Duterte’s Forgotten Federalism Agenda is Dead

Published by The Diplomat

The Philippine Congress adjourned its sessions this month without tackling bills on federalism, a key legislative proposal of President Rodrigo Duterte since his campaign for president in 2016.

It is Duterte’s prerogative to name the priorities of his government as he enters his last year in office. Today, he can afford to be mum about what happened to the federalism proposal but he cannot remain silent once voters – especially those who supported him in the provinces – begin demanding an explanation during next year’s presidential campaign.

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Will Corruption Bring Down the Philippines’ Duterte Government?

Published by The Diplomat

Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte has so far survived accusations that his government’s “war on drugs” led to crimes against humanity and that his close ties with Beijing, despite China’s military build up in the West Philippine Sea (South China Sea), have undermined the country’s sovereignty. But can his government withstand a major corruption issue which is now being probed in the Senate?

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IFEX Regional Briefs: November and December 2020

November 2020: Media killings, zines promoting women’s empowerment, and the dangers of criticizing monarchies. Six journalists were killed in November across the Asia-Pacific. The past month also saw the further erosion of civic space in Thailand and Malaysia where citizens faced persecution for speaking out about the royal family in their respective countries. Opposition legislators were removed in Hong Kong, which was followed by the resignation of the pro-democracy bloc, and reflected the government’s crackdown on dissenting voices. Read more

December 2020: Deadly December: Media killings, political crackdown, and attacks on women journalists in Asia. A violent ending during the year of the pandemic. Media killings reflected the continuing impunity in Afghanistan. Crackdown worsened in Hong Kong. And several women journalists were harassed, arrested, and killed for simply fulfilling their work. Read more

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The rich not the poor should stop playing the victim

Published by Manila Today

Everybody suffers during an economic downturn. Less profit for the rich, reduced luxuries for the middle class, and precarious living for the poor and minimum wage workers. But when the troubling indicators of the economy are replaced by what is often referred to in mainstream media as ‘strong fundamentals’, the rich and their social climbing apologists ridicule the poor for whining like ‘crybabies’ and helpless victims.

The poor are accused of flaunting their poverty and laying the blame for their tragic situation in life entirely on the government instead of accepting responsibility by finding work or livelihood. This is an elitist perspective but it is commonly used even by the middle class to mock the poor.

Indeed, the suffering of the poor is often highlighted to expose the failure of the economic system to uplift the conditions of everybody. But when the poor speak out about their miseries, they merely reveal what they endure every day. They do not assume to know more about the ‘inconvenient truths’ of modern living or how others are faring in life.

Contrast this to the rich and their ambitious acolytes who invoke the name of the poor every time they resist a government regulation or enjoin the public in ranting against various social evils.

The rich, not the poor, are actually guilty of complaining too much while raising imagined specters of unruly crowds to get what they want.

They want to have their cake and grab more cakes from everybody while pointing the finger at the hungry poor for desiring to eat some cake.

Consider how they react to the demand of workers for a wage hike. Capitalists manifest their resistance by painting a gloom scenario about the impact of a minimal wage increase. They warn about job losses, factory closures, and rising prices. They even claim that the proposal is anti-poor. Yet what they are not really admitting is that they refuse to cut down their earnings and allow workers to get a slightly bigger share of the company profits.

Perhaps the unspoken awareness of the inequality that they are perpetuating makes them fearful of a coming retribution. It drives them to highlight the deteriorating peace and order situation caused by the alleged anti-social activities of the poor. They spread hysteria over rising criminality which they use to justify the implementation of overkill and repressive police measures. They normalize segregation in society by building higher walls and stronger fences, and installing ubiquitous Big Brother instruments all over the city to monitor the suspicious behavior of the poor. They succeed in redirecting public gaze over what the poor are doing instead of the supposedly victimless crimes committed by their friends.

Mention the breakdown of law and order and the first thing to be emphasized in media reports, school papers, and government advisories are the petty crimes that the poor are doing. Not the plunder of our nation’s wealth, not the displacement of small farmers and indigenous peoples from their lands, not the smuggling and trafficking of banned goods.

Recently, even the harmless act of being a ‘tambay’ was criminalized and endorsed by a paranoid ruling class which considers it as a preemptive strike against what the vengeful poor might do to the sons and daughters of rich families.

It is also convenient to blame the poor for the social problems which cause suffering to everyone. For example, the rich pretend that they empathize with the common tao when they condemn the worsening traffic and pollution but their preferred solution is to evict the poor from their homes.

Complain about ‘Carmageddon’ and then convince the riding public that it’s the effect of motorists, pedestrians, and street vendors lacking discipline; and not because of the importing of too many cars and the absence of a reliable mass transportation system.

Raise alarm over garbage pollution and then highlight the dirty lifestyle of the poor in the streets and informal settlers living near waterways. Ignore the factories producing industrial waste, real estate projects that flatten hills and pour cement over our coasts, and prime investments that target our forests and watersheds.

Instead of cleaning up their acts, the rich express concern for the environment by feigning helplessness over the seeming indifference of the poor about the garbage they are producing.

Then, if the poor understand how their impoverishment is linked to bad governance and class oppression, they are quickly repudiated by reminding them that they are responsible for selling their votes to incompetent politicians. Their bad voting decision is compared to the supposedly intelligent voting behavior of the rich and educated. The poor ‘bobotante’ get what they deserve but they also prevent the rich from electing visionary leaders who can lead and transform the country for the better.

But what choices do voters have? Political dynasties, despotic landlords, warlords, and greedy capitalists? Besides, the voters might be more than wise enough to know that their votes don’t matter anyway in an electoral and political system designed to uphold elite rule.

It is the rich who are the real ‘bobotante’: campaign donors of trapos, enablers of political patronage, cronies, and influence-peddlers.

Defending the privilege of the rich is legitimized by glorifying the lives of some tycoons. They claim that they became wealthy through hard work and by making a lot of sacrifice in life. The poor are told that self-pity is futile and that they should be inspired by the success stories of some self-made billionaires.

What is wrong and unfair in this assertion is that it depicts the poor as lazy simpletons who are not dreaming or working hard enough to overcome their poverty. It reinforces the propaganda that the poor have no one to blame but themselves if they remain trapped in the intergenerational cycle of destitution. It denies the existence of structural causes that allow the rich to accumulate more riches at the expense of the working poor. It buries the long history of how a cabal of ambitious and money-hungry individuals conspired with other powerful blocs in society that led to the systematic pauperization of the working classes.

Since they own and control the opinion-making institutions, the rich project their fears by persuading the rest of society to share the same sentiments. They condition our minds to distrust any attempt by the poor to dismantle the forces that institutionalize inequality and injustice. They constantly warn about the destructive mob, the anarchy from below, and the need to quell discontent.

But we should ask ourselves this: Who benefits from aligning our interest with the aspirations of the wealthy who had all the resources and opportunity to remake society but failed or refused to act, and instead chose to thwart all the grassroots challenge to the present by demonizing it as a threat to so-called modern peace, prosperity, and social harmony?

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On fake Facebook accounts

Published by Bayan Metro Manila

The proliferation of fake Facebook accounts is meant to derail the growing public opposition against the draconian Terror Bill.

It is a crackdown targeting critics of the bill, activists, and Facebook users who are tagged in the arbitrary cyber dragnet unleashed by state operatives.

Those whose accounts were duplicated either signed online petitions against the bill, posted critical statements about the Duterte government, and liked/shared posts criticizing both the bill and the president.

This is the handiwork of a government-backed cyber army as evidenced by the systematic and massive coverage of the cyber crackdown.

The fake profiles can be manipulated which can be used later on as basis to file trumped-up cases against the real owners of the accounts.
The victims could become suspects under repressive laws such as the Cybercrime Prevention Act and the Human Security Act (or new Terror Law, if signed by Duterte).
Another objective is to instill fear among Internet users, discourage others to oppose the Terror Bill, and silence critical citizens even if they are not affiliated with any political group.

This is another reason why the Terror Bill must be rejected. The fake accounts can be used to accuse Facebook users of supporting or conspiring with suspected terrorist groups. Participation in an online protest can be lumped with other fabricated evidence to criminalize the political activities of netizens.

It is infuriating that instead of focusing on mass testing and contact tracing to contain COVID-19 cases, state operatives are carrying out illegal online surveillance operations. Their unlawful operation exposes the privacy of citizens and undermines the safety of Internet users.

Government agencies in charge of data privacy must investigate this cyber crackdown.
State-backed troll farms must be made accountable for hacking the identity of Internet users.

We call on legislators to withdraw their support for the Terror Law. They must be reminded that the BAHO Law which they passed with little scrutiny was used to run after online critics instead of improving the government’s response to COVID-19. What will stop authorities who are intolerant of dissent from using the Terror Law to arrest activists and members of the opposition?

Facebook is not known as a secure platform but it has an obligation to protect the identity of its users. It has to do more to prevent state forces from using its app to violate the rights of activists and critics of the government. It should commit to probe this cyber crackdown and inform stakeholders about the steps it will undertake to prevent an escalation of this massive hacking operation.

We ask the public to continue protesting against the Terror Bill. Citizens have every right to express their views online and offline. Criticizing bad governance is not a crime. Resisting tyranny is a legitimate form of political activity.

Let us make proactive steps to protect our online profiles as we continue to expose state trolls spreading hate and violence. Let us show our defiance against rising authoritarianism by joining the June 12 protest against the Terror Bill.

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A Brief History of Charter Change Attempts in the Philippines

Written for The Diplomat

Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte has reportedly instructed allies in Congress to begin proceedings aimed at amending the country’s constitution, fueling immediate speculation that he is aiming to extend his term beyond 2022.

Unlike in Myanmar and Thailand, where proposals to amend the constitution are often aimed at eroding the power of the military, in the Philippines, the push for “charter change,” as it is known locally, has always been instigated by politicians in power seeking to remove election term limits.

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A Philippine Plebiscite That Rebuked President Duterte and China

Written for The Diplomat

In a plebiscite held on March 13, voters on the Philippines’ Palawan island rejected a law signed by President Rodrigo Duterte, which would have divided it into three separate provinces. The result is seen as a rebuff to the political clans that sponsored the law. Opposition parties also claimed it as a small but symbolic victory against Duterte and China’s maritime aggression.

Palawan is the country’s largest province, located on the western corridor of the Southern Tagalog region. It is known for its ecotourism destinations and rich natural resources. The island is regarded as the country’s “last ecological frontier” but years of logging and mining activities have led to its rapid deterioration.

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On the proposed extension of emergency powers

Published by Bayan Metro Manila

Instead of deliberating the extension of the BAHO Law, Congress should spend its last session week by conducting an emergency probe on the bungled COVID-19 response of the government.

Congress should not simply accept the weekly reports of Malacanang without questioning its content.

But even if these reports are used as a basis to extend or even expand the emergency powers of the president, then Congress has more reasons to castigate the ineptitude of the government. The early reports were bereft of a detailed plan to fight COVID-19 while the succeeding ones exposed the slow distribution of relief and assistance to the vulnerable segments of the population. The reports also showed the slow roll-out of testing capacities across the country.

Duterte has enough powers as president to deal with the public health crisis. The BAHO law gave him a broader mandate to realign funds, expedite procurement, and mobilize the bureaucracy to strengthen the country’s preparedness in containing COVID-19.

But after two months of prolonged lockdown suffering, the country is nowhere near in flattening the coronavirus curve. Officials continue to provide conflicting views and data on mass testing, the delay and insufficient distribution of relief have exacerbated poverty and hunger levels, and lockdown-related human rights abuses have intensified.

Duterte has caused more confusion through his uninspiring and unscientific remarks during his late-night speeches. He directed state troops to attack lockdown ‘violators’. He blamed the opposition, activists, and the communist movement to downplay the shortcomings of his government.
The BAHO Law was weaponized to run after online critics of politicians.

Extending the BAHO Law is a nod of approval for the incompetence of the Duterte government. It is additional torture to citizens who remain blind and exposed to the COVID-19 threat because of the lack of mass testing programs and comprehensive medical response.

It is adding injury to those who lost a dear friend or family member because of lockdown restrictions and abuses. It is an insult to the poor who have yet to receive a cash subsidy from the government. It disregards the suffering of workers who had to contend with the government’s failure to properly plan how public transportation, local livelihood, and essential services will continue to be provided while mainland Luzon is under lockdown.

Congress should use its remaining sessions days to probe the extent of corruption after it handed out a lump sum amount to the office of the president. It should respond to the clamor of the public who are seeking accountability, transparency, and justice for the criminal negligence of the Duterte government.

Now is not the time to curry favors from Malacanang. Instead, legislators should listen to the suffering of their constituents and demand accountability from the Duterte government.

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Myanmar’s Coup: The View from Manila

Written for The Diplomat

News about last month’s coup d’etat in Myanmar prompted solidarity actions in Manila, which became more frequent after the Philippine government dissociated itself from the United Nations Human Rights Council statement expressing concern over the actions of the Tatmadaw.

The embarrassing actions of the Philippine government have been repudiated by democracy-loving Filipinos in several solidarity actions. This is not enough to end the coup but hopefully it can reach Myanmar’s protesters and assure them that Filipino activists are doing their part in challenging the authoritarian government of Duterte.

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What the Philippines Can Learn from Myanmar’s Election

Written for The Diplomat

The partial unofficial results of the United States elections were reported on November 8, which was also the same day Myanmar held its general election. Many Filipinos closely monitored the reelection bid of President Donald Trump, which they believe could serve as a guide on how to challenge the party of by President Rodrigo Duterte at the country’s next presidential election in 2022. Meanwhile, only a few bothered to comment about the significance of the Myanmar polls and how the continued dominance of the ruling National League for Democracy (NLD) could offer concrete lessons for the Philippines. There is a lot to say about the notorious populism of Trump and Duterte but the reelection of the NLD is a timely reminder that a government which has received international condemnation for human rights abuses can still tap popular domestic support in order to cling to power.

Myanmar’s political context is obviously different from the Philippines. An NLD victory does not necessarily mark a reverse of the country’s democratic transition, given that it represented another embarrassing defeat for the military-backed party. Nevertheless, Myanmar’s recent electoral experience provides several crucial lessons for both ruling and opposition parties in the Philippines, which they can apply in the run-up for the 2022 elections.

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Ang Wikang Filipino sa Kongreso

Published by Pinoy Weekly

Akala ng marami, bawal gamitin ang wikang Filipino sa Kongreso. Kapag may pulong ang komite o sesyon sa plenaryo, ang madalas na naririnig ay wikang Ingles. Ito ang pangunahing ginagamit ng mga mambabatas lalo na tuwing may debate o interpelasyon sa plenaryo.

Mali ba ito? Kung ang isang institusyo’y nagpapakilala bilang kinatawan ng mga mamamayang Pilipino, hindi ba’t akma lang na ang iba’t ibang wika ng bansa’y magkaroon ng silbi o papel sa loob nito? Na sa halip na wikang banyaga ang daluyan ng komunikasyon, wikang sarili ang prayoridad at may mga hakbang upang ang iba pang wika ng bansa’y ituturing bilang mga opisyal na wika tuwing deliberasyon sa Kongreso.

Subalit sinasalamin ng Kongreso ang nagpapatuloy na diskriminasyon laban sa pagtukoy sa wikang Filipino bilang wika ng mga edukado, propesyunal, at iba pang intelektuwal sa lipunan. Palibhasa’y pinamumunuan at pinamumugaran ng mga elitista na sanay sa paggamit ng wikang dayuhan sa kanilang pang araw-araw na transaksiyon sa opisina, negosyo o asyenda kaya may pagtingin na ang wikang Filipino’y hindi nababagay gamitin tuwing magkakaroon ng debate sa kapwa-mambabatas. Maaaring wikang Filipino ang bukambibig sa karaniwang mga usapan. Pero mabilis o awtomatikong napapalitan ito ng wikang Ingles kapag nakabukas na ang mikropono ng kapulungan.

Eh ano ba ang patakarang gumagabay sa Kongreso hinggil sa anong wika ang dapat gamitin ng mga miyembro nito?

Noong Agosto 16, 1988, nagtalumpati si Rep. Oscar Santos ng Quezon gamit ang wikang Filipino. Minungkahi ni Rep. James Chiongban ng South Cotabato na sa wikang Ingles magsalita si Santos. Ang sagot ng nagpapadaloy ng sesyon ay naaayon ang paggamit ng wikang Filipino bilang selebrasyon ng Buwan ng Wika. Tinanong ni Rep. Jose Yap ng Tarlac kung ito ba’y maaari ring gawin sa mga susunod na araw. At ang sagot ay oo, ang wikang Filipino ay wastong gamitin sa plenaryo.

Hindi ba’t kakatwa na kailangan pa ng opisyal na desisyon bago magkaroon ng kaliwanagan na nararapat lamang ang paggamit ng sariling wika sa Kongreso? At higit na kakatwa na sa bawat Kongreso ay laging may titindig upang magtanong kung nasa alituntunin ba ng institusyon ang pagsasalita sa wikang Filipino.

Maaaring isipin na tagumpay para sa pagsusulong ng wikang Filipino ang desisyong kumikilala sa kawastuhan ng paggamit ng wikang katutubo. Subalit bibihira ang mambabatas na mangangahas magsalita sa wikang Filipino sa plenaryo. Wala ring pagsasalin ng mga talumpati, buod ng mga debate, at panukalang batas sa wikang Filipino.

Noong 2 Mayo 1988, habang may interpelasyon sa pagitan nina Rep. Herminio S. Aquino ng Tarlac at Rep. Raul A. Daza ng Northern Samar gamit ang wikang Filipino, hiniling ni Rep. Antonio T. Bacaltos ng Cebu na isalin sa wikang Ingles ang kanilang usapan. Nilinaw ng nagpapadaloy ng sesyon na tanging mga talumpating binigkas sa wikang Filipino lamang tuwing ‘privilege hour’ ang pwedeng isalin sa wikang Ingles.

Samantala, nagkaroon ng kakaibang interpelasyon sa pagitan nina Rep. Celso L. Lobregat ng Zamboanga at Rep. Aleta S. Suarez ng Quezon noong Nobyembre 28, 2002 dahil nauwi ito sa paggamit ng wikang Cebuano Bisaya. Nagtanong si Rep. Raul L. Villareal ng Nueva Ecija kung ito ba ay tama at ang nakuha niyang sagot ay hindi, tanging wikang Ingles o Filipino lamang ang pwedeng gamitin ng mga mambabatas. Sa isang iglap, kung hindi man agad naunawaan ng kapulungan ang implikasyon ng desisyong ito, ay nawalan ng boses ang milyun-milyong katutubo at kahit ilang bahagi ng populasyon sa mga probinsiya na hindi pamilyar sa dalawang wikang nabanggit.

Mapapaisip tayo kung bakit sa kabila ng mabilis na pag-abante ng teknolohiya sa komunikasyon ay hindi nakabuo ang Kongreso ng programa kung paano isasalin ang deliberasyon sa plenaryo sa iba’t ibang wika ng bansa. Ilang dekada na itong praktika sa United Nations at puwede na itong gawin sa Pilipinas nang hindi mangangailangan ng malaking pondo o kumplikadong makinarya.

Ang laking pagkakaiba ng debate sa plenaryo at pagdinig sa mga komite kapag wikang Filipino ang ginagamit sa palitan ng mga diskurso. Mas ramdam ang emosyon, nakapokus ang atensyon ng mas marami, walang pagpipigil ng saloobin at iniisip, at tuwirang naipaparating ang mensahe sa publiko lalo na kung ito’y pinapalabas sa TV, radyo, o internet. Pero kadalasan, ang sesyon ay pinapaandar ng mga salitang tunog teknikal at dayuhan sa pandinig ng kamalayang Pilipino. Hindi rin kaaya-ayang pakinggan ang mga kalahok sa debate na tila humahabi ng mga argumentong walang salalayan sa rason o nagpapanggap na may alam sa sinasabi kahit baluktot na ang mga binibitawang salita sa wikang Ingles.

Hindi nakapagtataka kung bakit kaunti ang nagpapahayag ng interes kung ano ang nangyayari sa Kongreso. Bukod sa kontra-mamamayan ang karamihan sa mga batas na pinapasa rito, ang daluyan ng impormasyon ay sinasala ng wikang hindi mabilis na tumatagos sa pang-unawa ng publiko.

Hindi rin nakakagulat kung bakit napakadali para sa Kongreso ang maghain ng mga panukalang batas o resolusyong nagsasantabi sa wikang Filipino habang pinalalaki ang ambag ng wikang Ingles sa edukasyon ng mga kabataan. Ang ilan ay nagpapakalat pa nga ng lason sa kaisipan ng publiko tulad ng mga argumento na hindi pormal na wika ang Filipino dahil humihiram ng salita o kaya nama’y imposible itong gamitin sa pagtuturo ng agham at matematika.

Paano isusulong ang wikang Filipino kung ang mga kinatawan ng mamamayan ang mismong nangunguna sa pagpapababaw at pagpapalabnaw ng pagmamahal sa sarili nating kultura?

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Ayuda: Cash transfer scheme from consumers to big business

Published by Bayan Metro Manila

The government’s emergency Social Amelioration Program might end up as a cash transfer scheme from consumers to big corporations if bills continue to be collected during the pandemic
The cash aid is supposed to give immediate relief to displaced workers, the jobless, and those who belong to the informal economy. But the money handed out to the public might be used instead to pay utility bills as power, water, and phone companies have resumed their collection operations.

Many consumers were shocked to discover that their bills included unclear charges even if there was an earlier advisory that payment of bills will be postponed.

For many Metro Manila consumers, even the 8,000 pesos cash assistance might be insufficient to cover their two-month utility bills.

The SAP was not designed to allow affected residents to pay utility bills on time because there was an understanding that due dates will be extended. The SAP is a lifeline support intended to enable beneficiaries to buy essential goods like food and medicine.

But because of the delay and bureaucratic mess in the distribution of money, the SAP arrived at a time when many households also started receiving bills from utility companies.

The SAP might end up as a ‘bailout package’ for big corporations as consumers are advised to settle their obligations once the ECQ is lifted next month. It could even mutate into a people’s ‘ambagan’ to ensure the profitability of big corporations.

Last April, we asked utility companies to pledge their Corporate Social Responsibility this year by charging zero to consumers while the ECQ is in effect. It is a humanitarian response during a public health crisis.

We reiterate this demand as we call the government to promote consumer welfare by working with utility corporations on how emergency funds can be tapped to provide a big discount to the public.

Making ‘zero bill’ possible is a concrete measure that the government can negotiate with big corporations. This is the least it can do after prolonging the lockdown suffering of the public and its failure to provide a comprehensive medical and social reform program to deal with COVID-19.

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IFEX Asia -Pacific Regional Brief: August, September, October 2020

August 2020: #AttacksWontSilenceUs: Resisting media raids, internet shutdown, and online violence in Hong Kong, Kashmir, and Pakistan. The democratic space continues to shrink in Hong Kong, Kashmir marks a year of losing its special autonomy status while internet connections are still restricted, India bans Chinese apps including TikTok, Thailand has started arresting student activists, and Pakistani women journalists push back against online violence. Read more

September 2020: Thailand’s biggest democracy protest, resisting digital abuse in Pakistan, and crackdown on activists in Cambodia and India. The youth of Thailand continue to lead the movement calling for democracy and monarchy reforms. Pakistani women journalists are speaking out against digital abuse and sexual violence. Myanmar clamps down on free speech ahead of an important election. And dozens of activists in India and Cambodia have been arrested for their role in local protests. Read more

October 2020: Across South Asia, rage and defiance against the Thai monarchy, Indonesia’s new labor law, and rape. October has been marked by expressions of rage and defiance. Thai youth protesters continue to clamor for democracy, Indonesian workers are up in arms against a repressive law, Myanmar ethnic communities are challenging a flawed election system, and a wave of anti-rape protests has swept Bangladesh, Pakistan, and India. Read more

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