged , , | 3 Comments