On fake Facebook accounts

By admin | October 9, 2021

Published by Bayan Metro Manila

The proliferation of fake Facebook accounts is meant to derail the growing public opposition against the draconian Terror Bill.

It is a crackdown targeting critics of the bill, activists, and Facebook users who are tagged in the arbitrary cyber dragnet unleashed by state operatives.

Those whose accounts were duplicated either signed online petitions against the bill, posted critical statements about the Duterte government, and liked/shared posts criticizing both the bill and the president.

This is the handiwork of a government-backed cyber army as evidenced by the systematic and massive coverage of the cyber crackdown.

The fake profiles can be manipulated which can be used later on as basis to file trumped-up cases against the real owners of the accounts.
The victims could become suspects under repressive laws such as the Cybercrime Prevention Act and the Human Security Act (or new Terror Law, if signed by Duterte).
Another objective is to instill fear among Internet users, discourage others to oppose the Terror Bill, and silence critical citizens even if they are not affiliated with any political group.

This is another reason why the Terror Bill must be rejected. The fake accounts can be used to accuse Facebook users of supporting or conspiring with suspected terrorist groups. Participation in an online protest can be lumped with other fabricated evidence to criminalize the political activities of netizens.

It is infuriating that instead of focusing on mass testing and contact tracing to contain COVID-19 cases, state operatives are carrying out illegal online surveillance operations. Their unlawful operation exposes the privacy of citizens and undermines the safety of Internet users.

Government agencies in charge of data privacy must investigate this cyber crackdown.
State-backed troll farms must be made accountable for hacking the identity of Internet users.

We call on legislators to withdraw their support for the Terror Law. They must be reminded that the BAHO Law which they passed with little scrutiny was used to run after online critics instead of improving the government’s response to COVID-19. What will stop authorities who are intolerant of dissent from using the Terror Law to arrest activists and members of the opposition?

Facebook is not known as a secure platform but it has an obligation to protect the identity of its users. It has to do more to prevent state forces from using its app to violate the rights of activists and critics of the government. It should commit to probe this cyber crackdown and inform stakeholders about the steps it will undertake to prevent an escalation of this massive hacking operation.

We ask the public to continue protesting against the Terror Bill. Citizens have every right to express their views online and offline. Criticizing bad governance is not a crime. Resisting tyranny is a legitimate form of political activity.

Let us make proactive steps to protect our online profiles as we continue to expose state trolls spreading hate and violence. Let us show our defiance against rising authoritarianism by joining the June 12 protest against the Terror Bill.

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A Brief History of Charter Change Attempts in the Philippines

By admin | October 4, 2021

Written for The Diplomat

Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte has reportedly instructed allies in Congress to begin proceedings aimed at amending the country’s constitution, fueling immediate speculation that he is aiming to extend his term beyond 2022.

Unlike in Myanmar and Thailand, where proposals to amend the constitution are often aimed at eroding the power of the military, in the Philippines, the push for “charter change,” as it is known locally, has always been instigated by politicians in power seeking to remove election term limits.

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A Philippine Plebiscite That Rebuked President Duterte and China

Written for The Diplomat

In a plebiscite held on March 13, voters on the Philippines’ Palawan island rejected a law signed by President Rodrigo Duterte, which would have divided it into three separate provinces. The result is seen as a rebuff to the political clans that sponsored the law. Opposition parties also claimed it as a small but symbolic victory against Duterte and China’s maritime aggression.

Palawan is the country’s largest province, located on the western corridor of the Southern Tagalog region. It is known for its ecotourism destinations and rich natural resources. The island is regarded as the country’s “last ecological frontier” but years of logging and mining activities have led to its rapid deterioration.

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On the proposed extension of emergency powers

By admin | September 14, 2021

Published by Bayan Metro Manila

Instead of deliberating the extension of the BAHO Law, Congress should spend its last session week by conducting an emergency probe on the bungled COVID-19 response of the government.

Congress should not simply accept the weekly reports of Malacanang without questioning its content.

But even if these reports are used as a basis to extend or even expand the emergency powers of the president, then Congress has more reasons to castigate the ineptitude of the government. The early reports were bereft of a detailed plan to fight COVID-19 while the succeeding ones exposed the slow distribution of relief and assistance to the vulnerable segments of the population. The reports also showed the slow roll-out of testing capacities across the country.

Duterte has enough powers as president to deal with the public health crisis. The BAHO law gave him a broader mandate to realign funds, expedite procurement, and mobilize the bureaucracy to strengthen the country’s preparedness in containing COVID-19.

But after two months of prolonged lockdown suffering, the country is nowhere near in flattening the coronavirus curve. Officials continue to provide conflicting views and data on mass testing, the delay and insufficient distribution of relief have exacerbated poverty and hunger levels, and lockdown-related human rights abuses have intensified.

Duterte has caused more confusion through his uninspiring and unscientific remarks during his late-night speeches. He directed state troops to attack lockdown ‘violators’. He blamed the opposition, activists, and the communist movement to downplay the shortcomings of his government.
The BAHO Law was weaponized to run after online critics of politicians.

Extending the BAHO Law is a nod of approval for the incompetence of the Duterte government. It is additional torture to citizens who remain blind and exposed to the COVID-19 threat because of the lack of mass testing programs and comprehensive medical response.

It is adding injury to those who lost a dear friend or family member because of lockdown restrictions and abuses. It is an insult to the poor who have yet to receive a cash subsidy from the government. It disregards the suffering of workers who had to contend with the government’s failure to properly plan how public transportation, local livelihood, and essential services will continue to be provided while mainland Luzon is under lockdown.

Congress should use its remaining sessions days to probe the extent of corruption after it handed out a lump sum amount to the office of the president. It should respond to the clamor of the public who are seeking accountability, transparency, and justice for the criminal negligence of the Duterte government.

Now is not the time to curry favors from Malacanang. Instead, legislators should listen to the suffering of their constituents and demand accountability from the Duterte government.

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Myanmar’s Coup: The View from Manila

By admin | August 30, 2021

Written for The Diplomat

News about last month’s coup d’etat in Myanmar prompted solidarity actions in Manila, which became more frequent after the Philippine government dissociated itself from the United Nations Human Rights Council statement expressing concern over the actions of the Tatmadaw.

The embarrassing actions of the Philippine government have been repudiated by democracy-loving Filipinos in several solidarity actions. This is not enough to end the coup but hopefully it can reach Myanmar’s protesters and assure them that Filipino activists are doing their part in challenging the authoritarian government of Duterte.

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What the Philippines Can Learn from Myanmar’s Election

Written for The Diplomat

The partial unofficial results of the United States elections were reported on November 8, which was also the same day Myanmar held its general election. Many Filipinos closely monitored the reelection bid of President Donald Trump, which they believe could serve as a guide on how to challenge the party of by President Rodrigo Duterte at the country’s next presidential election in 2022. Meanwhile, only a few bothered to comment about the significance of the Myanmar polls and how the continued dominance of the ruling National League for Democracy (NLD) could offer concrete lessons for the Philippines. There is a lot to say about the notorious populism of Trump and Duterte but the reelection of the NLD is a timely reminder that a government which has received international condemnation for human rights abuses can still tap popular domestic support in order to cling to power.

Myanmar’s political context is obviously different from the Philippines. An NLD victory does not necessarily mark a reverse of the country’s democratic transition, given that it represented another embarrassing defeat for the military-backed party. Nevertheless, Myanmar’s recent electoral experience provides several crucial lessons for both ruling and opposition parties in the Philippines, which they can apply in the run-up for the 2022 elections.

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Ang Wikang Filipino sa Kongreso

By admin | August 21, 2021

Published by Pinoy Weekly

Akala ng marami, bawal gamitin ang wikang Filipino sa Kongreso. Kapag may pulong ang komite o sesyon sa plenaryo, ang madalas na naririnig ay wikang Ingles. Ito ang pangunahing ginagamit ng mga mambabatas lalo na tuwing may debate o interpelasyon sa plenaryo.

Mali ba ito? Kung ang isang institusyo’y nagpapakilala bilang kinatawan ng mga mamamayang Pilipino, hindi ba’t akma lang na ang iba’t ibang wika ng bansa’y magkaroon ng silbi o papel sa loob nito? Na sa halip na wikang banyaga ang daluyan ng komunikasyon, wikang sarili ang prayoridad at may mga hakbang upang ang iba pang wika ng bansa’y ituturing bilang mga opisyal na wika tuwing deliberasyon sa Kongreso.

Subalit sinasalamin ng Kongreso ang nagpapatuloy na diskriminasyon laban sa pagtukoy sa wikang Filipino bilang wika ng mga edukado, propesyunal, at iba pang intelektuwal sa lipunan. Palibhasa’y pinamumunuan at pinamumugaran ng mga elitista na sanay sa paggamit ng wikang dayuhan sa kanilang pang araw-araw na transaksiyon sa opisina, negosyo o asyenda kaya may pagtingin na ang wikang Filipino’y hindi nababagay gamitin tuwing magkakaroon ng debate sa kapwa-mambabatas. Maaaring wikang Filipino ang bukambibig sa karaniwang mga usapan. Pero mabilis o awtomatikong napapalitan ito ng wikang Ingles kapag nakabukas na ang mikropono ng kapulungan.

Eh ano ba ang patakarang gumagabay sa Kongreso hinggil sa anong wika ang dapat gamitin ng mga miyembro nito?

Noong Agosto 16, 1988, nagtalumpati si Rep. Oscar Santos ng Quezon gamit ang wikang Filipino. Minungkahi ni Rep. James Chiongban ng South Cotabato na sa wikang Ingles magsalita si Santos. Ang sagot ng nagpapadaloy ng sesyon ay naaayon ang paggamit ng wikang Filipino bilang selebrasyon ng Buwan ng Wika. Tinanong ni Rep. Jose Yap ng Tarlac kung ito ba’y maaari ring gawin sa mga susunod na araw. At ang sagot ay oo, ang wikang Filipino ay wastong gamitin sa plenaryo.

Hindi ba’t kakatwa na kailangan pa ng opisyal na desisyon bago magkaroon ng kaliwanagan na nararapat lamang ang paggamit ng sariling wika sa Kongreso? At higit na kakatwa na sa bawat Kongreso ay laging may titindig upang magtanong kung nasa alituntunin ba ng institusyon ang pagsasalita sa wikang Filipino.

Maaaring isipin na tagumpay para sa pagsusulong ng wikang Filipino ang desisyong kumikilala sa kawastuhan ng paggamit ng wikang katutubo. Subalit bibihira ang mambabatas na mangangahas magsalita sa wikang Filipino sa plenaryo. Wala ring pagsasalin ng mga talumpati, buod ng mga debate, at panukalang batas sa wikang Filipino.

Noong 2 Mayo 1988, habang may interpelasyon sa pagitan nina Rep. Herminio S. Aquino ng Tarlac at Rep. Raul A. Daza ng Northern Samar gamit ang wikang Filipino, hiniling ni Rep. Antonio T. Bacaltos ng Cebu na isalin sa wikang Ingles ang kanilang usapan. Nilinaw ng nagpapadaloy ng sesyon na tanging mga talumpating binigkas sa wikang Filipino lamang tuwing ‘privilege hour’ ang pwedeng isalin sa wikang Ingles.

Samantala, nagkaroon ng kakaibang interpelasyon sa pagitan nina Rep. Celso L. Lobregat ng Zamboanga at Rep. Aleta S. Suarez ng Quezon noong Nobyembre 28, 2002 dahil nauwi ito sa paggamit ng wikang Cebuano Bisaya. Nagtanong si Rep. Raul L. Villareal ng Nueva Ecija kung ito ba ay tama at ang nakuha niyang sagot ay hindi, tanging wikang Ingles o Filipino lamang ang pwedeng gamitin ng mga mambabatas. Sa isang iglap, kung hindi man agad naunawaan ng kapulungan ang implikasyon ng desisyong ito, ay nawalan ng boses ang milyun-milyong katutubo at kahit ilang bahagi ng populasyon sa mga probinsiya na hindi pamilyar sa dalawang wikang nabanggit.

Mapapaisip tayo kung bakit sa kabila ng mabilis na pag-abante ng teknolohiya sa komunikasyon ay hindi nakabuo ang Kongreso ng programa kung paano isasalin ang deliberasyon sa plenaryo sa iba’t ibang wika ng bansa. Ilang dekada na itong praktika sa United Nations at puwede na itong gawin sa Pilipinas nang hindi mangangailangan ng malaking pondo o kumplikadong makinarya.

Ang laking pagkakaiba ng debate sa plenaryo at pagdinig sa mga komite kapag wikang Filipino ang ginagamit sa palitan ng mga diskurso. Mas ramdam ang emosyon, nakapokus ang atensyon ng mas marami, walang pagpipigil ng saloobin at iniisip, at tuwirang naipaparating ang mensahe sa publiko lalo na kung ito’y pinapalabas sa TV, radyo, o internet. Pero kadalasan, ang sesyon ay pinapaandar ng mga salitang tunog teknikal at dayuhan sa pandinig ng kamalayang Pilipino. Hindi rin kaaya-ayang pakinggan ang mga kalahok sa debate na tila humahabi ng mga argumentong walang salalayan sa rason o nagpapanggap na may alam sa sinasabi kahit baluktot na ang mga binibitawang salita sa wikang Ingles.

Hindi nakapagtataka kung bakit kaunti ang nagpapahayag ng interes kung ano ang nangyayari sa Kongreso. Bukod sa kontra-mamamayan ang karamihan sa mga batas na pinapasa rito, ang daluyan ng impormasyon ay sinasala ng wikang hindi mabilis na tumatagos sa pang-unawa ng publiko.

Hindi rin nakakagulat kung bakit napakadali para sa Kongreso ang maghain ng mga panukalang batas o resolusyong nagsasantabi sa wikang Filipino habang pinalalaki ang ambag ng wikang Ingles sa edukasyon ng mga kabataan. Ang ilan ay nagpapakalat pa nga ng lason sa kaisipan ng publiko tulad ng mga argumento na hindi pormal na wika ang Filipino dahil humihiram ng salita o kaya nama’y imposible itong gamitin sa pagtuturo ng agham at matematika.

Paano isusulong ang wikang Filipino kung ang mga kinatawan ng mamamayan ang mismong nangunguna sa pagpapababaw at pagpapalabnaw ng pagmamahal sa sarili nating kultura?

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Ayuda: Cash transfer scheme from consumers to big business

By admin | August 9, 2021

Published by Bayan Metro Manila

The government’s emergency Social Amelioration Program might end up as a cash transfer scheme from consumers to big corporations if bills continue to be collected during the pandemic
The cash aid is supposed to give immediate relief to displaced workers, the jobless, and those who belong to the informal economy. But the money handed out to the public might be used instead to pay utility bills as power, water, and phone companies have resumed their collection operations.

Many consumers were shocked to discover that their bills included unclear charges even if there was an earlier advisory that payment of bills will be postponed.

For many Metro Manila consumers, even the 8,000 pesos cash assistance might be insufficient to cover their two-month utility bills.

The SAP was not designed to allow affected residents to pay utility bills on time because there was an understanding that due dates will be extended. The SAP is a lifeline support intended to enable beneficiaries to buy essential goods like food and medicine.

But because of the delay and bureaucratic mess in the distribution of money, the SAP arrived at a time when many households also started receiving bills from utility companies.

The SAP might end up as a ‘bailout package’ for big corporations as consumers are advised to settle their obligations once the ECQ is lifted next month. It could even mutate into a people’s ‘ambagan’ to ensure the profitability of big corporations.

Last April, we asked utility companies to pledge their Corporate Social Responsibility this year by charging zero to consumers while the ECQ is in effect. It is a humanitarian response during a public health crisis.

We reiterate this demand as we call the government to promote consumer welfare by working with utility corporations on how emergency funds can be tapped to provide a big discount to the public.

Making ‘zero bill’ possible is a concrete measure that the government can negotiate with big corporations. This is the least it can do after prolonging the lockdown suffering of the public and its failure to provide a comprehensive medical and social reform program to deal with COVID-19.

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IFEX Asia -Pacific Regional Brief: August, September, October 2020

By admin | July 31, 2021

August 2020: #AttacksWontSilenceUs: Resisting media raids, internet shutdown, and online violence in Hong Kong, Kashmir, and Pakistan. The democratic space continues to shrink in Hong Kong, Kashmir marks a year of losing its special autonomy status while internet connections are still restricted, India bans Chinese apps including TikTok, Thailand has started arresting student activists, and Pakistani women journalists push back against online violence. Read more

September 2020: Thailand’s biggest democracy protest, resisting digital abuse in Pakistan, and crackdown on activists in Cambodia and India. The youth of Thailand continue to lead the movement calling for democracy and monarchy reforms. Pakistani women journalists are speaking out against digital abuse and sexual violence. Myanmar clamps down on free speech ahead of an important election. And dozens of activists in India and Cambodia have been arrested for their role in local protests. Read more

October 2020: Across South Asia, rage and defiance against the Thai monarchy, Indonesia’s new labor law, and rape. October has been marked by expressions of rage and defiance. Thai youth protesters continue to clamor for democracy, Indonesian workers are up in arms against a repressive law, Myanmar ethnic communities are challenging a flawed election system, and a wave of anti-rape protests has swept Bangladesh, Pakistan, and India. Read more

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The sins of Sinas and other ‘pasaway’ generals

By admin | July 24, 2021

Published by Bayan Metro Manila

NCRPO chief Major General Debold Sinas should be made accountable for clear violation of ECQ rules when he allowed a ‘spontaneous’ mañanita to celebrate his 55th birthday. At the very least, he should step down while an internal probe is being conducted.

Sinas no longer has the credibility to enforce quarantine rules when his loyal well-wishers gathered for his birthday without observing proper social distancing protocols. It is also insensitive for public officials to organize a party and flaunt it on social media when millions are suffering from hunger, deprivation, and isolation.

Under Sinas’ watch, Metro Manila became a hotspot for human rights abuses. Lockdown restrictions led to draconian control of the population, overkill deployment of troops in communities, and imposition of harsh penalties on so-called pasaway or quarantine violators. Tens of thousands of desperate individuals seeking food, aid, and jobs were slapped with fines and even spurious charges for alleged ECQ violations. The Sinas’ approach not only failed to flatten the COVID-19 curve but also exacerbated the living conditions of Metro Manila residents.

Sinas is Duterte’s brutal enforcer who is remorseless in undermining civil liberties and subverting due processes. He is accused of masterminding the relentless attacks on peasant communities in Negros.

When he was deployed in Metro Manila, he quickly gained notoriety for the raids he conducted targeting leaders and community organizers of Bayan Metro Manila. Trumped-up charges based on fabricated evidence were used to detain five of our comrades from Gabriela, Kilusang Mayo Uno, and Kadamay.

He continued to use terror tactics in demonizing people’s organizations which are campaigning against the Manila Bay reclamation.

Sinas must answer for the ECQ violation, but we must also not forget his key role in militarizing the government’s COVID-19 response, and the human rights abuses conducted by troops under his command.

Pasaway generals

Sinas joins other Duterte generals who also made controversial remarks and actions in recent months.

AFP chief Felimon Santos was castigated for writing a letter to China for his request to avail of COVID-19 medicines. This was seen as improper at a time when the government has filed a diplomatic protest against China’s illegal incursions on Philippine maritime territories. One of the few who defended him was Senator Bato dela Rosa, the Tokhang general who led the bloody anti-drug campaign in 2016 and 2017.

Several retired generals in the Cabinet were quick to deny that the shutdown of ABS CBN was an attack on press freedom. They even defended the malicious propaganda of the government’s anti-communist task force even if this was based on lies and fake news. They were joined by the likes of Antonio Parlade of the Southern Luzon Command who even threatened the public with martial law declaration if critics will continue to decry the demise of press freedom.

These pasaway generals reflect the berdugo and tuta mentality of the commander-in-chief, the president who bungled the COVID-19 response with his criminal negligence and militarist type of governance. Duterte and these generals seek to dismiss public accountability by blaming the communist movement for the COVID-19 crisis. They are aware of the rising people’s anger that is why they are desperately instilling fear and brutal lockdown measures.

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Victim blaming the people’s resistance

By admin | July 17, 2021

Published by Bulatat

The mere existence of a revolutionary movement provokes non-stop conservative reprisals.

Counterrevolutionaries are dogmatic in rejecting the right to dissent since their ultimate aim is the complete subjugation of the people’s struggle.

They equate the presence of radical activists with criminal destabilization. They see conspiracies, vicious plots, and a Red menace. Hence, the fanatical mobilization of reactionary forces to dispel the communist threat.

Their desperation is betrayed by the absurd contradiction in their propaganda. On one hand, the Left is ridiculed as weak, obsolete, and a nuisance; but it is also deemed powerful enough to influence and infiltrate domestic and global institutions on the other. If it is indeed irrelevant, why wage a brutal and costly crackdown on a supposedly dead and dying movement?

Under a so-called liberal pluralist democracy, there should be nothing unusual with the Left pursuing its political agenda. But in the Philippines, this is condemned as either opportunism or terrorism. If it is espousing a bread and butter issue, it is accused of manipulating the masses. If it succeeds in sending its leaders to public office, it is criticized for exploiting the flawed electoral system. If it negotiates for political and economic reforms, it is denounced for collaborating with the class enemy.

In the eyes of its rival political forces, the Left is incapable of being correct. It is cursed for clinging to the bad side of history, and its presence is described as an aberration in the political landscape.

The anti-Left spreads the narrative that the rise of a radical social movement undermines progress since it is a disruption in the social order. The spin is that mainstream politics is on the path of making great strides in bringing wealth and equality in society but this was hijacked by the destructive emergence of the Left.

Politicians are experts in articulating this unscientific argument. They blame the people’s resistance for causing social ills as if the system were just and equitable before the Left conspired to destroy it. They insinuate that the people’s struggle is instigating terror. It is convenient for them to scapegoat activism instead of acknowledging their criminal liability in perpetuating a state of mass poverty.

If we follow the logical conclusion of this reasoning, poverty can be solved by removing those who are agitating for social transformation. The corrupt bureaucracy will cease to rely on patronage politics if the threat of the Left is eliminated. Participatory democracy will thrive if the militant Left is sidelined.

Over the years, anti-Left discourse has become more sophisticated.

For example, some scholars and analysts would identify the longevity of the communist revolution in the Philippines and compare it with either the complete defeat or legalization of the Communist Parties in some rich Asian nations. They use the fact about the continuing revolutionary struggle to argue that it is a major obstacle to the growth of the Philippine economy and democracy.

This perspective is echoed by anti-Left ideologues who make similar assertions in justifying the government’s bloody all-out-war against the communist movement.

It may sound scholarly but it is based on partisan assumptions, malicious speculation, and selective use of facts.

Is the long-running communist struggle really to blame for the country’s underdevelopment? There are many unique features in Philippine society but why single out the national democratic revolution in probing the flaws of the local political economy? It is erroneous to make a simplistic comparative analysis of countries without providing a proper description of the local context.

If we adopt the same narrow framework, perhaps we should cite the Roman Catholic religion for hindering modernity. After all, the Philippines is the only country in Asia (aside from Timor-Leste) with a Catholic-majority population.

Why should the work of communists get the main credit for the country’s postwar trajectory and not the legacy of the two hundred political dynasties with uninterrupted control of local politics?

Why should the revolutionary agenda of the CPP-NPA-NDF get the blame for enabling the rise of plunderers and fascists and not the real existing anti-people programs, policies, and laws of repressive elected governments?

Why should communities resisting development aggression be subjected to cruel denunciation and not the corrupt mercenaries, the warlords, and their apologists?

Why should those defending rights and building democracy in the grassroots are being ordered to renounce violence and not the perpetrators of state terror?

The system has normalized violence yet what is put into the spotlight for fueling conflict is the collective action of the masses.

Reactionary scholars are horrified by the half-century struggle of the Left but refuse to mention the appalling conditions that engendered armed resistance. What is 50 years of the Left compared to the centuries of colonial domination, a century of imperialist meddling, and the unbroken rule of oligarchs?

Absent a comprehensive critique of the political economy and we will end up pinning the blame for the state of affairs on certain institutions, personalities, and groups without tackling power, justice, accountability, and social change. We will be mimicking the work of anti-Left scholars who are obsessed with nitpicking the history and prospect of the revolution as if the ‘excesses’ they analyzed are equal to what the ruling elite has done in society.

The Left offers an alternative through its holistic grasp of history and dialectics, and its grounded version of reality. It understands the role of individuals, institutions, and forces in the overall functioning of a class-based system whose history is rooted in colonial conquest, imperialist control, and feudal oppression.

This line of thought puts the blame entirely on a violent system of exploitation but it also provides a blueprint of destroying this behemoth and a vision inspiring us to keep on struggling for a new and better future.

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A Deadly and Disastrous 2020 for the Philippines

By admin | July 9, 2021

Written for The Diplomat

A major volcanic eruption, massive flooding in several regions, surging COVID-19 cases, and a worsening human rights situation are among the disasters that made the lives of Filipinos more miserable in 2020.

Guilty or not for exacerbating the suffering of Filipinos in 2020, Duterte is facing a potentially tougher challenge in 2021 as the economic crisis continues to unravel while political parties compete for the support of voters ahead of the 2022 presidential elections. Opposition forces are expected to be more vigorous in pushing for accountability after the International Criminal Court’s chief prosecutor declared this month that they have found “reasonable basis to believe” that Duterte’s war on drugs is responsible for crimes against humanity.

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How Duterte’s Anti-Terror Law Unleashed Public Outrage Against His Leadership

Written for The Diplomat

Widespread opposition to the recently signed anti-terror law in the Philippines reflects deeper public dissatisfaction over the government of President Rodrigo Duterte

The voting in Congress mirrored the divided opinion in the country as dozens in the so-called “super majority” either abstained or voted against the bill. Around 20 legislators changed their affirmative votes due to the public backlash.

On July 27, Duterte will deliver his fifth state of the nation address. His speech will probably highlight how his government responded to the COVID-19 crisis. But will he also talk about the anti-terror law and how its passage unleashed an unprecedented opposition that could pose a serious threat to his presidency?

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