Renewable Marriage and politics

By admin | February 5, 2010

Let us mention the obvious: the proposed ‘Renewable Marriage’ bill will not be given serious attention in the 15th Congress. We can’t even pass a divorce law. A miracle is needed to convince lawmakers that shock laws are needed to reform the marriage institution.

It is easy to dismiss the ‘Renewable Marriage’ proposal as a publicity stunt; an outrageous idea in aid of elections. But this unique proposal, however ridiculous it seems, deserves a rational public discussion. It has been enunciated already; its novelty should be recognized. We can debate its philosophical register without committing to promote it in the legislature.

According to the proponents of ‘Renewable Marriage’, they want an escape option for women who are trapped in loveless relationships. They decry the expensive annulment cases which discourage incompatible couples from filing annulment petitions in the courts. The group’s intentions are laudable. It’s time to make annulment proceedings more accessible to the masa. It’s time to review marriage laws which are unfair to women in society.

Maybe the group came up with an insanely radical solution to protect women’s rights because it is up against an insanely stubborn institution: the all-powerful Catholic Church. Maybe the ‘Renewable Marriage’ idea is a response to the strong opposition of the Church to the legislation of divorce or any related measure that seeks to promote the interest of women. The first act of provocation was not the ‘Renewable Marriage’ bill but the feudal behavior and thinking of Church authorities.

The loudest argument against the ‘Renewable Marriage’ proposal is directed against the proponent’s statement comparing marriage license to a passport and driver’s license. A marriage license with an expiration date? A marriage license which can be renewed every ten years? Indeed, what a bold proposal! For many sectors, this unmentionable idea is anti-family, anti-Filipino, and anti-women.

Bold, yes it is. But it is a 21st century idea which reflects the norms of a postmodern (oh I hate this term) world that we inhabit. Aren’t we opposed to everything that claims to be infinite? Aren’t we the species that worship the finite in the planet? Aren’t we political subjects who desire and accept values, things, and ideas which are measurable?

The original sin is not ‘Renewable Marriage’ but marriage itself. Love is supposed to be infinite, timeless, eternal, free. Isn’t marriage the imposition of finite form over an infinite concept? Isn’t marriage a bourgeois institution which legally binds a woman to her husband – a modern and acceptable form of slavery? It is telling that critics of ‘Renewable Marriage’ invoke the welfare of kids and the complications to property relations if the bill is passed into law. It reveals that marriage has been reduced into two related affairs: parenting and husbanding (ironic term, indeed) of properties. A couple is recognized as truly married if they have children and if they have properties. It seems 21st century marriage has nothing to do anymore with free love, real love.

‘Renewable Marriage’, therefore, is not genuinely radical (definitely not revolutionary). It is an innovation. It seeks to amend the terms that govern the marriage institution.

What it affirms is the temporal character of human relationships. It is an appropriate proposal in today’s material world, a ‘throwaway society’. We prefer objects and ideas that can be discarded after some time. We measure a person’s worth through his/her paycheck. We are capable of loving and supporting an idea only if it is a time-bound, limited affair. We do not want to surrender, sacrifice, and risk everything to an unknown, unfamiliar event. We are afraid to lose; we do not want to commit forever; we have lost the capacity to embrace the infinite. We deserve absurd proposals like ‘Renewable Marriage’.

When I first heard the ‘Renewable Marriage’ bill, I ignored it. I rejected it. I laughed at it. Then I realized its appropriateness, its grim familiarity with the dominant political behavior in our society. We practice risk-free politics; we reject political projects that demand long-term commitments.

Through the ‘Renewable Marriage’ proposal, we can discuss the philosophical and political link of love and marriage, life and family, revolution and state, politics and elections. They are categories of infinite and finite.

Love. Life. Revolution. Politics. Infinite. True love is possible if we grasp eternity. Happy Valentine’s Day!

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Posted in nation | Tagged | 3 Comments

The way we were. The way we eat.

By admin | February 4, 2010

If a solon is not inside the plenary hall during session days, he/she could be…

a. absent (nasa district? nasa isang official trip? nagbabakasyon?)
b. late (dumarating ang marami after 5pm)
c. somewhere in batasan (inside the office entertaining guests and constituents, speaker’s office receiving or asking for official instructions, mitra hall participating in an extended committee hearing)
d. inside the members only lounge

The south wing lounge is an exclusive room for members of congress. It is a mysterious place. It functions as the ‘other plenary’ where legislative and political matters are discussed. This is also the room where lawmakers take their merienda or light dinner. There is also a smoking room and wash room inside the lounge.

My constituents are curious about the food we eat inside the lounge. Below is the list of food items we consumed in the past month:

December 15, 2009 Tuesday – pork barbecue, chicken barbecue, molo soup, puto binan, pansit guisado, fresh lumpia ubod, hamon, bibingka, spanish sardines, keso de bola, puto bumbong

January 18, 2010 Monday – pansit guisado, tuna panini sandwich, fried lumpia, chicken barbecue, pork barbecue, chicken and shrimp molo soup, assorted kakanin, buko pandan

January 19, 2010 Tuesday – roasted pumpkin and sweet potato soup, lasagna beef, bolognese sauce, chicken lollipop, potato chips, honey mustard sauce, tuna and cheese sandwich, herb garlic bread, ham and cheese sandwich, chocolate cake, fruit salad

January 20, 2010 Wednesday – pork siopao, pork siomai, chicken siopao, chicken siomai, westlake soup beef and tofu, chicken and mushroom efu noodles, lumpia sariwa, banana fritters, pichi-pichi

January 25, 2010 Monday – lugaw, ox tripes, bami guisado, vegetable ukoy, tokwa’t baboy, empanada, halo-halo, cheese rolls

January 26, 2010 Tuesday – frankfurt sausage, chili con carne, chicken sausage, fish and chips, chicken asparagus soup, spaghetti noodles, putanesca sauce, three mushroom sauce, blueberry cheesecake, mango crepes

January 27, 2010 Wednesday – beef brisket, chicken soup stock, seaweeds with century eggs, seafood rolls, lumpia shanghai chicken, tuna asado, lumpia shanghai pork, bacon asado, brazo de mercedes, almond with lychee

February 1, 2010 Monday – chicken macaroni soup, pancit malabon, pork chicharon, camaron calamares fritos, lumpiang bacolod, mini pandesal, spanish sardines, pork dinuguan, puto binan, suman pinipig, ginataang halo-halo, sago at gulaman.

February 2, 2010 Tuesday – cream of mushroom soup, pasta with bolognese pinoy style or roast vegetable and tuna, southern fried chicken, steamed buttered corn in cob, tacos with cheese tomato salsa, sour cream, beef, roast beef panini sandwich, cheese puff, banana coffee cake, sweetened banana

February 3, 2010 Wednesday – miso soup, chap chae, vegetable kakiage, grilled chicken teriyaki, japanese chicken siomai, sushi and maki, japanese pork siomai, caramel cake, avocado ice cream, vanilla ice cream

Everyday, there are fresh fruits (banana, pineapple, watermelon, papaya, manga) and mixed greens with italian, thousand island, or caesar dressing. Members can ask for coffee, tea, soda, bottled water, and red wine (even brandy). I think red wine is available only during the last few days before the end of regular sessions.

The normal procedure in the lounge: A lawmaker will select his/her preferred food items. Then the lawmaker will look for an unoccupied seat in the lounge. The food will be delivered by a waiter. Members also have the option to get the food directly from the food table. This allows us to eat in one sitting our desired food serving.

A special dinner is offered before Congress goes into recess (June, September, and December). A sample of the special menu: tuna or salmon sashimi, egg caviar salad, steak – medium rare, well-done with mashed potatoes, lechon, babyback ribs, maya-maya steamed fish, mixed slices of meat.

Lunch is provided by the speaker at the conference hall during the president’s annual state of the nation address. Sometimes, lawmakers celebrate their birthdays by contributing a few native delicacies in the lounge food table. During budget season, the lounge is open and lunch is available for members and special guests.

Since a perfect attendance is rarely achieved, what happens to the excess food? I believe it is distributed to Congress offices. Or in the case of kuripot lawmakers like me, I bring home some food items. After session is adjourned around 7:30-8pm, I always ask one of my staff members to accompany me in the lounge.

I thank the waiters, cooks, and helpers who provide us with excellent and gracious service inside the lounge. I hope to see them again on May 31 when Congress resumes session to canvass the presidential election results. I wish them well knowing that they don’t get paid when Congress is not convened.

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Posted in congress | Tagged | 3 Comments

Senior citizen activists

By admin | January 29, 2010

A 20-year old student activist in 1970 is now 60 years old. The First Quarter Stormers are now senior citizens. What makes them special? They belong to a generation that defied a dictator. They were young revolutionaries who wanted to change the world. Many of them went underground after the declaration of martial law. The country’s post-war modern heroes are participants of the First Quarter Storm.

The FQS was the spark that ignited the national democratic revolution in the 1970s. It triggered a political upheaval which was similar to the revolutionary impact of China’s May Fourth Movement in 1919.

The FQS militants are the country’s original internationalists. They are contemporaries of the Red Guards of Paris in 1968 and the anti-imperialist guerillas of Vietnam. They supported the national liberation struggle of Third World nations.

Together with the activists of 1960s, the FQS generation provided a blueprint on how to launch a revolution. They were the first rallyists who marched to Malacanang through the Mendiola gate. They integrated with urban poor and peasant communities to prove that the noble cause of changing the old society is possible if it is undertaken together with the masses. Hundreds of FQS students went back to the provinces to establish and expand the base of the communist movement.

By identifying the major ills of society (imperialism feudalism, bureaucrat capitalism) and the radical solution to these problems (people’s war), FQS activists raised the level of political consciousness of Filipinos. After FQS, it is already ridiculous to demand fundamental change by participating in cute political actions like fun run, charity drive, fashion protest, and planting trees.

How did activists survive the difficult martial law years? Their participation in the FQS converted them into instant revolutionaries who trust the fighting capabilities of the organized masses. The FQS produced outstanding young activists who were not afraid to risk or sacrifice their lives in order to challenge the brutal leadership of Marcos. Without the FQS, Marcos and the reactionary forces could have easily crushed the opposition.

After the downfall of Marcos, FQS activists faced a dilemma. Some of them preferred to maximize the so-called democratic space provided by the Aquino regime. Others rejected this mentality as reformist and counter-revolutionary. Many became disillusioned and kept out of the divisive debates. They joined the private sector to become academics, entrepreneurs, business executives, journalists, OFWs, and consultants.

Those who remained loyal to the politics of FQS became leaders and living legends of the legal left in the 1990s. They inspired a new breed of activists who were searching for an appropriate radical mode of politics. It was the mass movement of the FQS era which was more appealing, exciting, and revolutionary than the NGO politics of the post-Edsa milieu. It is the spirit of FQS, not Edsa, which inspired and guided the activists when they called for the ouster of Estrada in 1999 and 2000. The three representatives of Bayan Muna partylist in 2001 were FQS veterans.

2010 is a symbolic year for FQS activists. This marks the period when FQS activists, those brave young idealists of 1970, are already considered as officially old. FQS veterans are a special breed of senior citizens of the republic. They are old dissenters who are espousing a new kind of politics. They are old warriors who refused to give up the good fight. They might still have an oversupply of idealism and revolutionary optimism but they already have old and tired (and literally, tortured) bodies. In a political sense, they are “youth without youth.”

In 1970, activists probably discussed Mao, Marcos, Beatles, sex, pimples, and the New People’s Army in rallies and DGs. In 2010, FQS veterans are probably discussing Mao, Arroyo, Beatles, sex (batteries not included), high blood, diabetes, arthritis, and the New People’s Army in rallies, reunions, and cyber forum.

In 1970, young activists shocked the elders when they voluntarily embraced the natdem revolution (with a socialist perspective). In 2010, the strong resolve of FQS activists to reaffirm the politics of revolution continues to bewilder everybody. In 1970 they should be pursuing a career in government or establishing their own business but they were more interested in the mass movement. In 2010 they should be thinking about their retirement or the welfare of their families but they continue to struggle as non-conformist militants.

It is impossible for FQS activists to retire. According to a human rights lawyer, wala namang retirement pay sa kilusan. The least the movement can do is to honor the lives of its outstanding militants. There is no retirement paradise, and no Golden Acres that await FQS veterans. They are more concerned with the Five Golden Rays and the building of a revolutionary future.

Behold the senior citizen activists! Patriarchs and matriarchs of their families; leaders and pioneers of progressive politics in the Philippines.

For impressively and consistently defying unjust authorities, for standing up against a ruthless dictator, for being loyal to the revolutionary cause, for fighting the oppressors, and for serving the people in the past four decades, the FQS senior citizen activists deserve our highest praise. We are fortunate to having been born in the same era when the brilliant and fighting FQS veterans are still alive to show how young revolutionaries can grow old without losing their idealism.

Mabuhay ang mga Lolo at Lola Tibak!

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Posted in reds | Tagged , , , | 4 Comments

Remembering Edsa Dos

By admin | January 19, 2010

Written in 2001 during Edsa Dos for the e-groups of the university. (Hindi pa uso ang blogging noon). First published by UP Forum, official publication of the UP administration….

Apat na araw sa lansangan: mga tala ng isang estudyante

Myerkules, 17 Enero 2001 – Sa loob lamang ng isang araw ay nakapagpalabas tayo ng mahigit sa 3,000 myembro ng komunidad ng UP upang tumungo sa EDSA at igiit ang madaliang pagpapatalsik kay Erap. Ilang oras matapos ang walk-out ng mga public prosecutor sa Senate ay madaling nagpunta ang USC at ang Estrada Resign Youth Movement sa mga dorm upang hikayatin ang mga estudyante na lumabas ng campus at sumama sa indignation rally sa EDSA. Tinatantyang 800-1000 na dormers mula sa Molave, Yakal, Narra, Kamia ang lumabas sa kanilang mga kuwarto at kahit ala-una na ng madaling araw ay nagmartsa mula UP papuntang Ortigas (dalawang oras nagmartsa) upang ipakita lamang ang galit sa nangyari sa impeachment trial. Marami ang tumakas sa dorms kahit ipinagbawal ng dorm heads ang paglabas. Pagdating sa EDSA Shrine, sinalubong ang delegasyon ng UP ng iba’t ibang grupo na tumugon sa panawagan ni Cardinal Sin na magdasal para sa demokrasya. Kaninang umaga naman, may 2,000 estudyante, guro at kawani ng UP ang sumama sa rali (kahit Myerkules at kakaunti lamang ang mga klase) at nakibahagi sa people power hanggang mapatalsik si Erap. Spontanyo ang pagkilos na ginawa kanina dahil sa Enero 26 pa ang inaasahan nating people’s strike. Pinakamalaking delegasyon ang nagmula sa College of Law (na may balitang magboboykot daw ang buong kolehiyo ng kanilang klase hanggang sa Sabado), Masscom, CSSP at Science. UP pa rin ang may pinakamalaking bilang ng dumalo sa mga eskuwelahang lumahok sa rali. Nakapaskil din sa isang fly-over ang banner ng UP CURE na nagsasabing “We say Guilty!” Inaasahan na lalo pang lalaki ang bilang ng mga estuyanteng sasama sa rali. Bukas, sama-sama tayong bumalik sa EDSA. Mag-imbita pa tayo ng ating mga kaibigan. Tuluy-tuloy na ito. Wala nang atrasan. Walk-out ng mga klase. Gabi-gabi ay vigil. Palagiang maglalabas ang konseho ng mga updates sa mga nangyayari. Ngayong tapos na ang sarswela sa Senado, simula na ang labanan sa lansangan. Dahil bago pa man magsimula ang trial noong Dis. 7, malinaw na ang hatol ng sambayanan kay Erap: Guilty! kaya dapat nang pabagsakin. Na-onse tayo ng 11 Senador; tiyakin natin na nasa atin pa rin ang tagumpay sa huli.

Huwebes, 18 Enero 2001 – Totoong palaki ang bilang ng mga estudyante at fakulti ng UP na sumasama sa mga pagkilos na pawang nananawagan sa pagpapatalsik kay Estrada. Kung kahapon ay halos 3,000 ang ating napalabas ng kampus simula nung madaling araw, ngayon ay mahigit sa 5,000 myembro ng UP community ang tumungo sa EDSA at nakiisa sa mamamayang naninindigan laban kay Erap. Nagsimula ang walk-out sa mga kolehiyo bandang alas diyes ng umaga. Unang dumating sa Quezon Hall ang isang klase mula sa Eng’g, sumunod ang delegasyon mula sa CSWCD. Nagkulumpon muna si Sir Edru ng mga estudyante at nagbigay ng kaunting diskusyon tungkol sa isyu ngayon. Bandang alas-onse nang dumating ang mga estudyanteng galing sa maliliit na kolehiyo. Nagbigay ng pahayag si VP Endriga. Binasa ang bagong tula ni Prof. Joi Barrios. Alas-onse medya nang dumating na ang malaking bulto na galing sa CSSP, CAL, CBA, Econ, Eng’g at Science. Napuno ang harapan ng Quezon Hall. Sa mga oras na iyon, ramdam na ramdam ang diwa ng isang pagiging myembro ng isang nagkakaisang komunidad. Nagsalita rin si Pres. Nemenzo at nagbigay ng pagpupugay sa patuloy na pagkilos ng UP sa harap ng matinding krisis na kinakaharap natin ngayon. Sinundan ito ng mapanlabang pahayag ni Dean Manalili. Si Prof. Randy David ang nagtapos ng programa bago inawit ng buong madla ang UP Naming Mahal. Nilakad ng halos 4,000 estudyante ang ruta mula UP hanggang EDSA Shrine.

Sa mga panahong ito, hindi mahirap magpaliwanag sa mga estudyante kung bakit kailangang pumunta sa EDSA, bakit kailangang magbigay ng malalaking sakripisyo at bakit kailangang lakarin ang pupuntahang rali kahit pwede namang umarkila ng sasakyan. Sa daan, maraming estudyante ng UP ang naghihintay pala sa rali at sumisingit na lang sa bulto ng kani-kanilang kolehiyo. Dito dumami ang kabuuang bilang ng mga nagrali na galing sa UP. Kahit ang mga bystanders at mga naghihintay lang ng sasakyan sa kahabaan ng EDSA ay nahikayat ng malaking pagkilos ng UP at sumama sa rali. Sinasabi nila na umabot daw sa 10-15 libo ang kabuuang bilang ng ating hanay. Naglunsad tayo ng ala-people power sa EDSA. Ito na ang pinakamalaking rali ng UP pagkatapos ng malaki nating pagkilos nung panahon ng kampanya sa pagpapatalsik ng base militar ng kano noong 1991. Pagdating sa Ortigas ay napakaiinit at malugod ang pagtanggap ng mga tao. Ang mga naunang estudyante ng UP sa EDSA Shrine ay mabilis na pumaloob sa ating hanay. Napakaespesyal ng pagdating ng UP at hindi maikakaila ang mataas na pagpapahalaga ng mga tao sa presensya ng mga Iskolar ng Bayan. Iisa ang ating hangarin. Lahat tayo ay nagkakaisa sa ating ipinaglalaban. Sinundan tayo ng malaking bilang ng mga estudyante mula sa PUP na nagwalk-out din sa kanilang mga klase. Dumaan sila sa San Juan at pinagbabato raw sila ng bote ng mga tao dun. Nauna sa atin ang mga estudyante ng St. Scho, Miriam, Adamson, FEU, Don Bosco, Ateneo. Sa hanay ng mga kabataan ay nandoon din ang Estrada Resign Youth Movement. Araw-araw ay sa kalsada na gaganapin ang ating mga klase. Handa tayong tapusin ang semestre sa lansangan hanggang hindi bumababa si Erap sa puwesto. Kung nasaan ang laban, nandoon tayo. Umasa kayo sa paninindigang ito ng mga Iskolar ng Bayan.

Byernes, 19 Enero 2001 – Marami ang nagsasabing pinakamalaki sa kasaysayan nito ang rali ng UP kahapon. Binanggit ni Prof. Karina David sa publiko kahapon na may 30,000 na mga UP estudyante at fakulti ang nagmartsa mula Diliman papuntang EDSA Shrine. Nagbunga na ang ating determinasyon dahil malapit nang mawala sa Malacanang si Erap. Tagumpay ang ating people power. Masasabing malaki ang papel na ginampanan ng UP sa people power sa EDSA. Isa tayo sa mga unang grupo na pumunta sa EDSA nung Miyerkules ng madaling araw at nanawagan sa pagpapabagsak kay Erap. Araw-araw tayong pumupunta sa EDSA at araw-araw ding palaki nang palaki ang ating bilang. Isang pagpapakita sa lakas ng UP at ang militanteng tradisyon ng mga Iskolar ng Bayan. Ituloy natin ang laban hanggang mawala na talaga si Erap. Hamunin natin ang bagong presidente na magtalaga ng mahahalagang reporma sa pamahalaan lalo na yung mga hinihiling ng mga kabataan na bigyan ng kaukulang prayoridad ang sektor ng edukasyon. Samantala, sapat na sigurong magpugay muna sa lahat ng makabayang organisasyon at inidibidwal na walang pagod na lumahok sa lahat ng pagkilos sa pagpapatalsik kay Erap. Mabuhay ang Iskolar ng Bayan! Mabuhay ang mamamayang Pilipino! Mabuhay ang Demokrasya!

Sabado, 20 Enero 2001 – Sa lahat ng myembro ng UP Community: Pumunta po tayo sa Mendiola – ngayon na – at igiit ang madaliang pagbibitiw ni Estrada. Ang mga estudyante ay nagmamartsa na ngayon papuntang Mendiola at buong-buo ang paninindigan na kailangang tapusin na ang panunugkulan ni Erap. Sa lahat ng mga dormers, sumama na tayo. An estimated 50,000 – 75,000 anti-Erap protesters are now marching in the streets papunta sa Malacanang. Dun tayo sa Mendiola. Mabuhay ang mga Iskolar ng Bayan!

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Posted in youth | Tagged , , | 2 Comments

Road Politics. Road Economics

By admin | January 18, 2010

“The only legacy of my favorite President (Cory Aquino) about which I have serious doubts are the flyovers, eyesores that cater only to car owners and do not solve the gargantuan traffic problems of a 21st century metropolis.” – John Vissers, Dutch News Correspondent, 1992

“Before the construction of the flyovers, one of the more stinging criticisms against the Aquino Administration was that it did not have any accomplishments to show” – Jessica Soho, 1992.

Every administration wants to leave a concrete legacy. A literal concrete legacy. Marcos’ edifice complex is well-known. Aquino’s flyovers were built to show some accomplishments. Ramos initiated the construction of MRT and Skyway. Erap has mansions for her mistresses. Arroyo seems to be the most accomplished with her extensive network of roads, bridges, RoRo, new LRT lines, SCTEX, NLEX, and SLEX. Ten flyover projects will be finished before the end of Arroyo’s term.

Every politician is proposing a road project. DPWH expenses are dominated by national roads and congressional allocations. Since Metro Manila roads are already cemented, local politicians have concocted something else: beautification of street sidewalks. But some politicians and bureaucrats are unable to correct some old habits. They destroy good roads so that they can have a legitimate reason to propose the asphalting of these roads. Clever!

It is puzzling that abortion roads (or rough roads) still dot the Philippine countryside even if most politicians, national and local, boast of sponsoring various road projects. It is surprising that Arroyo has listed infrastructure development as her positive legacy. A closer look at the country’s infrastructure competitiveness numbers point to the underwhelming performance of the Arroyo administration in terms of improving the country’s roads.

The Philippines has 29,650 km of total national road network. But only 23 percent or 6,811 km are in good conditions. The rest are decorated with potholes, depressions, ruts, shoving, cracks, and failed sections. There are 812 temporary national bridges. It’s not the number of road projects that counts, but the quality of these construction activities.

The country’s paved roads ratio is at 73 percent. Compare this number with Myanmar’s 80 percent, Kazakhstan’s 93 percent, and Thailand’s 98 percent. The regions with the lowest paved roads ratio are CAR (40 percent), Mimaropa (48 percent), and CARAGA (53 percent). The Philippines ranked 57th in the 2009 Basic Infrastructure Competitiveness Index in Asia. Only 57 countries were surveyed last year.

Road projects are politicized. Malacanang decides which political dynasty will receive preferential treatment when dividing the spoils. Distribution of road funding is not based on urban-rural planning. For example, Rizal and Bulacan provinces received P215 million and P211 million respectively in 2007 from the funds collected through the Motor Vehicles User’s Charge. Meanwhile, Isabela City was allotted only P990 thousand and Marawi was given P2 million.

There are 334 local bills in the 14th Congress proposing the nationalization of hundreds of local roads. Is this good or bad? National roads are maintained by the national government. If roads are nationalized, it means more funds for the local governments but fewer funds for the social and economic projects of the national government.

Politicians want road projects because they are visible and permanent accomplishments. Roads are built to gather more votes on election day. But politicians must also appreciate the economic benefits of improving the country’s road network. Roads handle 90 percent of the country’s passenger-movement and 50 percent freight movement. Because of poor transport infrastructure quality in the country, road accidents cost US$894 million in 2002. This was equal to more than 1 percent of the GDP.

Good roads improve lives and livelihood. Good roads attract more tourists. The construction of the circumferential road in Bohol enhanced the tourism profile of the province. Studies show that a 1 percent increase in road access can bring a 0.11% increase in income of the poor. A 1 percent improvement in the International Roughness Index for national roads would yield a 4 percent reduction in vehicle operating cost.

The country’s poorest provinces have high unpaved roads ratio. Tawi-Tawi, Masbate, Sulu, Lanao del Sur and Ifugao are provinces with high incidences of poverty and poor provincial roads. The presence of rough roads also signifies the existence of rebel groups.

Flyovers and LRT lines are political investments in the urban. They do not just decongest the metropolis, they are built to impress the opposition-leaning urban voters. The RoRo is another effective political infrastructure. It links the islands. It is an appropriate transport network in an archipelagic country like the Philippines. It allows the weak state to dominate the wild spaces and places in the rural. It tames the rough seas. It gives an illusion that the weak state is able to lead by transporting people and products throughout the islands. But the RoRo is treated by some technocrats as a mere economic project. Its political value is not appreciated. Gibo wants mega bridges, mega tunnels to connect the islands. (Mega sources of corruption too). Maybe it is his answer to the recent cases of maritime disasters.

There are paved roads and rough roads. There are local roads and national roads. There are tourism roads, accident-prone roads, corruption roads, insurgency roads, and RoRo roads. There are colonial roads (Kennon) and freedom roads (Mendiola, Edsa). There are political roads and there are economic roads. Building roads has never been an innocent enterprise.

*Thanks to the Congressional Planning and Budget Department of the House of Representatives for the DPWH data cited in this post.

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Posted in places | Tagged , | 2 Comments

Online and offline activism

By admin | January 12, 2010

In 1995 I joined a protest action to condemn the decision of the French government to conduct nuclear tests in the Pacific. I was only a high school student at that time. We relied on mainstream journalists to document and report the rally.

In 2001 I was part of the historic Edsa Dos uprising which toppled the Estrada regime in the Philippines. Aside from mobilizing students and youth groups in Edsa, we also launched information brigades on the Internet. We sent rally updates through e-mail and e-groups. For the first time, texting became an important tool in organizing protest activities. Text jokes were used to undermine the credibility of the president.

Today, rallies are virtual, mobile and real. Street rallies are announced through various social networking sites. Photos of protest actions are instantly uploaded on the web through mobile phones. Blogging and microblogging allow ordinary citizens to express dissidence in the comfort of their homes.

Despite the limited Internet penetration rate in the Philippines, web activists have proven that cyberspace can be the terrain of political struggle. In the past decade, activist groups have been successful in maximizing new technologies to advance their advocacy. These tools are essential in reaching a broader audience.

Activists have learned that campaign strategies are more effective if offline activities are linked to online solidarity actions. On the other hand, cyber activism becomes a potent force only if it is fused with grassroots activism.

The majority of Internet activists recognize the limitations of online campaigning. But there are individuals who worship the amazing power of virtual rallies without acknowledging the disadvantages of Internet activism. This is quite disturbing since it distorts the meaning of activism: activism that truly empowers the oppressed.

Virtual activism can discourage people from participating in collective actions. Today we have students and idealist young citizens who believe that they can change the world by adding causes on Facebook or if they sign online petitions. There is a new breed of activists who spend their productive time sitting in front of a computer. Instead of organizing communities, they build virtual communities.

Online activism minus the essential offline component is impressive and creative but politically impotent. It gives a false impression that change is possible by being aggressive and passionate only in the virtual world. It prevents the educated segment of the population from developing a genuine link with the working masses.

This kind of activism does not frighten the evildoers in society. Politicians in the Philippines don’t read blogs. They don’t open their e-mail. They hire people to handle their social media accounts. They can tolerate a virtual revolution.

Activism demands sacrifice. Struggling for change is difficult because its aim is to dismantle the exploitative structures of the status quo. Those who wield power would not easily surrender their hegemony. It is important for change crusaders to learn these “inconvenient truths” about activism.

Activists who prefer traditional modes of campaigning should not worry if they are perceived as uncool and unfashionable. Their priority should be to come up with a magic formula that effectively combines elements of online and offline activism.

Activists should not be asked how many members they recruited on Facebook or Friendster. They must be more concerned about the number of people they are able to recruit in the real world.

Activists must continue to use their mobile phones, mp3 players and laptops if they want their campaigns to succeed. But to achieve their long-term goals, activists must turn off their gadgets from time to time and concentrate on the rigorous task of talking to people about the need to support and join popular and even unpopular campaigns.

Activism in the 21st century features new action words like texting, retweeting, clicking, chatting and social networking. But 20th century action words are still more persuasive and powerful – like talking, organizing, marching, pushing and rallying.

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Posted in youth | Tagged , , | 8 Comments

The story of Prita Mulyasari

By admin | January 6, 2010

Prita Mulyasari is a 32-year-old mother of two from Indonesia who was recently acquitted of defamation charges filed by the management of a private hospital.

The defamation suit was a reaction to an e-mail complaint sent by Prita to her friends and relatives about the bad service she received at Omni International Hospital in Tangerang. The letter was sent to 20 people in August 2008.

Prita wrote that she was misdiagnosed with dengue at Omni when she went to the hospital with high fever. She also complained about the unprofessional behavior of its doctors. After consulting a doctor in a different hospital, Prita found out that she had mumps, not dengue. Prita advised her friends not to visit Omni. Below is an excerpt of Prita’s open letter to her friends. The translation was made by Multiply blogger Koesuma:

“Don’t let my case happen to other lives especially children, elders and babies. Be careful of the hospital’s “international” title, because the more luxurious the hospital is, and the smarter the doctors are, the more frequent patients are subjected to lab tests, drug prescriptions and injections.

“It cost me my health. Maybe because the cost is covered with insurance that this hospital tried to reach my insurance limit as much as they could. But this hospital doesn’t care about the side effects of its greediness.

“May God give the management and doctors of Omni hospital a conscience to be reminded that someday they too will have family and children who will need medical attention. May they not endure what I had to go through at Omni hospital.”

Prita’s letter was widely circulated on the Internet. It even reached the management of Omni hospital. Because of her e-mail complaint, Prita was charged with defamation. It is peculiar that Omni’s lawyers accused Prita of violating the Information and Electronic Transaction Law, Indonesia’s Cyber Law, which will only take effect this year.

Prita was arrested last May and detained for three weeks. Her case was immediately reported by the media. Bloggers were outraged to learn that a nursing mother was jailed for sending an e-mail complaint. Due to public pressure, Prita was released from prison. It also helped that political candidates had been visiting her in jail.

Prita’s ordeal didn’t end in July when the court junked the case. Her doctors at Omni succeeded in convincing the prosecutors to challenge the ruling. Early last month, the Tangerang High Court found Prita guilty of defaming her doctors. The court ordered her to pay a fine of US$21,680. She was also given a jail sentence of six months.

Last week the court reversed its ruling and cleared Prita’s name. The court ruled that Prita didn’t commit an act of defamation because she merely sent a letter of complaint to select friends and relatives.

Prita’s legal battle has become a national issue in Indonesia. She became a symbol of an ordinary citizen who stood up and defended her rights against a big private corporation. Her trial put Indonesia’s justice system under intense public gaze and scrutiny.

Prita’s case triggered one of the most successful social media campaigns in the country. Facebook fan and advocacy pages in support of Prita attracted thousands of members. An online campaign was launched to collect the money needed to pay the court-imposed fine last month.

The Coins for Justice website was established to gather online and offline donations for Prita. Organizers wanted to collect 2.5 tons of coins. Donors came from everywhere. A former minister pledged US$10,000, or half the fine. Members of the Regional Representatives Council raised US$5,000. A fundraising concert was held. Before the end of December, the campaign had amassed almost US$90,000. The money will now be donated to a charity organization.

Bowing to public clamor, the government hinted that it was willing to review the controversial Cyber Law which was used in Prita’s case. This is good news for netizens who are appealing for a more democratic law that will govern Internet activities in the country.

It was the Internet that facilitated the spread of Prita’s famous e-mail complaint. It was also through the Internet that Prita’s Omni doctors were able to access the controversial letter. In the end, it was the Internet that helped Prita broadcast her appeal for justice and financial support. The Internet is an amazing but dangerous place.

By putting to shame the hospital which accused her of defamation, Prita has forced companies to reevaluate their standard procedures when accepting customer complaints. By refusing to back down in her legal fight, Prita proved that big companies do not always win in the courts.

Posted in east asia | Tagged , | 1 Comment

Misunderestimating The Philippine Left

By admin | January 3, 2010

There are ‘good’ and ‘bad’ leftists. ‘Good’ leftists must belong to a partylist group. They demand the inclusion of civil society groups in government transactions. They participate in tripartite meetings, they attend UN conferences, they hate Joma Sison, and they endorse the candidacies of Noynoy Aquino and Mar Roxas.

The ‘bad left’ is always wrong. It is dogmatic if it refuses to participate in the elections but it is opportunistic if it joins the elections. It is arrogant if it shuns coalition politics but it betrays the revolution if it builds an alliance with mainstream parties. The left is ridiculed if it fails to gather a big crowd during rallies; but it is also criticized (by armchair activists) if it succeeds in mobilizing its members and supporters in the streets.

A ‘bad leftist’ is a dead leftist. Bad leftists are harassed, abducted, tortured and killed in this part of the world. They are demonized as destabilizers and terrorists. They are not recognized as legitimate political players who can use valid political practices in the electoral arena. Hence, they are mocked if they build coalitions or endorse the candidacies of mainstream politicians.

If the left can do no right and if it cannot be allowed to succeed in parliamentary politics, its only option (and the only correct decision it can accomplish) is to surrender its political goals. Be irrelevant. Disappear. Build an NGO. This is the fantasy not just of the fascist state; but also the wet dream of liberal “fundamentalist freaks.”

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Satur Ocampo and Liza Maza are often described in the media as leftist politicians. This is not wrong. But the practice of naming people and animals for who or what they really are is not applied to centrists and rightists. May kilala ba kayong pulitikong nagpakilala o ipinakilala bilang maka-kanan? Villar is a businessman-politician. Noynoy is the politician son of Cory and the brother of Kris. Gibo is the politician nephew of Danding who studied in Harvard. It is easy to add the leftist tag to Ocampo and Maza but writers often omit to mention the proper political background of Villar, Noynoy and Gibo. Imagine the impact of this seemingly objective writing on how the public perceives progressive leaders like Ocampo and bourgeois politicians like Noynoy. Ocampo’s politics is immediately placed under debate because he is already identified as a leftist while Noynoy’s political leaning is overlooked because his family ties are given more attention. Ocampo’s motive as a public servant is already suspect because of his ideology while Noynoy is introduced as a sincere (and reluctant) politician who is not motivated by any ideology. Rejecting ideology, denying ideology are ideological acts.

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Gibo speaks in behalf of Arroyo; Noynoy speaks in behalf of his family; Villar speaks in behalf of his party. We do not see each one of them as representing the whole political right and center. Meanwhile, the left is treated as a monolithic political bloc. The actions of one section of the left are attributed to all leftists in the country. Ocampo and Maza are leaders of popular partylist groups Bayan Muna and Gabriela. But academics and commentators want Ocampo and Maza to speak in behalf of ALL leftists – whether they are striking workers, arrested rallyists, student protesters, evicted farmers, exiled communists, and armed rebels.

A leftist is guilty of being a leftist. A leftist is held responsible for the sins committed by dead and living leftists. The weakness of one leftist is blamed on all leftists.

Meanwhile, we do not hear mainstream commentators and academics asking mainstream politicians to pay for the sins of the ruling class. There are no class dictatorships; only evil dictators, selfish leaders, and warlord dynasties. The sins of Quezon are blamed on Quezon alone. The sins of Marcos are the burden of the Marcoses alone. Arroyo’s transgressions are hers alone. We do not speak of the political center and right when discussing these abominations. The forces of domestic reaction have not yet apologized for plunging the country into darkness in the past century.

The liberal right-wingers are always reminding the public about the alleged excesses and blunders of the left. They are obviously suffering from pathological narcissism. They refuse to remember and recognize the bloody record of their reactionary ancestors and conservative gurus.

FYI: Yes, the extreme left has already apologized for its past mistakes.

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Many writers have commented about the historic significance of the militant left’s endorsement for Villar. Let’s view it the other way around. A mainstream politician like Villar is willing to be openly endorsed by the left. A major candidate is not afraid to be identified with individuals who are accused by the military of supporting the rebel movement. A bourgeois party has two militant and anti-imperialist leftists in its senatorial ticket as adopted candidates.

According to a veteran activist, the left was ready to endorse Salonga in 1992 but the grand old man of Philippine politics requested the left not to publicize its endorsement. Was Salonga afraid that an endorsement from the left would alienate his voters? Maybe he was not impressed with the organized strength of the left.

Fast forward to 2009. Villar and other presidentiables have many good reasons to seek the support of the left. The electoral victories of the left in 2001, 2004 and 2007 signified many things: The left has a loyal following among the electorate; its progressive agenda is appreciated and supported by a core constituency; the red-baiting tactic of the state has lost its efficacy. An astute politician cannot afford to ignore the solid base of the left.

Villar’s brave decision to openly embrace a platform-based unity with the left has smashed the taboo in Philippine politics. From now on, the participation of the left will be expected in future electoral contests for top political posts.

But why Villar? Why not Noynoy?

The analysis of the left about the character of the Philippine political party system has not changed. The left continues to assert that politics in the country is dominated by the traditional elite. Villar and Noynoy are both members of the ruling class. If the left will endorse one of them, it should be based on the willingness of the candidate to promote a reform agenda. It was Villar who took the time to draft a document in response to the challenge of leftist groups to advance a people’s agenda in 2010. It was Villar who invited Ocampo and Maza to join his senatorial lineup as adopted candidates. Noynoy was never interested in seeking the support of the left. Maybe he wanted the left to endorse him quietly, a la Salonga in 1992. Noynoy and the mafia in the Liberal Party do not recognize and respect the political strength of the left.

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Ambitious apostates (John Pilger’s term for ex-activists) are protesting the decision of Ocampo and Maza to endorse the Villar-Legarda tandem. They criticized this act as a betrayal of revolutionary principles. They did not notice the irony in their remarks. The people who turned their backs on the movement and those who had tirelessly attacked the left are now concerned about the revolution.

Let us assume they are sincere in upholding the purity of the leftist movement. What revolutionary principles were violated by Ocampo and Maza? What revolutionary goal was abandoned?

The anti-left gang is mad not because the left endorsed a presidential candidate. They are mad because the left has refused to endorse Noynoy Aquino.

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The left is ridiculed for behaving like a religious cult. It’s not a new accusation. It’s often raised by writers and academics every time they want to attack the politics of the left. The intention is to mock the ‘fanatical attitude’ of leftists. But this reasoning has lost the power to insult. Here is a relevant quote from Slavoj Zizek: “Instead of adopting such a defensive stance, allowing the enemy to define the terrain of the struggle, what one should do is to reverse the strategy by fully endorsing what one is accused of: yes, there is a direct lineage from Christianity to Marxism; yes, Christianity and Marxism should fight on the same side of the barricade against the onslaught of new spritualisms – the authentic Christian legacy is much too precious to be left to the fundamentalist freaks.”

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According to French philosopher Alain Badiou, many liberal thinkers have this attitude towards the left: “As a public spectacle the Revolution is admirable, while its militants are contemptible.” There are many writers and intellectuals in the Philippines who are sympathetic to leftist causes but unkind and unfair to leftist militants. There are academics who are masters of subtlety and sarcasm when attacking trapos but blunt, brutal, and rude to leftist leaders. To borrow some words from the great economist Joseph Schumpeter, these anti-leftists “lack any organ for the perception of absurdity.”

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Posted in reds | Tagged , , | 42 Comments

Politics and immorality in Southeast Asia

By admin | December 28, 2009

“Immoral” rock concerts were banned in Malaysia. An “immoral” gay group was disqualified from participating in the Philippine elections. Immorality was blamed for the natural disasters that hit Indonesia this year. It seems public authorities are playing the morality card to uphold the dominant social order in many Southeast Asian countries.

To protect the morals of society, the youth arm of Pan Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS Youth) proposed the banning of the Michael Learns to Rock reunion concert in Malaysia last August. This is the same political party which banned the concerts of “indecent” music stars like Beyonce, Avril Lavigne and Gwen Stefani in Malaysia.

Malaysian Muslims also weren’t allowed to watch the Black Eyed Peas concert because the show was sponsored by an alcohol company.

PAS Youth accused the foreign artists of corrupting the minds of the public. The group claimed that these types of concerts “will not help motivate the people to become good citizens, but instead will weaken their morals and mental strength, and at the same time will drag them down to drown in the turbulence of lust.”

For promoting same-sex relationships, which are contrary to religious beliefs, the Philippine Commission on Elections has rejected the petition of gay group Ang Ladlad to be recognized as a party that can run in the 2010 elections. The poll body used religious texts like the Bible and Koran, instead of legal documents, to justify its ruling.

The Ang Ladlad group was described by the government election body as an immoral party because it espouses same-sex marriage and other equality demands of the Lesbians, gays, bisexuals, and transgender or LGBT sector.

Indonesia’s Communication and Information Minister Tifatul Sembiring surprised many when he asserted during a prayer meeting that the powerful quake that rocked Indonesia this year was due to declining public morals.

During an interview he said, “Television broadcasts that destroy morals are plentiful in this country and therefore disasters will continue to occur.” He cited the Indonesia-made porn DVDs which are available in street markets as proof of public decadence. His statement about the immorality-disaster link was supported by the influential Indonesian Ullema Council.

The concert ban in Malaysia, the anti-LGBT ruling in the Philippines, and the immorality equals earthquake thesis in Indonesia confirm the dominance of traditional and conservative values in modern Southeast Asian societies. Despite the economic and technological advances in the region, medieval thinking still reigns in many countries. Government bodies are still ruled by old bureaucrats who cling to feudal values and beliefs. Tech-savvy leaders like Tifatul Sembiring still espouse anti-scientific views.

Church leaders are expected to remind the faithful about the need to follow the teachings of their religion. On the other hand, public officials are not required to subscribe to a particular religious doctrine in fulfilling their constitutional duties. In fact, they are disallowed from using their power and position to advance and impose their religious beliefs on the public.

Secular institutions and public officials usurp the role of the church when they act as guardians of public morals. Their mandate is not to serve as spokespersons and proxies of church leaders. They should not behave like morality cops who dictate what is right and wrong for everybody. Asian countries may have won their political independence decades ago but many are still not free from the clutch of religious bigotry.

To maintain peace and order, governments always devise procedures to control the activities of their citizens. The morality card is being played to produce desirable attitudes, sentiments and behavior among the population.

Perhaps the morality issue is used today in response to the worsening global economic crisis. Governments are afraid that the jobless and hungry segments of the population will express their frustration through radical actions. By invoking morality, governments aim to discourage dissidence.

By banning concerts, denying equal rights and blaming immoral behavior for the occurrence of natural disasters, repressive governments with democratic trappings are hinting that they are ready to displease a certain segment of the population if it will serve their political interests.

Today, immorality is equated with rock stars, same-sex relationships and pornography. Soon the sin of immorality might be extended to all those who dare oppose the policies of the government. Moralist politicians want to normalize the practice of naming things they dislike as immoral. It is important to prevent the morality cops from monopolizing the debate on what constitutes moral and immoral behavior.

When hypocrites accuse our favorite rock stars of being immoral, we should advise them that they can choose not to listen to these immoral entertainers. When gay groups are disqualified from running for public office, we should appeal that all corrupt politicians should be prevented too from holding a public position.

Asserting equality demands is a moral right. Rejecting bigotry is a moral stand. Defying unjust policies is a moral act. If we are labeled as immoral because we refuse to surrender our principles, then by all means, let’s prove that sometimes promoting immorality can be the most subversive act we can achieve in our lifetime.

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Posted in east asia | Tagged , | Leave a comment

Travel tips. Travel habits

By admin | December 27, 2009

1. Always bring a book. Read a book in the pre-boarding gate. Read a book while waiting for delayed flights. Read a book inside the plane. Reading reduces stress. Reading distracts your mind from the bad plane food and lousy seatmates. When travelling, it is wise to go on high-tech fasting: don’t use your phones (save load and battery – they are needed in case of emergency), open your netbook only if it is really urgent. Do you really need to play the PSP again? Ok, use your iPod, but read while listening to a relaxing music. Choose a good book. Don’t read newspapers and magazines since you can access them online. Don’t read those glossy magazines which lower your self-esteem. Don’t read inflight magazines which entice you to buy non-essential goods. Read a good book. Por pabor: wag naman mga phony self-help books and compilation of pinoy jokes.

2. What to bring. Don’t forget these lifesavers: short umbrella, slippers, light jacket, cap, shorts, hand sanitizers, pen, notebook, Good Morning towels. Pack extra calling cards and political pamphlets. Don’t bring bottled water, snack food, condoms (if you’re married like me). Wear a facemask if you’re sick. Bring only decent underwear. Aba kung ma lost baggage ka, o kaya pag-initan ka sa custom at buksan ang bag mo, di ba nakakahiya kung butas ang brief o panty na dala mo?

3. Airport sanity. Be at the airport on time: one hour before time of departure for local flights and two hours for international flights. For smooth security inspection, keep your coins, phones, belt inside your handcarry bag. Expect long lines at the check-in counter. If you don’t have a check-in bag, proceed to the express lane. If you’re annoyed by the slow moving line, don’t lose your temper by holding on to a happy thought. It’s hassle to be accosted by the airport police. Always smile and hide your anger. Request a window seat for the view or an exit row for more leg room. During boarding time, don’t panic. Don’t join overeager passengers who want to be the first to board the plane. Remember, you won’t lose your seat because you have a seat number.

4. Money. Store the money needed for the taxi fare and terminal fee for your return trip in the hidden pocket of your bag. Don’t buy pasalubong items in the airport. Don’t buy pasalubong on the first day of your travel. Don’t be too excited, marami pang mas mura kang mahahanap. Don’t buy goods which you can already buy in your home city. Do you really need to buy pasalubong for everybody? Exchange your foreign currency at the airport. Sometimes, it is not unwise to buy duty-free products. But don’t buy chocolates. Sa mall ka na lang bumili.

5. No to fastfood. You’re a stranger in a strange city, province, or country. You’re hungry. You’re afraid to eat street food. Then you see McDonalds. What will you do? Don’t ever think about it. Resist! Ask locals for restaurant tips. Do your online homework. Research the recommended local food stores. Enjoy the native delicacies. Eduardo Galeano was right when he described fastfood as a “violation of cooking’s right to self-determination.” Bakit ka nga naman kakain sa Chowking kung may La Paz Batchoy naman sa Iloilo.

6. Don’t be an ignorant and arrogant tourist. Strive to know more about the places you visit. Talk to people. Read the local papers. Get a free copy of the local map. Respect the local traditions. Don’t overdress. Ask permission before taking pictures. And is it really important to take facebookable pictures? Sometimes, the picture-perfect moments are best left in our memories. Keep a travel diary. Explore the countryside. Use public transport.

7. Water transport. If you have a big delegation and you’re going to Visayas or Mindanao, a ship transport is a fun way of travelling. If there is enough time, consider riding a ship. Sea travel allows us to appreciate the archipelagic beauty of the Philippines. Yes, Manila Bay is polluted. But we must not forget that we are surrounded by clean sparkling waters. Visit these natural wonders, visit the islands (hindi lang Boracay ha). But I guess this mode of transport is no longer popular among urbanites like us who need to reach our destination fast so that we can immediately update our facebook status. It’s also unfortunate that maritime disasters often occur in the country.

8. Bus ride. If the ride is 5 hours or more, it is better to take the midnight trip. You can ride a bus to reach Visayas and Mindanao. Try it sometimes. It is a thrilling experience. Are there RoRo bloggers?

9. Railways. It is tragic that I can’t offer some tips on rail travel. How can I do that? We only have the MRT, LRT, and PNR – which are all located in Metro Manila.

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Posted in travel | Tagged , | 2 Comments