Mahathir vs Lee

By admin | October 21, 2010

Written for The Diplomat

When Singapore’s longest-serving prime minister and current Minister Mentor Lee Kuan Yew was interviewed by The New York Times last month, nobody expected anything controversial—or that he would upset neighbor Malaysia.

And mostly there was nothing there that would have done, with the 87-year-old leader talking mainly about yoga and literature. But Lee also took the opportunity to take a few jabs at Malaysia, and while the old statesman might be forgiven by some for being a bold thinker, his critics in Malaysia have decided to challenge his ‘revisionist’ version of history. And things really got interesting when Mahathir Mohamad, an old rival of Lee’s and Malaysia’s Prime Minister for 22 years, wrote a scathing reply in his blog.

So what did Lee say to the NYT that so angered Mahathir? First, he said that he lamented being ‘turfed out’ of the Malaysian Federation in 1965, which he claimed was the reason why racial politics is polarizing Malaysia today. Lee further alleged that had Malaysia adopted the multiracial policies of Singapore, there would have been ‘improved inter-racial relations and an improved holistic situation’ in Malaysia. ‘Now we have a very polarized Malaysia…that’s bad for us as close neighbours,’ he said.

Lee also asserted that his decision to reject racial politics and establish an integrated society in Singapore was borne out of the suffering they endured when Singapore became part of Malaysia for two years. In addition, he said that it was wrong to favour the Malays in Malaysia, saying: ‘Malaysians saw it as a Malay country, all others are lodgers. So the Sultans, the Chief Justice and judges, generals, police commissioner, the whole hierarchy is Malay. All the big contracts for Malays. Malay is the language of the schools although it does not get them into modern knowledge. So the Chinese build and find their own independent schools to teach Chinese, the Tamils create their own Tamil schools, which do not get them jobs. It’s a most unhappy situation.’

Mahathir dismissed the statements as mere fantasies, and used his blog to try to ‘correct’ Lee’s statements. He reminded Lee that while ‘amnesia is permissible,’ that to claim that Singapore’s dissociation from Malaysia is the cause of racist politics in Malaysia ‘is simply not supported by facts of history.’

Mahathir, in fact, blamed the rise of racism in Malaysia on the brief period that Singapore was part of the Malaysian Federation. He said there was less racial politics in the country prior to the inclusion of Singapore as member of the federation. He even accused Lee of instigating racial conflict through appealing to Chinese sympathies in order to dominate peninsular politics. Mahathir said that the slogan ‘Malaysian Malaysia,’ which was coined by Lee’s party, ‘implied that the Chinese were not having equal rights with the Malays.’

Mahathir went on to say that he doesn’t believe Lee’s boast that Singapore is a multi-racial society. He noted, for example, that Singapore’s population is made up of 75 percent Chinese but that ‘they own 95 per cent of the economy.’

Finally, Mahathir dismissed Singapore’s political system, claiming that those who try to compete against the ruling party are sued for libel and that the opposition isn’t allowed to sit in parliament.

So who’s telling the truth? Both are, in fact, correct on many points. Lee was right on the mark when he discussed the impact of racial politics in Malaysia, while Mahathir made some valid points when dissecting the flaws of Singapore’s political system. Either way, both have held power and influence for decades, and so in many ways should be seen as accountable for weaknesses in their respective states.

More broadly, though, the online tussle between Mahathir and Lee underscores the continuing debate surrounding the modern history of both countries—and their continued rivalry. And it makes one wonder whether it will be possible for these countries to come to any impartial conclusions while these two leaders are still around and influential.

This wasn’t the first (and certainly won’t be the last) time that ideologues from Singapore and Malaysia have fought over both real and manufactured sins committed by the other. But such debates shouldn’t distract scholars and today’s leaders from their more essential task—the building or rebuilding of non-racist societies.

Posted in east asia | Tagged | 1 Comment

PNoy@100

By admin | October 8, 2010

Talumpating binigkas sa porum ng League of College Councils ng UP Diliman.

Ang daang matuwid ni President Noynoy ay walang pinagkaiba sa dating daan ni President Gloria. Imbes na mag-u-turn slot, ayun nagroad widening lang. Wala ngang wangwang sa kalye, pero baluktot pa rin ang daan. Ano ang tinutukoy ko? Gawin nating halimbawa ang 2011 budget:

– Ang Conditional Cash Transfer program ni Arroyo ay pinalawak pa ni PNoy. Kung may peace bonds noon, may CCT ngayon si Sec. Dinky Soliman ng DSWD.
– Tulad noon, lumobo ang budget para sa utang panlabas. Binabayaran pa rin natin hanggang ngayon ang mga utang na hindi natin pinakinabangan tulad ng proyektong Telepono sa Barangay.
– Pinaganda ni PNoy ang pangalan ng programang pribatisasyon; tinawag niya itong Public-Private Partnership. At may itatayo pang Public-Private Partnership Center. Ang sabi niya nung SONA walang piso, walang sentimong gagastusin sa PPP. Pero sa budget deliberation, inamin ng DBM na gagastos tayo ng P15bilyon para sa PPP.
– Noong Miyerkules nagprotesta ang mga mambabatas mula sa Visayas at Mindanao. Dalawa ang reklamo nila: mababa ang alokasyon para sa kanilang mga rehiyon; at pangalawa, nalulula sila sa malaking lump sum fund ng pangulo. Bukod sa wala ng congressional insertion, nagtataka ang marami kung bakit tumaas ang pork barrel ng pangulo.

Eto ang ilang paghahambing:

Noong 2001, napakulong ni Arroyo si Erap tatlong buwan mula nang maging pangulo siya ng bansa. Ngayong 2010, nasaan si Arroyo? Kahapon nasa Batasan siya. At nagawa pa nga niyang umeksena sa New York noong MDG Summit.

Bumagsak si Erap noong 2000 dahil sa jueteng. Ngayon may jueteng pa rin. At mga taong malapit pa rin sa pangulo ang dinadawit dito.

Noong Hunyo 30, buong mundo ay pinalakpakan si PNoy at mga Pilipino dahil sa matagumpay at mapayapang halalan. Pinuri ang inaugural address ni PNoy sa Luneta. Pagkatapos ng dalawang buwan, pinagtawanan tayo ng buong mundo dahil sa palpak na hostage rescue sa parehong lugar.

Kahapon ay nagbigay si PNoy ng ‘Report kay Boss’ sa La Consolocion. Mahusay naman ang pagsasagawa ng scripted town hall meeting. Tatlo ang totoo sa nangyari kahapon: ang protesta ng mga estudyante, ang nakakatawang pag-upo ng guro, at ang buhok ni PNoy.

Hinambing ni PNoy ang nakaraang pamahalaan sa tatlong matsing na bingi, bulag at kumakatha ng sariling katotohanan. Tama siya. Pero siya ang bagong matsing. Siya ay bingi at bulag sa iba’t ibang isyu sa bansa tulad ng jueteng, repormang agraryo at karapatang pantao. Sa administrasyon ni PNoy, hindi lang isa ang kumakatha ng katotohanan: iba ang katotohanan ng Samar Group, iba ang katotohanan ng Balay Group. Iba rin ang gusto ng Kamag-anak Inc. at Classmates Inc.

Binanggit ni PNoy na ‘bulok ang sistema’. Hindi ba’t ang sarap pakinggan ang pag-amin ng pangulo ng Republika na bulok ang sistema. Pero sa kanyang talumpati ang tinutukoy lamang naman pala niya ay ang PAG-ASA.

Maraming pinagyabang si PNoy na may kinalaman sa budget. Isa-isahin natin:

Tinanggal na raw ang Kilos Asenso at Kalayaan Barangay Fund. Mabuti yun. Kaso hindi niya sinabi na may bagong pondo ang DILG na halos walang pinagkaiba sa kinaltas na pondo na tinuturing na pork barrel ng Malakanyang para sa mga LGU. Ito ay yung Performance Challenge Fund.

Tumaas daw ang pondo ng DOH. Tama. Pero binawasan niya ng P500milyon ang pondo para sa family planning. Akala ko ba isa siya sa mga tagapagsulong ng Reproductive Health?

Pinakamataas daw ang budget ng DepEd. Taun-taon naman ay ganito ang sitwasyon dahil mahigit kalahating milyong guro ang pinapasuweldo ng ahensiya. Pero inamin ni Sec. Armin Luistro sa budget deliberation sa kongreso na maliit pa rin ang pondo para tugunan ang pangangailangan ng ating mga paaralan. At tulad noong panahon ni Arroyo, ang budget sa edukasyon ay kumakatawan lamang sa 12-13 percent ng national budget. Ang minimum dapat na budget ng sektor ng edukasyon ay 20 percent para sa isang developing country. Hindi ko na babanggitin ang budget cut sa mga state universities. Basahin ninyo na lang ang collegian.

Sabi pa ni PNoy “walang maiiwan” na Pilipino. Ang hirap paniwalaan nito dahil cell phone nga niya ay naiwanan niya nang pumunta siya sa Amerika. Kidding aside, marami ang maiiwan sa ilalim ng pamahalaang ito dahil ang sentrong programa para lutasin ang kahirapan ay pamimigay lamang ng dole-out.

Iwanan muna natin si PNoy dahil ang buhay sa bansa nitong nakaraang 100 araw ay hindi lang naman umikot sa kanya. Kung rerebyuhin natin ang mga balita, marami at dumarami ang mga aksiyong radikal sa kalye at mga matatapang na pagkilos ng iba’t ibang sektor.

Nariyan ang banta ng welga ng mga empleyado ng PAL. Kalimutan ninyo na ang dancing flight attendants ng Cebu Pacific. Bantayan natin ang kaso ng PAL. Sana maunawaan ng marami, lalo na ng mga kabataan, ang silbi ng pagkakaroon ng unyon at kung bakit mahalagang kumilos at mag-alsa kung kinakailangan, para ipagtanggol ang karapatan ng mga manggagawa.

Nariyan ang barikada ng mga residente ng San Roque sa Quezon City. Pinatigil ang demolisyon ng korte at ng Malakanyang mismo dahil lumaban ang mga maralita.

Nagwalk-out ang mga mag-aaral para ipanawagan ang pagtaas ng budget sa education. Naglightning rally sa loob ng Kongreso, nagprotesta kahapon sa kalagitnaan ng town hall meeting ni PNoy.

Binato ng paint bomb ang opisina ng DOTC bilang pagtutol sa pagtaas ng pamasahe. Nagcamp-out ang mga magsasaka sa Mendiola at DAR para sa tunay na reporma sa lupa. Kahit ang simbahan nagbabanta ng civil disobedience kung ipapasa ang RH Bill. Tinapatan ito ng Damaso gimik ng isang tour guide.

Welga. Barikada. Walk-out. Camp-out. Lightning rally. Civil disobedience. Ito ang esensiya ng People Power. Sa sama-samang pagkilos ay nagkakaroon ng hugis kung anong pagbabago ang makakamit natin. Huwag nating hayaan ang kampon ni PNoy na ilimita ang kapangyarihan ng People Power sa pagsusuot lamang ng yellow ribbon.

Pero bakit may mga mapangahas na pagkilos eh hindi na naman pangulo si Arroyo? Dahil tulad ng sinabi ni PNoy dapat dun tayo sa daang matuwid. Pero nakalimutan niyang sabihin na tayo mismo ay pwedeng pumili at gumawa ng ating daang matuwid. At ang mga kolektibong aksiyon ay nagpapatunay na ang ating kinabukasan ay hindi hinihintay, ito ay ipinaglalaban.

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Posted in speeches | Tagged | 3 Comments

Adopt A School

By admin | October 6, 2010

Through its Adopt-A-School program, the Department of Education hopes to improve the condition of public schools by raising funds from the private sector. Since its inception in 1998, it has already attracted 300 donors generating almost seven billion pesos in pledges, commitments, and actual contributions which benefited around 22,000 public schools nationwide. On the other hand, this program is a clear proof of the state abandonment of Philippine education. Its conceptualization signals two things: the government’s unwillingness to spend more on education; and the ascendancy of the neoliberal dogma. This is further exemplified by the decision of the government to gradually increase the role of the private sector in managing the country’s education system. Since then, cash-strapped public schools have been practically begging for crumbs from the state and if funds remain insufficient, they can dream of being “adopted” by philanthropists who need tax incentives.

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School donors receive tax incentives of up to 150 percent for their contributions. Furthermore, the DepEd reminds prospective donors that participating in the Adopt-A-School program will “strengthen (their) corporate image and goodwill within the school community.” Enhancing the public image of a company is essential especially if the long-term motive is to influence the innocent minds and spending habits of students. It is no surprise that the big school donors are also big businesses whose operations and profitability depend heavily on the young consumer market. For example:

– Bright Minds Read of McDonalds Charities involving the distribution of donated books to libraries, production of workbooks and learning kits in select Metro Manila elementary schools. Intended beneficiaries are Grade 1-3 students. Cost: P9,300 per school

– Gearing-up Internet Literacy and Access for Students of Ayala Foundation targeting 5,443 public high schools. The project aims to establish internet laboratories. Cost: P125,000 per school

– Intel Teach to the future program. Intel Philippines Manufacturing Inc. sponsors the integration of the use of computers into the existing curriculum. Cost: P5,000 per teacher

– ETV package. ABS-CBN ETV programs have been converted into DVD format for classroom distribution and utilization. Cost: P55,000 per school

– Txt2teach Project for Grade V and VI science classes. Project leader is Ayala Foundation while the coordinators are Globe Telecom, PMSI-Dream Broadcasting, Chikka Asia.

– Little Red Schoolhouse in partnership with Coca Cola Foundation. The goal is to construct a school building with three classrooms. Cost: P1,421,626 per school

– “Send-a-Child-to-School” Program of DepEd and Petron Foundation for Grade I-VI students. Cost: P5,000 per pupil

The Adopt-A-School program boosts the profitability of these companies by giving them the “prerogative of identifying the school of its choice, as well as the area and geographic location where it wishes to place its support.” This allows donors like McDonalds to choose schools which are located near their company outlets.

How can Intel recoup its school investments? Students and teachers who were taught how to maximize computers in the classrooms will most likely prefer the Intel brand when they buy computers in the future.

Coke’s ‘little red schoolhouse’ is an indirect reference to the color of its primary product. Petron’s scholarship bonanza obscures the company’s reputation of being a gang leader of an oil cartel. ABS-CBN’s ETV package expands the TV network’s viewership, especially among the young.

Globally, the Txt2teach Project is known as BridgeIT. But by using the term Txt2teach in the local setting, it risks promoting the wrong idea that IT is limited to texting. But this is a non-issue for schools and the government which are desperate for funds. It is enough that “texting” companies like Globe and Chikka have agreed to become school donors. Even for educational institutions, beggars can’t be choosers.

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There is always a battle to control the content of schooling. Public debates are often focused on the official curriculum. But scholars have been asserting that the impact of the ‘hidden curriculum’ on the thinking of students is equally powerful. The official curriculum teaches students that the cost of two satellite dishes for a cable subscription is P225,000. This allows them to watch Knowledge Channel. The hidden curriculum, on the other hand, teaches students that the satellite dish donor belongs to ‘the good guys’; and the TV cable symbolized by the Knowledge Channel is associated with intelligent programming.

‘Adopting’ a school, therefore, is a wise business strategy since it improves the social standing of companies while raising their profit margins. Companies are now marketing and selling their products inside schools and more importantly, they are able to introduce their business philosophies to a special and vital segment of the population. When the government abdicated its duty to provide accessible education for all, it ushered the creepy ‘invasion’ of schools by companies which seek to exploit the financial woes of public schools. Despite the claim that the Adopt-A-School program inspires volunteerism, its real legacy is to legitimize the commercialization of public education in the country.

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The Adopt-A-School model is a preview of the Public-Private-Partnership mantra of the new government. President Aquino’s radical solution to the education crisis is to expand the scope of the Adopt-A-School program. This translates into reduced government subsidies and greater intervention of big business in the schooling system. If K12 is to be implemented, it means students and teachers will be hostaged for 12 years by big business school donors. As Big Business continues to infuse more capital into education, it will acquire greater hegemony in asserting the direction of Philippine education. Business will dictate the future of the education sector. Business perspectives will dominate the academe. This will weaken the democratic potential of schooling to empower the bosses.

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Posted in education | Tagged | Leave a comment

Kabataan at daang matuwid

By admin | September 24, 2010

Talumpating binigkas sa isang porum na inorganisa ng Social Sciences and Humanities Association ng San Beda College.

Change? Tama. Sino ba ang may ayaw ng pagbabago. Pero hindi lahat ng change ay kaakit-akit, katanggap-tanggap o ninanais ng lahat. Paano kung charter change, climate change, sex change, change of citizenship?

Mula sa baluktot na daan, ang tatahakin na daw natin ay daang matuwid. Paano kung matuwid nga ang daan pero overpriced naman, at substandard na materyal ang ginamit? Matuwid na daan ang Diosdado Macapagal Boulevard pero pinakamahal na kalsada sa buong mundo. At dapat nating tandaan na hindi lang isa ang daang matuwid. Ibig sabihin, hindi lang ang daang matuwid ni PNoy ang pwede nating gamitin. Pwede tayong gumawa ng sarili nating daang matuwid. May tamang daan ang Iglesia, dating daan ni Bro. Eli. Kayo anong klaseng daan ang gusto ninyo?

Ang sabi nila, the road to hell is paved with good intentions. Dapat bantayan natin ang daang matuwid, baka mamaya papunta ito sa impiyerno. Baka matulad ito sa isang tulay sa Loboc, Bohol na hindi natapos ang konstruksiyon dahil tinutumbok nito ang isang lumang simbahan. O kaya para mabigyang-katwiran ang paggawa ng isang tulay sa Iloilo, gumawa sila ng ilog.

Paano nagiging masama ang isang mabuting tao? Ayon kay William Ryan, “in order to persuade a good man to do evil, it is not necessary first to persuade him to become evil. It is only necessary to teach him that he is doing good.” Hindi sapat na maganda ang iyong intensiyon. Tayo, tayo ang huhusga kung naging mabuti ba ang ating mga pinuno.

Hindi dapat tayo agad maniwala sa layunin ng daang matuwid. Madalas banggitin ni PNoy ang kanyang ina, ang dating pangulong Cory Aquino, bilang kanyang inspirasyon o modelo. Mabuting tao si Tita Cory, pero hindi lahat ay nagkakaisa sa paniniwala na naging epektibo siyang lider.

Eto ang sabi ni Joker Arroyo noong 1992; si Joker ay nagsilbing executive secretary ni Tita Cory: “When I was still in the Guest House, I asked for the logs which listed those who had visited President Marcos. I compared them with those visiting President Aquino. They were the same people – they came from the same companies, shared the same business views, the same mindset, and they went to the same parties.”

Pagbabago ba ito?

Eto naman ang pag-amin ni Tita Cory: “I knew when I assumed office that poverty alleviation should be the primary concern of my administration. I must admit, however, that we didn’t have a clear idea of how to go about it.”

Aral: huwag hayaan ang mga lider na mamili ng daan para sa atin. Tayo ang boss, hindi ang Balay faction, hindi ang Samar faction, hindi si Danding, hindi ang Tsina, hindi ang Estados Unidos. Dapat tayo ang magtakda kung anong pagbabago ang gusto natin.

Maaaring tanungin ninyo, ano ang pwede naming gawin? Bumoto na kami, di pa ba sapat yun? Hindi sapat ang eleksiyon. Karamihan ng nananalo sa halalan ay mga lords: jueteng lords, drug lords, gambling lords, warlords, landlords, at mga praise the lords. Huwag nating ikahon ang pulitika sa pagpili lamang ng mga pinuno. Gawin natin itong sandata ng taong bayan para makamit natin ang tunay na pagbabagong inaasam natin. At ang pulitika ay nagiging mabisa, makapangyarihan kung ito ay pinapanday ng sama-samang pagkilos ng mamamayan.

Ilang dekadang ninais ng mga estudyante na matanggal ang ROTC. Nagtagumpay tayo noong 2001 nang magprotesta ang mga ROTC cadets. Natakot si Gloria dahil katatapos lamang noon ng People Power II kung saan aktibong lumahok ang maraming kabataan. Ang naging resulta, pinalitan ang ROTC ng NSTP. At ngayon, hindi na mandatory para sa lahat ang pagpasok sa ROTC.

Paano nabalik ang student council, student publication, mga campus organization noong panahon ni Marcos? Pinaglaban ito ng mga mag-aaral. Kumilos sila para kilalanin ang ating mga karapatan sa loob ng paaralan.

Matagal nang gustong magpataw ng text tax ang pamahalaan. Pero ang pumipigil sa kanila ay ang banta ng texters’ revolt.

Huwag nating kalimutan na ang ating Republika ay tinatag ng mga bata. Si Rizal ay 25 lamang nang sinulat niya ang Noli Me Tangere. Si Bonifacio ay 28 nang pinamunuan niya ang Katipunan. Si Aguinaldo ay 29 nang idineklara niya ang ating kalayaan noong 1898. Si Emilio Jacinto ay 20 lamang nang maging utak siya ng Katipunan. Maraming kabataan ang sumapi sa Huk noong World War II para labanan ang mga mananakop. Ang dinadakila nating War Veterans ngayon ay mga kabataang lumaban para sa kalayaan noong 1940s.

Hindi nagtapos ang kasaysayan noong 1946. Ang kinikilala nating mga bagong martir ay mga kabataang lumaban sa diktaturang Marcos. Ang mga salitang People Power, Welgang Bayan, Boykot, Noise Barrage ay naging popular lamang nitong nakalipas na tatlong dekada. Ibig sabihin, kapag sinasabi nating dapat kumilos ang kabataan, ang batayan natin ay ang iba’t ibang porma ng pag-aalsa ng mamamayan sa modernong panahon.

Noon at lalo na ngayon, mahalaga ang kolektibong aksiyon sa mga pampublikong espasyo. Gayunpaman, kinikilala ko na maraming balakid ang humahadlang para mangyari ito. At dapat natin itong tukuyin para maunawaan natin ang mga hakbang na dapat nating gawin o baguhin upang epektibo nating magampanan ang ating mga tungkulin bilang mga dakilang pag-asa ng bayan.

1. Nagiging spectacle na lang ang pulitika para sa marami. Parang sports yan: may mga propesyunal at amateur. Nanonood tayo ng tennis o football; hinahangaan ang mga propesyunal na manlalaro. Hanggang panonood na lang ang ating ginagawa. Hindi tayo nangangahas na maging propesyunal na manlalaro.

Ganun din sa pulitika. Hinahayaan natin ang mga propesyunal na maging dominante sa pulitika. Tayo ay nagkakasya na lamang sa pagiging amateur dahil ayaw natin makisawsaw sa pulitika. Tayo ay may mga pulitikal na opinyon pero ano ang ginagawa natin para baguhin ang uri ng pulitika sa bansa?

2. Malakas ang kultura ng indibidwalismo ngayon. Halos nawawala ang sense of collective solidarity. Masyadong nagpopokus sa kompetisyon imbes na bayanihan. Nawawasak ang mga panlipunang institusyon na nagbubuklod sa mga indibidwal.

Halimbawa, hiwa-hiwalay ang pamilyang Pilipino dahil ang mga nanay at tatay ay nangingibang-bayan. Karamihan sa mga kabataan ay hindi batid ang kahalagahan ng pag-uunyon. Palibhasa uso ngayon ang mga trabaho sa service sector tulad ng mga call center company na bawal ang pag-uunyon. At kapag sinabi mong unyon, ang una nating iniisip ay welga, at hindi ang benepisyong binibigay nito sa pangkalahatang kagalingan ng mga manggagawa.

Hindi na rin uso ang pagsali sa mga kooperatiba. Sa katunayan, ang panawagan ngayon ng pamahalaan sa mga magsasaka ay maging farmer-entrepreneur.

Sa paghina ng mga batayang institusyon tulad ng pamilya, unyon at kooperatiba, naaapektuhan din ang pulitikal na pananaw ng mga tao. Wala ng komunidad, mga indibidwal na lamang. Wala ng sama-samang pagkilos, sariling diskarte na lamang ang uso.

3. Pati ang teknolohiya ay nagiging kasangkapan para pahinain ang pulitikal na pakikisangkot ng kabataan. Makikinig na lang ako ng mga kanta sa aking iPod. Maglalaro ng portable playstation. Mag-iinternet at magbubukas ng Facebook.

Malaki ang epekto nito sa pulitikal na kamalayan ng kabataan. Bukod sa nahahatak ang mga kabataan na maglaan ng oras sa mga ganitong aktibidad, tinuturuan din nito ang mga tao na pwede ang mapayapang paglahok sa pulitika kahit nasa bahay lamang.

Bakit ako pupunta ng rali eh pwede naman ako manood ng ANC o makinig sa radyo? Pwede ako mag-internet, basahin ang breaking news sa twitter. Ano ba ang top trend ngayon? Puntahan ang website ni PNoy at mag-iwan ng komento. Pumirma sa online petition.

4. Dapat labanan natin ang amnesia. Kahapon ay anibersaryo ng Martial Law. Kahapon napanood ko si Enrile sa jueteng hearing, pinapagalitan niya ang mga pulis. Kahapon napakinggan ko si Senator Bongbong, maganda raw ang buhay ng mga Pilipino noong Martial Law. Kahapon nakita ko si Imelda sa Batasan.

Ang Martial Law ngayon ay parang World War II ng aming henerasyon. Ang sabi sa amin ng matatanda, at ang turo sa paaralan, magulo daw ang Pilipinas noong gera. Mababagsik ang mga Hapon. Pero hindi namin maramdaman ang sinapit ng mga kababayan natin. Ang yugtong yun ng kasaysayan ay binasa na lang namin sa libro. Hindi rin nakatulong na ang mga Hapon noong kami ay mga bata ay hindi na tinuturing na mananakop kundi mga mababait na foreign investors at tourists. Ang tanging ugnay naming sa panahong yun na nagpapaalala sa amin sa malagim na karanasan ng mga Pilipino ay ang mga beterano at comfort women.

Ngayon ang martial law ay isa na lamang bahagi ng ating kurikulum sa paaralan. Si Imelda ay adik sa sapatos. Si Bongbong ay nagpatayo ng windmill sa Ilocos. At si Imee ay nanay ni Borgy. Kung may mga beterano at comfort women noong panahon ng Hapon, ang panahon ni Marcos ay may mga martial law victims, torture victims, political prisoners. Sila ang mga buhay na alaala ng martial law. They are the “walking wounded” of that dark, yet almost forgotten episode of the modern history of the Republic. Huwag natin silang kalimutan.

Ano ang dapat nating gawin?

Lumahok sa pulitika. Makisangkot. Makialam. Pero hindi lang dapat ito tulad ng pag volunteer natin sa mga charity events. Mahaba, masalimuot ang proseso ng pagbabago. Maraming sakripisyo ang dapat nating gawin. Hindi uubra na ang daang matuwid ay ipantay natin sa paggawa lamang ng mga bahay o pagpost ng mga witty comment sa twitter o FB.

Malapit kayo sa Malakanyang. Maririnig ni PNoy ang inyong mga boses. Huwag ninyong isipin na mababasa ni PNoy ang inyong mga komento sa kanyang website. Sa budget hearing sa Kongreso, inamin ni Secretary Coloma na hindi sa lahat ng panahon ay nababasa ni PNoy ang mga sinusulat natin sa kanyang FB account at official website.

Pag-aralan ninyo ang lipunan. Suriin ninyo ang buhay ng ating mga kababayang maralita at huwag lamang ang personal na buhay ng ating mga FB friends. Alamin ang kabuluhan ng land reform at hindi ninyo yan mauunawaan sa paglalaro lamang ng Farmville.

Nasa harapan ninyo lang ang Mendiola. Bakit ba nagrarali dito ang mga aktbista? Hindi yan tinakda ng batas. Noong 1970, naghanap ng daan ang mga estudyante kung paano ba makakalapit sa Palasyo. At ang natukoy nilang daang matuwid ay ang Mendiola. Mula noon, ito na ang naging altar ng masang naghahangad ng tunay na pagbabago sa lipunan. Ito ay makasaysayang espasyo. Ito ay simbolo ng tunggalian sa ating lipunan sa pagitan ng mga mapanupil na pwersang nasa kapangyarihan at mga pwersang demokratiko. Kaya ako ay nalulungkot, nagagalit diyan sa Peace Arch na tinayo sa Mendiola. Peace Arch pero sarado ang gate. Peace arch pero may CCTV cameras. Bakit hinarangan ang Mendiola? Bakit ayaw payagan ang taong bayan na magpahayag ng kanilang damdamin sa harap ng Palasyo. Sa US, nagrarali ang mga tao sa harap mismo ng White House. Kailan huling nakita ng mga Pilipino ang Malakanyang? Siguro kaninang tanghali nang mag-abot kayo ng bente pesos sa canteen.

Tayo ang magmamana ng lipunang ito. Ngayon pa lamang ay mag-ambag na tayo sa kilusang pagbabago. Baguhin natin ang lipunan. Baguhin natin ang mundo. Higit sa pagpili sa daang matuwid, pinakamahalaga ang panglilingkod sa kapwa.

*Ang ilang bahagi ng talumpati ay hango sa isang artikulong sinulat ko noong 2008

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MDGs and health workers

By admin | September 17, 2010

Talumpating binigkas sa pambansang kumbensiyon ng Alliance of Young Nurse Leaders & Advocates International Inc. na ginanap sa Manila Pavilion.

Binabati ko kayong lahat sa paglulunsad ng aktibidad na ito. Higit akong humanga sa inyong desisyon na gamitin ang okasyong ito upang pagtibayin ang ating panata na makamit ang tinatawag nating Millenium Development Goals.

Taong 2000, buwan ng Setyembre, nang magbuklod-buklod ang 191 bansa, kabilang ang Pilipinas, at nilagdaan ang isang deklarasyon upang sugpuin ang kahirapan, at iba pa nitong manipestasyon tulad ng malawak na di pagkapantay-pantay sa lipunan at mga sakit na pwede namang mapigilan ang pagkalat kung ito ay bibigyang pansin ng mga pamahalaan. Halimbawa, taong 2009 nang binulaga tayo ng AH1N1 at nakadebelop agad ang mga doktor ng bakuna para ito ay sugpuin. Pero bakit wala pang gamot sa HIV/AIDS, TB, at dengue?

Ano na ang narating natin sampung taon pagkatapos pirmahan ang MDG declaration? Mahabang panahon ang sampung taon at nasaksihan natin ang maraming pagbabago sa paligid: Noong 2000, nasa elementary pa lamang kayo. Ngayon, malapit na kayong magtapos sa kolehiyo. Noong 2000 si Justin Bieber ay anim na taon pa lamang. Ngayon siya na ang pinakasikat na teenager sa buong mundo. Si Erap pa ang presidente noong 2000 kaso pinabagsak siya ng jueteng. Ngayon si PNoy na ang nakatira sa Malakanyang kaso may jueteng pa rin. Noong 2000 ang nakalagay sa aming mga bag ay notebook, libro, pager, at walkman. Ngayon ang nakalagay sa inyong bag marahil ay netbook, cellphone at MP3 player. Noon, at kahit hanggang ngayon, nakakahiyang magdala ng condom.

Kamusta naman ang performance ng Pilipinas sa target nitong makamit ang MDGs? Kaya ba nating habulin ang 2015 deadline? O mananawagan ba tayo ng extension, tulad ng ginagawa natin kapag voters’ registration?

Hindi ito ang panahon upang bulatlatin ang status ng MDG sa bansa. Pwede ninyong basahin ang ulat ng mga ahensiya ng pamahalaan. I-google ninyo na lang. Nais kong talakayin ang ilang natatanging paksa na may kaugnayan sa kalusugan at pagkamit natin ng MDG.

Narinig ninyo na marahil ang sanggol na iniwan ng nanay sa basurahan sa ating pandaigdigang paliparan. Pansinin ang ilang mungkahi na dapat tugisin ang ina. To quote former Senator Ramos Shahani, the first instinct was to criminalize the mother. Pero ang trahedyang ito ay isang sampal sa ating lahat, lalo na sa ating mga pinuno. Tayo ay bigo na maglaan ng impormasyon at serbisyo ukol sa safe pregnancy, maternal care, infant care.

Nitong mga nakaraang araw, maraming dead fetus ang natagpuan sa mga basurahan at simbahan. Kung babasahin mo ang mga dyaryo, parang mga bombang di sumabog ang mga natatagpuan kung saan-saan. Kung bomba ang mga dead fetus, baka napasa na ngayon ang Reproductive Health Bill. Kaso ang nababasa ko ay mga pagkutya sa mga kabataan na hindi raw marunong magpigil ng kanilang mga hormones. Dapat wala raw munang pre-marital sex.

Susi sa pagkamit ng MDG ay pagkakaroon ng isang epektibong health delivery system. Pero dapat hindi ito humuhusga. Wala dapat diskriminasyon. Dapat ibigay ang serbisyo sa lahat – bata man o matanda, kasal man o hindi, mayaman man o mahirap lalo na yung walang pambayad ng deposit sa ospital.

Malaki ang pananagutan ng pamahalaan. Matagal na nating binabarat ang sektor ng kalusugan. Kung susundin lang natin ang Magna Carta for Public Health Workers at Nursing Act of 2002, dapat signipikante na ang pagtaas ng sahod ng ating mga health practitioners. Kaso iba ang prayoridad ng pamahalaan. At ang masaklap, gusto nitong magbawas pa ng ginagastos para sa ating kalusugan. Gusto nitong ipaubaya sa mas maraming pribadong ospital ang pangangasiwa sa kalusugan ng mga Pilipino. Dapat kalampagin natin si PNoy at ipaalala sa kanya na ang kalusugan ay dapat ituring na mayor na responsibilidad ng estado.

Ano ang pwede ninyong gawin bilang kabataang naglilingkod sa sektor ng kalusugan?

Gamitin ang teknolohiya para sa pagpapabuti ng serbisyong pangkalusugan. Sa Ghana, ginagamit ang SMS o texting para sa konsultayon sa pagitan ng pasyente at duktor. Pwede kayong gumawa ng mashup sa tulong ng google map at tukuyin ang mga lugar na malayo sa mga health center. Para sa inyong kaalaman, ang mga Pilipino sa buong bansa ay bumabyahe pa ng 39 minuto para marating ang isang health center. Sa ARMM, ang byahe ay tumatagal ng 83 minuto.

Mainam at kayo ay nagsama-sama upang iparamdam ang inyong lakas sa mga kinauukulan. Gamitin ninyo ang inyong kolektibong impluwensiya upang malutas ang mga sakit ng sektor ng kalusugan. Igiit ninyo ang mga repormang kailangan upang maging kaakit-akit ang paglilingkod sa mga pampublikong ospital, lalo na sa kanayunan. Ipatigil ninyo ang mga di makatwirang patakaran na inyong nararanasan: Dapat bang wala kayong sahod na natatanggap bilang mga student nurse? Dapat bang kayo pa ang magbayad nang sobra-sobra sa mga pagamutan?

Hindi ko kayo mapipigilang umalis ng bansa pero ako ay nakikiusap sa inyo na isama ninyo sa inyong prayoridad ang paglilingkod sa ating mga komunidad, lalo na sa probinsiya, lalo na sa mga malalayong barangay.

Hindi kayang pantayan ng remittance o padala ang serbisyo na pwede ninyong ibigay sa ating mga komunidad at ospital. Hindi rin pwedeng maghintay ang mga may sakit. Kailangan nila ng agad na pansin at aruga. Kailangang ibalanse ang pagsusulong ng pansariling kagustuhan at pagbibigay ng napapanahong serbisyong pangkalusugan sa ating kapwa.

Minsan hindi lang isa ang daang matuwid. Pwede kayong mangibang bayan, magpakadalubhasa, mag-ipon at pagkatapos ng ilang taon o dekada, bumalik dito sa ating bayan. Pero pwede rin kayong manatili dito; dito sa bansang hitik sa likas-yaman subalit naghihikahos ang kanyang tao. Dito pwede kayong maging duktor at nurse ng mahihirap, at higit sa lahat, may pagkakataon kayong baguhin ang mali sa paligid.

Pero aanhin mo ang daang matuwid kung lahat ay nag-eroplano na papunta sa ibang bayan?

Hangad ko ang tagumpay ng pagtitipong ito. Isang matamis na pagpupugay sa lahat ng kabataang naghahangad ialay ang kanilang talino’t lakas sa ating inang bayan. Maraming salamat sa inyong imbitasyon. Mabuhay!

Related articles:

MDGs 2010
Nurse migration

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Manila hostage blunder

By admin | September 15, 2010

written for The Diplomat…

The announcement yesterday that some of the Hong Kong hostages killed in Manila last month may have been killed by ‘friendly fire’ is a painful reminder of the global embarrassment the incident caused. And the damage it could do to the Philippines’ international relations.

Although the incident was initially a domestic law and order problem, the deaths of nine Hong Kong tourists ended up thrusting it into global awareness. And the anger on show in the aftermath of the tragedy made something abundantly clear—if the two-month-old government of President Benigno ‘Noynoy’ Aquino fails to conduct a thorough probe of the incident, and if the police officers responsible for the rescue blunder aren’t punished, the issue could do lasting damage to the country’s relations with Hong Kong and China.

The basic facts of the case point to the culpability of the police. The drama, much of which unfolded live on TV, lasted for 11 hours, with the police failing to appease the hostage taker or secure the release of the bus passengers. When the police finally decided to force their way inside the bus, it ended with the violent death of nine Hong Kong tourists. Indeed, yesterday, Justice Secretary Leila de Lima is reported as saying that some of the hostages may actually have been hit by police bullets. The botched rescue operation, which was beamed live around the world, exposed the inadequate preparation of the Philippine police for a crisis.

But if the police bungled their jobs, it has been President Aquino who has been at the receiving end of some of the most pointed international criticism. Aquino was taken to task for: his apparent absence during the crisis and failing to form a committee to immediately monitor and resolve it; failure to take a phone call from Hong Kong Chief Executive Donald Tsang, who was obviously eager to be briefed about the situation; and for ‘smiling’ on TV when he visited the crime scene a few hours after the bloody ordeal had ended.

On top of all this, the site where the hostage crisis took place was in the same location that Aquino took his oath of office and delivered his inaugural address just two months prior—a moment when Aquino promised Filipinos that they could once again dream and become proud citizens of the world. Two months later, the Philippines (and Aquino) have become a laughingstock.

The incident has also rocked Aquino’s plan to make his first 100 days in office a sort of a preview of what to expect from his government over the next six years. Instead of aggressively pursuing his anti-corruption programme, which was his major election platform, Aquino is now expected to redirect his focus to convincing Filipinos and the rest of the world that he’s a capable leader.

But aside from proving his competence, Aquino also has to swiftly repair strained relations with both Hong Kong and China. Immediately after the hostage incident, Hong Kong issued a travel advisory against the Philippines and the Chinese vice premier cancelled his trip to Manila. The Philippines has to complete its probe if it wants to appease angry citizens and officials in Hong Kong and China, many of whom believe it was the inefficiency of the Philippine police that led to the death of their fellow citizens.

But securing justice for the memory of those slain isn’t the only goal for the Philippines. Officials also want to prevent anti-Filipino sentiment in Hong Kong and China—both major destinations for Filipinos seeking employment abroad—from fermenting. In addition, the Philippine government also has to be able to reassure the international community that it’s ready to defend the security of tourists and foreigners.

This is by no means the first time that the Philippines has become entangled in messy issues involving its neighbours. In 1995, for example, it downgraded its diplomatic ties with Singapore after a Filipina domestic worker was executed in Singapore for murder. For many years, relations between the two countries were chilly, and there were knock-on effects for Filipinos employed in Singapore. The Philippines government doesn’t want a repeat of such tensions, which could see restrictions placed on Filipinos working in Hong Kong, or further discourage its citizens from visiting the Philippines.

And the crisis could also have an impact on the Aquino government’s foreign policy by pushing the administration closer to the United States if China isn’t appeased. Aquino, in fact, recently cancelled trips to Vietnam and Indonesia, although he plans to follow through with his scheduled visit to the United States later this month.

The other option for Aquino is to forge closer ties with China, as a kind of apologetic gesture over the hostage blunder. But he can’t do this without upsetting the US, which considers the Philippines as a reliable ally as the US and China vie for supremacy in the region.

It’s a genuine dilemma for Aquino, and one he would have had no idea he was going to encounter when he first heard about the unfolding ‘domestic’ tragedy in Manila.

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Politics of education reforms

By admin | September 9, 2010

Political solutions are needed to fix education problems because the organization and distribution of knowledge in a society has always been a political question. Those who want education reforms but reject politics are guilty of espousing an ignorant view of history and society. Schools are not autonomous sites that operate in an uncorrupted social universe. They mirror the imperfections of the community. They reproduce the values, habits, and know-how that are required for the survival of our social institutions. We cannot sincerely advocate a better education system without yearning and fighting for a better social set-up. If we really desire good schools, we should build a more progressive society. Therefore, the democratization movement inside schools should not be divorced from the struggles of various social forces. If we refuse to recognize the political character of education issues or the relationship of the struggle for meaningful schooling with the broader socio-political process, all conflicts inside schools would remain parochial concerns with no power to alter the educational landscape. De-politicized school conflicts pit teachers, students, and administrators against one another while the real enemies of the people are unscathed. Political school struggles should involve everybody in the campus against the unequal social order and those who defend and control it.

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Curriculum design is the most politically important aspect of public education but the people are not democratically consulted on this matter. Technocrats and bureaucrats decide which subjects should be taught inside schools. Without the participation of the public, the school curriculum would always reflect the imprimatur of big business and the political party in power. Would the ruling elite endorse the teaching of concepts or the distribution of texts that undermine their hegemony? Their power is multiplied by making their narrow worldview the official knowledge in society. Through the schooling process, their self-serving notions of everything bear the stamp of universality which even their supposedly class enemies imbibe and embrace as their very own.

That is why the sex education issue provides an opportunity for those who wish to inject politics into the debate. The Catholic Church is right to challenge the inclusion of sex in schools if the hierarchy thinks it would violate the innocence of children. The Bishops are entitled to their own ignorance but we should support the idea that the public should have a definitive voice in designing the curriculum. Democratization does not only mean expanding access to education; it should also refer to the challenge posed by the working classes to influence the content of schooling. Otherwise, if we abandon the curriculum wars, our children will continue to believe in meaningless bourgeois mantras like “sa ikauunlad ng bayan, disiplina ang kailangan” and “kung walang corrupt, walang mahirap.”

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The Noynoy Aquino government seems serious in its plan to lengthen the school cycle. I am reminded by what the education adviser of U.S. President Richard Nixon said decades ago: “We are in danger of producing an educated proletariat. That’s dynamite! We have to be selective about who we allow to through higher education. If not, we will have a large number of highly trained and unemployed people.”

Reactionary educators in the Philippines are also afraid of the ‘educated proletariat.’ They want to reverse the mass struggle victories of the poor – free and compulsory elementary and high school education and the establishment of state universities in many provinces. We must remember that the proliferation of state universities in the 1970s-1990s became possible only after the student sector raised the issue of higher education access and equity as a national political question. Since then, building state universities has been synonymous with good politics. This is what reactionary educators are protesting today. Maintaining public higher education institutions is incompatible with the spectre of neoliberalism, the ideological vogue today.

The K12 proposal is perhaps one ingenious method to prevent the mass production of ‘educated proletariats’. PNoy’s education apologists are already announcing that K12 graduates need not proceed to college to receive more education. They want this new breed of graduates to immediately find work after K12 or if unsuccessful, leave the country.

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The K12 is the latest manifestation of the state-sponsored design to impose a neoliberal type of education in the country. Or the pathetic attempt to restructure the education system under a neoliberal framework. If in the past the goal of education was to produce responsible citizens, it has been replaced with the imperative to produce obedient workers and consumers. Education has been reduced into a simplified sorting machine churning out employable subjects. The neoliberal dogma is worshipped in school altars which means more standardized examinations, focus on subjects demanded by industry, less time for the arts and history, reinforcing individualism and competition, reduced subsidies from the state, partnerships with companies which want more profit but are hesitant to admit it so they prefer to call it corporate social responsibility, and emphasis on the inevitability of globalization and all its accompanying evils. What about critical pedagogy? Progressive education? What happened to the idea of molding holistic individuals?

It is not wrong to revise the school system. But do not invoke the crisis of Philippine education to introduce more neoliberal reforms. Pagbabago, yes! Pero para kanino?

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Here come the commies*

By admin | August 29, 2010

They are the propagandists of the new government but they will deny it not because they are ashamed of their jobs but it has more to do with their rejection of the term propagandist. Propaganda is a taboo word for them since it is associated with overzealous militants. PNoy communicators (com men or commies for short) seem to be squeamish individuals who feel uncomfortable with boring names like public information officer or media bureau. But having a fancy name (Presidential Communications Development and Strategic Planning Office) does not modify their distinguished but sometimes odious task: defend the president at all times and at all costs; deodorize the stink coming from the palace; and confuse/mislead the public to hide the real state of affairs.

I’m surprised that nobody complained when Malacanang announced that Department of Education Secretary Armin Luistro and other Cabinet heads will undergo a ‘media handling’ seminar. Is media relations a delicate matter that needs to be ‘handled’? Truth articulation is an issue of ‘media handling’? Is this transparency?

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What is wrong with the word propagandist? Marcelo H. Del Pilar and company and the 1896 revolutionaries called themselves propagandista. Senator Claro M. Recto launched the second propaganda movement in the 1950s. Activists have no problem with the propagandist branding since they willingly recognize that their political work involves the advocacy of a specific ideology. It is the liberaloids and reactionaries who refuse to be called propagandists because of their naïve but dangerous belief that they are not espousing any ideology.

PNoy’s Communications Group is a smart repackaging of an old function of the state. It targets the networked citizens who are always eager to communicate with public servants even if the conversation is virtual. The danger is to confuse delivery of information with competent public service. The greater danger is to equate political opinion with decisive political action. Beware, PNoy’s commies are sophisticated obscurantists who want to turn politics into “a mere passive commentary on current affairs, a kind of collective extension of reading newspapers.” (Alain Badiou).

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The transformation of journalists-who-advocate-objectivity into PNoy commies is proof of the undeclared partisanship of media personalities. Behind every truth-seeking media reporter is a political animal raring to come out of the closet. A journalist needs to take political sides in order to convert truth into a powerful weapon of the public. Opinion pales in comparison with political action. A TV reporter or newspaper columnist who proposes a tax boycott but is not backed by a political group is only guilty of advocating an interesting but futile rant. The words of a journalist acquire materiality only if they are fused with political practice.

But do not assume that the only career option of journalists who finally want to effect change in society is to seek a post in the Palace or in one of its satellites. The other option is to follow a better just path: serve the people. This is what Satur Ocampo and Tony Zumel did in the 1970s: prominent media personalities who joined the underground revolution. Instead of defending discredited politicians or clinging to the bureaucratic state machine, journalists can choose to become the spokespersons and leaders of the people’s movement.

Pierre Bourdieu was right when he said that “there are people who exchange ideological services for positions of power” but there are also truth messengers who prefer to lend their skills in the service of the powerless.

Journalists (especially those working in the provinces) often speak to truth and many times they lose their lives fulfilling this sacred duty. But they cease to carry the seal of freedom of thought the moment they unabashedly join the party in power. Their claim to independent thinking is finally exposed as a sham. Worse, they relinquished their dignified position as public intellectuals to become defenders of the putrid status quo. When they articulate the imperative for pagbabago, they no longer mean it.

It is useful to borrow the words of Antonio Gramsci when he distinguished a diplomat from an active politician. Gramsci wrote that the diplomat “inevitably will move only within the bounds of effective reality, since his specific activity is not the creation of some new equilibrium, but the maintenance of an existing equilibrium within a certain juridical framework” while an active politician is someone “who wishes to create a new balance of forces.”

PNoy’s commies are the glorified ‘diplomats’ of the modern era who are “full of idle speculation, trivial detail, and elegant conjectures.” Meanwhile, Ocampo and Zumel are good examples of journalists who became ‘active politicians’ – “men of powerful passions, partisans, creators, initiators.”

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Before the hostage blunder, the tact of the PNoy commies was to package the new president as an everyday man. Make him complain against tax deductions (even though his net pay is P63,000. Compare it to the financial assistance received by farmers from Hacienda Luisita). Make him follow traffic rules. Make him lose his wangwang privileges. Allow an MMDA cop to issue a traffic ticket to PNoy’s sister Kris. Remove his face in government billboards (but continue posting yellow ribbon tarpaulins and pagbabago streamers).

The spin to make the hasyendero son a champion of the ordinary masa is suffocating. Please make him more human but not through token, insincere gestures. Bumenta na yan sa Hollywood.

But after the hostage tragedy, I’m sure PNoy’s handlers will change their strategy. To address the lingering doubt on his competence as a leader, they are expected to present PNoy as a new leader with political will. Good luck with that. Just a minor appeal: stop the unfunny acting.

*Of course they are not communists. Magpapacheeseburger ako nang major major kung komunista ang mga yan. Anyway, I subscribe to Sartre’s opinion of anti-communists.

Part 1: Noynoy and ‘impossible reformism’
Part 2: Noynoy and the ‘boss’

Posted in media | Tagged | 3 Comments

Asia’s Water Crisis

By admin | August 24, 2010

written for The Diplomat….

Wracked by droughts, floods and simmering tensions, Asia’s governments need a more co-ordinated approach to water crises.

As the contradictions of Asia’s water challenges have been laid bare this summer—with millions affected by flooding while others are hit by droughts—one thing has been made clearer: the coming water crisis could exacerbate already simmering domestic and regional tensions.

Heavy monsoon rains have produced the worst flooding in Pakistan’s history, with more than three weeks of flooding leaving at least 1,500 dead and more than 4 million homeless. Millions of Pakistanis already require humanitarian assistance, yet the likelihood that many more could be added to this list has grown with the announcement that 200,000 have been evacuated as flood waters continue to rise in Singh Province in the country’s south.

Meanwhile, flash floods and mudslides have submerged some villages in China’s Gansu Province, killing hundreds and leaving more than a thousand missing. Today, Chinese state media announced 250,000 had been evacuated in the north of the country after the Yalu River burst its banks.

But while attention has been focused on disasters in Pakistan in China, South-east Asia has been hit by its own torrential downpours. Last month, Singapore suffered three major floods—an unprecedented number for the prosperous city state—with even the shopping and financial districts hit in the first serious flooding disaster in the city since 1978.

Vietnam has also been affected, with many parts of Hanoi under water last month after a major storm struck the country. What added insult to injury in Vietnam’s case is that the flooding came after a nine-month dry spell that disrupted the country’s power supply (about a third of Vietnam’s power source comes from hydroelectric power plants whose operations have been adversely affected by falling water levels in the Mekong River).

And Vietnam hasn’t been the only country in the region to face the twin curse of droughts and flooding. The Philippines (recently ranked by the Belgium-based Center for Research and Epidemiology Disasters as the most disaster-prone area in the world) was last year hit by 14 meteorological and 9 hydrological disasters, the most devastating of which was last September’s typhoon, which unleashed the worst flooding in Metro Manila in 40 years.

This year, although floods have been a regular occurrence in Manila since the start of the wet season, the June-July rainfall was insufficient to increase water levels at the Angat Dam—the principal source of fresh water in the country’s capital. The result has been both tragic and somehow comic: Residential homes are flooded, but there’s no water in the faucets.

To top all this, Thailand is also this year experiencing a longer than usual dry season and was forced to postpone the rice planting season for a month, which will have knock-on effects around the region as Thailand, like Vietnam, is among the world’s top rice exporters.

It’s an alarming pattern—both flooding and dry spells across Asia are becoming more intense, and occurring more frequently, each year.

So how should Asian governments respond? For a start, they can do better than simply blaming God or Nature, arguments rolled out by one Singaporean minister to explain the massive flooding there.

Flash floods, landslides, and other symptoms of climate change are also in part man-made disasters. In the case of Singapore, for example, some experts blame excessive property development in the city for rising floodwaters, while the Gansu landslide in China has been linked to massive deforestation, mining activities and the construction of several hydropower plants in the area.

Inadequate government planning is also a major reason for the rising human casualties. The Philippines drafted comprehensive flood control measures as early as 1976 but failed to implement the proposed engineering solutions to minimize the harmful impact of the annual floods. Water rationing is now being undertaken in Manila precisely because previous governments have failed to develop or tap other sources of clean water. If Malaysia doesn’t learn from the mistakes of the Philippines, it’s estimated that it too could encounter a water crisis in 2014.

But swiftly addressing these problems is about more than the immediate goal of saving lives in individual countries—doing so can also help prevent regional disputes. For example, the construction of several dams in China along the Mekong River has been pinpointed as one reason for the drop in water levels along the river, which is vital for servicing the water needs of Thailand, Laos, Cambodia, and Vietnam (though of course China resents any suggestion that its damming activities are causing environmental problems for its neighbours).

There’s potential for such disputes to turn into conflict. For countries like Singapore confronted with scarce water supplies, it’s crucial that sustainable water agreements are inked with adjacent countries. Singapore has a water agreement with Malaysia, but the deal comes to an end next year. Former Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad pondered in a blog entry whether it’s time to charge Singapore for the water it buys from Malaysia at adjusted market prices. This comes at a time when Malaysia is blaming Singapore’s land reclamation project for flooding in the Sungai Johor area. Could Malaysia and Singapore end up battling over clean water next year?

This isn’t, of course, the only potential flashpoint over water in Asia—India and Pakistan have already been widely cited as two countries at risk of conflict over Himalayan water sources.

But it’s still unclear whether there’s any urgency to take a more broad-based approach to tackling these problems.

Regional governments find plenty of time to meet and discuss trade imbalances, poverty and terrorism. But recent crises have demonstrated that it’s time they also stopped seeing problems such as the floods in Pakistan as simply national, internal issues and started taking a regional perspective instead. Failure to do so may well prove nothing short of disastrous.

Posted in east asia | Tagged , | 1 Comment

Edukasyon, Wika, Teknolohiya

By admin | August 15, 2010

Talumpati sa Luzon-wide assembly of UP students. Agosto, 14, UP SOLAIR.

Magandang umaga. Noong Huwebes, Agosto 12, ay Pandaigdigang Araw ng mga Kabataan, kaya pagbati sa inyong lahat. Ngayong 2010 ay pandaigdigang taon ng mga kabataan. Mabuhay ang lahat ng naghahangad ng tunay na pagbabago.

May tatlong magkakaugnay na paksa ang nais kong talakayin ngayong umaga. Una, pag-usapan natin ang ugnayan ng pag-aaral, trabaho, at ilang panukalang reporma sa sektor ng edukasyon. Pangalawa, dahil buwan ng wika, nais kong tukuyin ang silbi o papel ng wika sa pag-unlad ng ating komunidad. At pangatlo, ano ang dapat nating batanyan sa nakakabahalang pagtitiwalang binibigay natin sa teknolohiya.

Robot

Napanood ninyo na ba ang TV ad ng Berocca? Bida sa patalastas ang isang kabataang empleyado. Sa opisina, siya lang ang tao. Lahat ng empleyado ay mga robot. Bida siya dahil kasingbilis o mas mabilis pa siya sa robot kaya naman pinalitan niya ang isang empleyadong robot.

Alam ninyo mayroon akong anak na limang taong gulang kaya ang napapanood ko araw-araw sa TV ay Playhouse Disney o kaya Nickelodeon. Minsan nalipat ko ang channel sa isang lokal na istasyon at itong patalastas ng Berocca ang napanood ko. Nagtataka ako dahil walang nagrereklamo tungkol dito. Payag ba tayo, payag ba kayo, sa mensahe ng patalastas: na dapat kumilos tayo na parang robot para manatili sa trabaho; na dapat kasingbilis tayo ng robot – hindi napapagod, hindi nagrereklamo, tuluy-tuloy kung magtrabaho. At kung hindi ka robot kumilos, maghanap ka na lang ng ibang mapapasukan. Kasi ang kailangan ngayon diumano ng mga kampanya ay globally competitive, efficient, productive workforce.

Dati, kapag sinasabi nating ginagawa tayong robot ng kasalukuyang sistema ng ekonomiya, ang tinutukoy natin ay ang paulit-ulit na trabaho natin sa pabrika araw-araw dahil bahagi tayo ng assembly line production. Ngayon hi-tech na kaya may robot na sa pagawaan, at tayo pala yun. Mga taong-robot, sinasanay na mekanikal kung mag-isip at kumilos.

Walang nagulat sa patalastas ng Berocca dahil ang mensahe nito ay tila sumasalamin lang sa katotohanan. Tanggap natin ang mensahe. Tanggap natin ang banta na dapat maging masipag tayo tulad ng robot kundi marami diyang taong-robot na pwedeng pumalit sa atin. At para sa mga kabataan, tulad ng bida sa patalastas, payag tayong maging robot basta may trabaho, basta mataas ang bayad – kahit gabi ang pasok, kahit hindi ka Pilipino sa trabaho, kahit pagod na ang lalamunan mo sa kakahello sa iyong mga tangang kausap.

Ang sinisisi ko kung bakit humantong sa panahon kung saan ang makapangyarihang tao ay pumayag maging de-susing robot ay ang ating mga eskuwelahan. Sinanay tayong mag-isip tulad ng robot. Tinuruan tayong manabik na maging robot. Hindi ba’t ang payo sa atin, mag-aral ka para makakuha ka ng magandang trabaho sa hinaharap. Tiisin mo ang terror teacher, boring lecture, at tila walang katuturang mga textbook – lahat ng sakripisyong ito ay sulit dahil magiging mas mabuti ang iyong buhay kapag nakapagtapos ka ng pag-aaral.

Eto ang tanong ng maraming iskolar: tayo ba ay nag-aaral para maging highly-paid worker sa hinaharap? Para yumaman? Kung ito ang pangunahing layunin, hindi ba’t makitid ang pananaw na ito? Napakaspesyal ng edukasyon, makapangyarihan ang bisa ng edukasyon para lang ituring itong isang tuntungan para makuha ang ating dream job.

Dapat ang silbi ng edukasyon ay hindi ibatay sa taas ng suweldo natin sa hinaharap kundi sa ating karakter bilang tao. Tayo ay nag-aaral para maunawaan natin ang ating pagkatao (humanity, human dignity), ang ating kultura, at sa pamamagitan ng karunungan ay magtutulak ito sa atin upang pagbutihin ang ating sarili, pagbutihin ang ating pakikitungo sa iba, at kumilos para sa pag-unlad ng ating komunidad. Kung epektibo ang edukasyon, namumulat tayo sa katotohanan ng ating paligid, at tayo ay nagtatanong kung bakit ganito ang sitwasyon samantalang kaya namang maging iba ang kaayusan. Dahil sa ating pagtatanong, nakakasalamuha natin ang iba pang tao na may pareho ding mga tanong at magiging simula ito ng pagsusulong ng isang magandang adhikain. Eto ang diwa ng pagiging iskolar ng bayan, nagsisilbi sa kapwa. Hindi iskolar ng bayan ngayon para maging makasariling taong-robot sa hinaharap.

Balikan natin ang ating pagkabata. Ano ang pangarap ninyo noon? Maging superhero? Maging bida sa totoong buhay? Matayog ang ating pangarap. Mayaman ang ating imahinasyon. Tapos tayo ay nag-aral. Tayo ay nag elementary, nag high school, nag kolehiyo. Ano ang pangarap ninyo ngayon? Sa inyong high school yearbook, ano ang nilagay ninyong sagot sa tanong na: What do you want to be 10 years from now? Doctor? Engineer? Architect? Accountant in an international credit agency? May sumagot ba sa inyo na gusto kong maging magsasaka? Maging NGO worker? Gusto kong baguhin ang mundo?

Yan ang kasalanan ng mga eskuwelahan: Sinabi sa ating malaya tayong mangarap basta ba kikita ka sa pangarap na yan. Maging praktikal, dapat asikasuhin muna ang sarili. Tapos na ang panahon na kung saan ang mga tao ay handang ibuwis ang buhay para sa mga abstraktong prinsipyo.

Kaya ako ay hindi lubos na sumasang-ayon sa panukalang dagdagan ng dalawang taon ang basic education cycle. Batay sa mga balita, gusto ng pamahalaan na isulong ang repormang ito para madali raw makakuha ng trabaho ang mga bata. Maging employable. Isasama na raw ang vocational-technical skills sa kurso para pwede na agad tayong magtrabaho pagkatapos ng high school. May mali sa puntong ito. Kung ngayon nga ang mga college graduate ay nahihirapang magtrabaho, ano ang garantiya na ang mga graduate ng 12-year education cycle ay mas madaling makakapagtrabaho? Hindi dadami ang trabaho kapag 12 years na ang basic education; hindi rin awtomatik na lalago ang ekonomiya. Ito ang maling paniniwala: na ang edulasyon ang sagot sa lahat ng problema natin sa ekonomiya.

Hindi ba kayo nagtataka kung bakit maraming estudyante ay walang ahitasyon sa loob ng eskuwelahan? Hindi kaya dahil huminto na silang maniwala sa pangangaral ng matatanda na edukasyon ang susi sa kaunlaran? They feel alienated from the schoolwork which is supposed to prepare them for greater things in the future. Kaya ito pa ang tanong ng mga iskolar: Bakit hindi natin gawing kasiya-siya ang proseso ng pag-aaral? Na iparamdam sa mga bata na ang edukasyon ay pakikinabangan nila ngayon; ngayon at hindi sa isang pinapangarap na hinaharap.

Kapag tayo ay nanonood ng sine, iniisip ba natin na ginagawa ko ito para magkaroon ako ng magandang propesyon sa hinaharap? Hindi, dahil gusto nating maaliw sa oras na yun. Ganun din dapat sa pagpasok sa paaralan. Gusto kong matuto, pinili kong mag-aral dahil masaya ito at may pakinabang ito sa akin ngayon. Natutututo ako at dumarami ang aking mga kaibigan.

Hindi yan ang kalagayan ngayon. Malungkot ang sitwasyon ng ating mga eskuwelahan. Paano liligaya ang mga bata kung siksikan ang loob ng classroom, mali-mali ang textbook, walang banyo, mainit, kulang ang mga pasilidad? At ngayon ang dinadanas na torture ng mga bata ay gusto nating pahabain ng dalawang taon?

Wika

May isa pang kasalanan ang ating mga eskuwelahan. Tinuruan tayong mahalin/yakapin ang isang dayuhang wika at maliitin ang ating sariling wika. Kung itutuloy ang dagdag na dalawang taon sa eskuwelahan, anong wikang panturo ang gagamitin? Anong kurikulum ang itatakda? Sa Kongreso may mga panukalang gamitin ang wikang Ingles sa mga eskuwelahan. Dapat maunawaan ng ating lider ang kahalagahan ng pagkakaroon ng iisang wika na magbubuklod sa atin. Mas madaling matuto ang bata gamit ang ating wika, at higit sa lahat tayo ay nagkakaintindihan.

Nais kong ihalimbawa ang inaugural speech ng pangulo. Basahin natin ito sa jejemon, na napili kamakailan bilang salita ng taon

anG pAg+ayoh ME HIR nGuAyon @Y PATuNUaeH Nah KAYoh aNg AKing tunay nu@H L@kuAZ JeJeJ3jE ♥♥♥♥♥. Nd Me !nU@kuAluah naH dUARat!N6 T@yOH Sah puntOnG 1toh, nah AK0w’3y ManUnumpah s@H hu@rap niNy0h VilAnG !nYong p@NGuloW. nd KOW p1NanGaRAp m@G1ng tagAPa6tu@GuyOd n6 Pag-Asah a+ tAg@pagMu@NuAH NG mGaH suL!r@n!n nG @t!Ng b@yu@n.

u@nG l@yUn1n KOW Z@h vuHaY AEH ZiMPle ♥ xD ♥ l@Ng p0wZ: magIng tapAt ZAh AK1ng MGaH MAGulang At s@h baYAn vILuaNG 1ZaNG mUaran6ual nAh @N@K jejejEjE, m@vaIt NaH KuYAh, aT maBut1ng mamAmay@n powZszsszZ.

Basahin naman natin sa Bekimon:

ang pagtayeklavu ni watashi ditetch ngayon ay patunay na kayeklavu ang aking tunay na lakas chenelin. hindi ni watashi mudrakalatchi na darating jotons sa puntong itechi tarush, na watashi’y kikirounumpa satchi harap sokaw bilang jokawng panguleklavu. hindi ni watashi pinangarap maging tagapagtaguyod ng pag-asa at tagapagmanatchi ng mga suliranin ng ating bayan.

ang layunin ni lolabelles sa buhay ay simple lang tarush: maging tapat sa aking mga magulang at sa bayan vilang isang marangal na anak tarush, mabait na kuya, at mabuting mudramayan.

Sa wikang Ingles:

My presence here today is proof that you are my true strength. I never expected that I will be here taking my oath of office before you, as your president. I never imagined that I would be tasked with continuing the mission of my parents. I never entertained the ambition to be the symbol of hope, and to inherit the problems of our nation.

I had a simple goal in life: to be true to my parents and our country as an honorable son, a caring brother, and a good citizen.

At sa ating pambansang wika:

Ang pagtayo ko dito ngayon ay patunay na kayo ang aking tunay na lakas. Hindi ko inakala na darating tayo sa puntong ito, na ako’y manunumpa sa harap ninyo bilang inyong Pangulo. Hindi ko pinangarap maging tagapagtaguyod ng pag-asa at tagapagmana ng mga suliranin ng ating bayan.

Ang layunin ko sa buhay ay simple lang: maging tapat sa aking mga magulang at sa bayan bilang isang marangal na anak, mabait na kuya, at mabuting mamamayan.

Hindi ba’t tagos sa damdamin ang mensahe ng pangulo sa orihinal na teksto? Kung gusto nating pagbutihin ang komunikasyon sa bansa, gamitin natin ang ating wika. Kung naantig ang inyong puso noong mapakinggan ninyo ang inaugural speech, higit na magiging mabisa ang pag-aaral ng mga bata kung ang wikang naiintindihan ng lahat ang ating ginagamit.

Hindi jejemon, hindi bekimon ang may salarin kung bakit mababa ang kalidad ng edukasyon sa bansa. Mga indikasyon lang yan ng pagiging dinamiko ng wika batay sa paggamit ng tao. Higit na malaking pinsala sa kaisipan ng ilang henerasyon ng mga Pilipino ang pagdebelop ng struktura ng karunungan sa bansa na nakabatay sa wikang Ingles.

Internet

Ang huling paksang nais kong talakayin ay ang pagtukoy sa mga nakakabahalang impluwensiya ng internet sa pagkilos ng mga kabataan. Marami na ang nasulat ukol sa positibong papel ng internet sa pagpapakalat ng impormasyon. Ang pakay ko ay magbigay lang ng ilang paalala na hindi lahat ng aktibidad natin sa internet ay may magandang dinudulot.

Eto ang optimistikong pagtingin sa ugnayan ng internet at pulitika: sa pamamagitan diumano ng malawak na pamamahagi ng impormasyon – teksto, larawan, video, ilustrasyon, podcast, – magbubunsod ito ng bukas na komunikasyon sa lipunan. Lilikha ito ng spesyal na kilusan ang mga citizen journalist kung saan ang impormasyon o katotohanan na pinamamahagi natin ay siya ring armas para labanan ang mga tiwali. At kapag malaya ang palitan ng impormasyon, ito ay magtutulak sa tao na kumilos para sa pagbabago.

Ideyal ito. Pero hindi ito ang nagaganap batay sa aking obserbasyon. Imbes na magtulak sa mga kabataan na makipagkapit-bisig sa iba, napapatingkad pa nga ang indibidwalismo. Virtual activism, hindi social interaction ang nangyayari. Imbes na katotohanan ng lipunan ang ating sinusuri, katotohanan ng ating mga buhay ang pareho nating binubuyangyang sa publiko, tinitingnan at tinititigan. Hindi internet activists ang nabubuo, kundi mga makabago at hi-tech na narcissist sa virtual at totoong buhay.

Halimbawa, may isang larawan tungkol sa kahirapan ang na upload sa Facebook. Sa ideyal na sitwasyon, pagkatapos mo itong titigan, mahihikayat kang umaksiyon. Gagawa ka ng kongkretong hakbang sa offline na mundo para may mangyari. Pero kadalasan ang gagawin mo, you will like it sa FB, at pag nabasa ito ng mga kaibigan mo, they will also like it. Malay mo ang isa, gumawa ng cause para dito. Marami ang magiging fan ng cause. Tapos ang litrato ay magiging viral na, makikita sa labas ng iyong network of friends. Tapos may magtweet nito, tapos ireretweet ng isang sikat na twiterrer. Masayang-masaya ka na. Pero paano kung hanggang internet na lang umikot ang mga aksiyon? Laganap nga ang impormasyon, pero mananatili lang itong impormasyon hangga’t walang interbensiyon sa totoong mundo. Dapat, pana-panahon isarado ang inyong computer.

Nakakabahala na may mga kabataang nag-iisip na pwede nilang baguhin ang mundo kahit nakaharap sila sa internet. Mas nakakalungkot yung mga naniniwala na hindi na dapat kumilos, mag-organisa, makibaka dahil mas epektibo daw ang maging aktibista sa internet.

Alam ninyo kahit libu-libo pa ang pirma sa isang online petition, hindi yan mababasa ng mga pulitiko. May mga kasamahan ako sa Kongreso na hindi marunong magbukas ng computer.

Simple lang naman ang mensahe: ang susi sa pagbabago ay nasa sama-samang pagkilos ng mamamayan, sa totoong mundo, hindi sa Farmville o pag-iiba ng ating FB status update araw-araw.

Nagiging mas matalino raw ang tao dahil sa internet. Maaaring tama. Pero nagiging tamad din tayo.

Maglista tayo ng ilang salitang pang-aksiyon: maglakad, tumakbo, tumalon, lumangoy, buhatin, tadyak, suntok, tumalbog, yakap, halik, hawak, dukot, lagok, lunok, taob, dapa, gulong, ikot, magpadulas.

Maaaring ngayon alam pa natin ang ibig sabihin ng mga salitang yan dahil naranasan natin ang mga yan noong bata pa tayo. Pero ang aking pangamba ay unti unti na silang nagiging banyagang mga salita. Paano at bakit? Kasi ba naman, araw-araw ang ginagawa natin ay iisa lang: click. Left-click. Right-click. Double-click. Fast click. Silent click.

Click para tumawag at kumausap ng kapwa tao. Click para magpahayag ng damdamin. Click para gamitin ang imahinasyon. Click para magbasa, mag-aral, magturo. Click para kumilos para sa pagbabago. Click para magpatawa, magmahal, at magpaiyak ng kapwa. Kung may one ring to rule the world ang Lord of the Rings, may one word to rule the world: click.

Pagbubuo

Modernong edukayon. Oo. Pero mas mainam kung kritikal na edukasyon. Higit na mabuti kung makabayang edukasyon. Pag-aralan ang mga wika ng mundo, pero pambansang wika ang gamitin bilang wikang panturo. Gamitin ang teknolohiya bilang kasangkapan sa pagbabago. Huwag magpagamit sa teknolohiya.

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