The sins of Sinas and other ‘pasaway’ generals

By admin | July 24, 2021

Published by Bayan Metro Manila

NCRPO chief Major General Debold Sinas should be made accountable for clear violation of ECQ rules when he allowed a ‘spontaneous’ mañanita to celebrate his 55th birthday. At the very least, he should step down while an internal probe is being conducted.

Sinas no longer has the credibility to enforce quarantine rules when his loyal well-wishers gathered for his birthday without observing proper social distancing protocols. It is also insensitive for public officials to organize a party and flaunt it on social media when millions are suffering from hunger, deprivation, and isolation.

Under Sinas’ watch, Metro Manila became a hotspot for human rights abuses. Lockdown restrictions led to draconian control of the population, overkill deployment of troops in communities, and imposition of harsh penalties on so-called pasaway or quarantine violators. Tens of thousands of desperate individuals seeking food, aid, and jobs were slapped with fines and even spurious charges for alleged ECQ violations. The Sinas’ approach not only failed to flatten the COVID-19 curve but also exacerbated the living conditions of Metro Manila residents.

Sinas is Duterte’s brutal enforcer who is remorseless in undermining civil liberties and subverting due processes. He is accused of masterminding the relentless attacks on peasant communities in Negros.

When he was deployed in Metro Manila, he quickly gained notoriety for the raids he conducted targeting leaders and community organizers of Bayan Metro Manila. Trumped-up charges based on fabricated evidence were used to detain five of our comrades from Gabriela, Kilusang Mayo Uno, and Kadamay.

He continued to use terror tactics in demonizing people’s organizations which are campaigning against the Manila Bay reclamation.

Sinas must answer for the ECQ violation, but we must also not forget his key role in militarizing the government’s COVID-19 response, and the human rights abuses conducted by troops under his command.

Pasaway generals

Sinas joins other Duterte generals who also made controversial remarks and actions in recent months.

AFP chief Felimon Santos was castigated for writing a letter to China for his request to avail of COVID-19 medicines. This was seen as improper at a time when the government has filed a diplomatic protest against China’s illegal incursions on Philippine maritime territories. One of the few who defended him was Senator Bato dela Rosa, the Tokhang general who led the bloody anti-drug campaign in 2016 and 2017.

Several retired generals in the Cabinet were quick to deny that the shutdown of ABS CBN was an attack on press freedom. They even defended the malicious propaganda of the government’s anti-communist task force even if this was based on lies and fake news. They were joined by the likes of Antonio Parlade of the Southern Luzon Command who even threatened the public with martial law declaration if critics will continue to decry the demise of press freedom.

These pasaway generals reflect the berdugo and tuta mentality of the commander-in-chief, the president who bungled the COVID-19 response with his criminal negligence and militarist type of governance. Duterte and these generals seek to dismiss public accountability by blaming the communist movement for the COVID-19 crisis. They are aware of the rising people’s anger that is why they are desperately instilling fear and brutal lockdown measures.

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Victim blaming the people’s resistance

By admin | July 17, 2021

Published by Bulatat

The mere existence of a revolutionary movement provokes non-stop conservative reprisals.

Counterrevolutionaries are dogmatic in rejecting the right to dissent since their ultimate aim is the complete subjugation of the people’s struggle.

They equate the presence of radical activists with criminal destabilization. They see conspiracies, vicious plots, and a Red menace. Hence, the fanatical mobilization of reactionary forces to dispel the communist threat.

Their desperation is betrayed by the absurd contradiction in their propaganda. On one hand, the Left is ridiculed as weak, obsolete, and a nuisance; but it is also deemed powerful enough to influence and infiltrate domestic and global institutions on the other. If it is indeed irrelevant, why wage a brutal and costly crackdown on a supposedly dead and dying movement?

Under a so-called liberal pluralist democracy, there should be nothing unusual with the Left pursuing its political agenda. But in the Philippines, this is condemned as either opportunism or terrorism. If it is espousing a bread and butter issue, it is accused of manipulating the masses. If it succeeds in sending its leaders to public office, it is criticized for exploiting the flawed electoral system. If it negotiates for political and economic reforms, it is denounced for collaborating with the class enemy.

In the eyes of its rival political forces, the Left is incapable of being correct. It is cursed for clinging to the bad side of history, and its presence is described as an aberration in the political landscape.

The anti-Left spreads the narrative that the rise of a radical social movement undermines progress since it is a disruption in the social order. The spin is that mainstream politics is on the path of making great strides in bringing wealth and equality in society but this was hijacked by the destructive emergence of the Left.

Politicians are experts in articulating this unscientific argument. They blame the people’s resistance for causing social ills as if the system were just and equitable before the Left conspired to destroy it. They insinuate that the people’s struggle is instigating terror. It is convenient for them to scapegoat activism instead of acknowledging their criminal liability in perpetuating a state of mass poverty.

If we follow the logical conclusion of this reasoning, poverty can be solved by removing those who are agitating for social transformation. The corrupt bureaucracy will cease to rely on patronage politics if the threat of the Left is eliminated. Participatory democracy will thrive if the militant Left is sidelined.

Over the years, anti-Left discourse has become more sophisticated.

For example, some scholars and analysts would identify the longevity of the communist revolution in the Philippines and compare it with either the complete defeat or legalization of the Communist Parties in some rich Asian nations. They use the fact about the continuing revolutionary struggle to argue that it is a major obstacle to the growth of the Philippine economy and democracy.

This perspective is echoed by anti-Left ideologues who make similar assertions in justifying the government’s bloody all-out-war against the communist movement.

It may sound scholarly but it is based on partisan assumptions, malicious speculation, and selective use of facts.

Is the long-running communist struggle really to blame for the country’s underdevelopment? There are many unique features in Philippine society but why single out the national democratic revolution in probing the flaws of the local political economy? It is erroneous to make a simplistic comparative analysis of countries without providing a proper description of the local context.

If we adopt the same narrow framework, perhaps we should cite the Roman Catholic religion for hindering modernity. After all, the Philippines is the only country in Asia (aside from Timor-Leste) with a Catholic-majority population.

Why should the work of communists get the main credit for the country’s postwar trajectory and not the legacy of the two hundred political dynasties with uninterrupted control of local politics?

Why should the revolutionary agenda of the CPP-NPA-NDF get the blame for enabling the rise of plunderers and fascists and not the real existing anti-people programs, policies, and laws of repressive elected governments?

Why should communities resisting development aggression be subjected to cruel denunciation and not the corrupt mercenaries, the warlords, and their apologists?

Why should those defending rights and building democracy in the grassroots are being ordered to renounce violence and not the perpetrators of state terror?

The system has normalized violence yet what is put into the spotlight for fueling conflict is the collective action of the masses.

Reactionary scholars are horrified by the half-century struggle of the Left but refuse to mention the appalling conditions that engendered armed resistance. What is 50 years of the Left compared to the centuries of colonial domination, a century of imperialist meddling, and the unbroken rule of oligarchs?

Absent a comprehensive critique of the political economy and we will end up pinning the blame for the state of affairs on certain institutions, personalities, and groups without tackling power, justice, accountability, and social change. We will be mimicking the work of anti-Left scholars who are obsessed with nitpicking the history and prospect of the revolution as if the ‘excesses’ they analyzed are equal to what the ruling elite has done in society.

The Left offers an alternative through its holistic grasp of history and dialectics, and its grounded version of reality. It understands the role of individuals, institutions, and forces in the overall functioning of a class-based system whose history is rooted in colonial conquest, imperialist control, and feudal oppression.

This line of thought puts the blame entirely on a violent system of exploitation but it also provides a blueprint of destroying this behemoth and a vision inspiring us to keep on struggling for a new and better future.

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A Deadly and Disastrous 2020 for the Philippines

By admin | July 9, 2021

Written for The Diplomat

A major volcanic eruption, massive flooding in several regions, surging COVID-19 cases, and a worsening human rights situation are among the disasters that made the lives of Filipinos more miserable in 2020.

Guilty or not for exacerbating the suffering of Filipinos in 2020, Duterte is facing a potentially tougher challenge in 2021 as the economic crisis continues to unravel while political parties compete for the support of voters ahead of the 2022 presidential elections. Opposition forces are expected to be more vigorous in pushing for accountability after the International Criminal Court’s chief prosecutor declared this month that they have found “reasonable basis to believe” that Duterte’s war on drugs is responsible for crimes against humanity.

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How Duterte’s Anti-Terror Law Unleashed Public Outrage Against His Leadership

Written for The Diplomat

Widespread opposition to the recently signed anti-terror law in the Philippines reflects deeper public dissatisfaction over the government of President Rodrigo Duterte

The voting in Congress mirrored the divided opinion in the country as dozens in the so-called “super majority” either abstained or voted against the bill. Around 20 legislators changed their affirmative votes due to the public backlash.

On July 27, Duterte will deliver his fifth state of the nation address. His speech will probably highlight how his government responded to the COVID-19 crisis. But will he also talk about the anti-terror law and how its passage unleashed an unprecedented opposition that could pose a serious threat to his presidency?

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Shutdown Duterte’s tyranny

By admin | June 30, 2021

Published by Bayan Metro Manila

We are one with all groups calling for the shutdown of Duterte’s tyrannical rule.

We hold Duterte accountable for the sudden closure of broadcasting network ABS-CBN. His intent is not merely to intimidate the family which owns the company but to silence the media and deter other dissenting voices from challenging his repressive government.

ABS-CBN’s closure is the latest and most serious indicator of press freedom’s demise under the Duterte government. Media killings remain unabated in the past four years, critical journalists were slapped with harassment cases, and alternative news websites were hacked and targeted by state cyber troops. Duterte is the chief troll attacking the media.

Duterte’s low regard for press freedom reflects the bloody human rights record of his government.

He is intolerant of opposition, viciously vindictive against critics at home and abroad, and notoriously remorseless in waging brutal wars against perceived enemies of the state. The result is the record number of political prisoners facing trumped-up charges, militarization of peasant communities, and impunity killings targeting activists, lawyers, environment defenders, and indigenous peoples.

Laws and the bureaucracy have been weaponized to impose draconian controls in society. This militarist model was used in implementing COVID-19 measures.

The emergency law passed by Congress inserted a provision criminalizing the spread of so-called ‘fake news’. This was aggressively used to instill fear and discourage internet users from criticizing the government’s ineffective COVID-19 response.

The lockdown imposed brutal restrictions aside from being enforced by police and military personnel. A UN official noted that the Philippines has topped the list of countries that made quarantine-related arrests.

The public health crisis is being used by the Duterte government to impose an authoritarian rule. The closure of ABS-CBN is part of a sinister plot to justify the use of Martial Law measures to quell the opposition and pacify public unrest over the bungled COVID-19 response. Duterte is exploiting the crisis to legitimize his tyrannical rule.

We denounce the closure of ABS-CBN as a direct attack on free speech. We stand for press freedom, human rights, and democracy. We will fight Duterte’s machinations to subvert laws and violate our democratic rights.

We stand in solidarity with the workers of ABS-CBN and all those who are calling for the defense of press freedom. We will beat the virus in Malacanang which is spreading fear and killing democracy in the country.

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In praise of the community organizer

By admin | June 20, 2021

Published by Bulatlat

There are several stereotypes of activists but the most uncommon figure is that of the community organizer.

We are familiar with the image of activists raising banners with clenched fists. The grim and determined look of street protesters. The dignified posture of influencer dissenters made more visible on various social media platforms.

Yet the significant contribution of the community organizer often eludes our attention. Maybe because we are often in search of archetypes that will resonate with many. It is also more likely that this is deliberately intended – the community organizer understating his/her presence, shunning popular recognition, and allowing other kasamas to speak and appear more prominently in public.

Community organizers are the activist frontliners performing the most crucial tasks in organizing and political conscientization. They are effective because of their organic ties to the grassroots. They speak the language of the masses, they have incisive knowledge of the political terrain, and they command the respect of the community.

It is often through their initiative and lobbying that an obscure parochial concern is given the spotlight that it deserves. This is made possible because of their persuasive campaigning, painstaking mass work, and almost selfless dedication to serve the community.

But this labor of love is usually underemphasized. What is seen is the public pronouncements of civic leaders, the response of public officials, the entry of interested parties which are welcomed to widen the appeal of the campaign, and the coding of all these actions in mainstream and digital media platforms.

Working tirelessly on the ground are community organizers who turned a particular issue into a political question and mobilized the people to discuss, decide, and determine the proper course of action. They are immersed in full-time political work even if this does not yield any pecuniary benefit.

We understand activism through fiery speeches in daring street actions but the struggle is in the details.

Every slogan is carefully studied, every sentence in manifestos is checked for clarity and sharpness of critique, even the size of placards matters. Political actions entail rigorous planning which involves day-to-day coordination and anticipation of sudden shifts in the political situation.

Those who mock activists for holding too many rallies got it wrong. Rallies are few and far in between but we have too many meetings and study sessions.

A mass campaign is not instantly developed. It is a continuous organized intervention linking several political moments that disrupt the seemingly natural flow of History. It renders judgment about our present and offers an alternative future. It directly confronts the structures of power that dominate society. Therefore, no less than a mass movement is required to make activism possible and withstand the conservative backlash.

Who better to explore the fighting chances of the campaign than the community organizer? Embedded in the thick of the battle, bridging the local with the broader political community, and an authentic voice and representative of the marginalized.

Any success is attributed to the extraordinary intervention of well-meaning individuals. But a snag in the campaign is pinned on the performance of community organizers. Worse, they receive the hardest blows from state-backed reprisals. Supporters and advocates can retreat and offer solidarity from a distance but this is not an easy option for community-based activists who must stay to preserve the dignity of the resistance.

This decision inspires others to keep on fighting in the community even if the price to pay is harsher political persecution. Political organizing has its highs and lows but the backbone of the struggle is kept alive through the meticulous work of community organizers.

Even when public attention subsides, especially if it’s accompanied by an ebbing in local activism, the role of community organizers becomes more crucial in sustaining the vision of a progressive politics. When they are blamed by the people they organized for engaging in a lost battle, they persevere in explaining why advancing the Cause requires not just sacrifice but the right attitude in turning defeats into opportunities to strike bigger victories in the future.

But outsider perspectives can demean and distort local struggles. Malicious commentaries can also affect the course of the struggle and how the public will judge the politics of activists. They are often the handiwork of state-sponsored institutions that could not imagine any response to people’s resistance other than to diminish its credibility. There are also partisan forces pretending to be disinterested which hides their irrelevance by echoing the reactionary slander that activists are acting as a shadowy sect with a sinister agenda.

The justness of the resistance is the best rejoinder to perspectives that disdain the right to protest. And no anti-Left political rhetoric, even if produced in the name of scholarship, can tarnish the political legacy of community activists in the eyes of the masses. Neither will it invalidate the necessity of radical struggle.

Other political forces are desperate to be on the good side of history. We are more interested in creating History. Our prospect is bright because our best revolutionaries are there in the grassroots – studying theory, doing politics, and making history every day under the most challenging situations.

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Duterte owes millions of Filipinos an apology

By admin | June 13, 2021

Published by Bayan Metro Manila

President Rodrigo Duterte apologized to tycoons Ayala and Pangilinan during his late night televised speech for the hurtful words he uttered in the past. He said sorry on the same day his office submitted the sixth COVID-19 report to Congress which revealed, among others, that more than six million households have yet to receive emergency cash aid from the government.

After seven weeks of lockdown, it is unacceptable that millions are still left to fend for themselves because of the government’s failure to deliver aid. Congress granted Duterte ‘special powers’ precisely because of the urgency of the situation and the assumption that authorities will act swiftly to extend assistance to affected segments of the population.

But Duterte and his subordinates were not only slow and inefficient, they were opportunistic in invoking the public health crisis to impose repressive lockdown restrictions. Instead of focusing in rolling out a comprehensive medical and social reform response, they weaponized the quarantine protocols which led to numerous rights abuses and overkill deployment of troops in impoverished communities.

Duterte has yet to apologize for the bungled COVID-19 response. He threatened to attack those who will protest against the lack of relief. He chose to spread terror and fear instead of acknowledging the government’s shortcomings in addressing the COVID-19 crisis. His incoherent late night speeches have only worsened the unease of many. His unscientific arguments put to shame what amateur fake news peddlers are posting on the internet. And now he is depriving millions of accessing accurate information by allowing the closure of broadcast network ABS-CBN.

Instead, Duterte chose to be humble to Ayala and Pangilinan. This should not be a private matter between the president and these billionaires especially if the latter are accused of previously signing contracts that are against public interest.

And if Duterte is really sincere in owning up to his errors, he should first apologize to millions of Filipinos who are still desperately waiting for relief. He should apologize to those who were made to believe that the government will be quick and efficient in containing the spread of the virus.

It is not enough to discuss the easing of quarantine restrictions after 15 May. This government must be made accountable for the inadequate distribution of aid despite the allocation of funds for the crisis. It should answer for the lockdown abuses, the criminal neglect in responding to the pandemic, and the impunity in the corrupt use of public funds during an emergency situation.

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IFEX Asia-Pacific brief: May, June, July 2020

By admin | June 10, 2021

May 2020: A month of mayhem: Security law, tracing apps, and media shutdowns in Asia-Pacific

The COVID-19 pandemic did not stop various governments in the region from imposing new laws and orders that further weakened democracy and human rights. China’s security law threatens Hong Kong’s freedom, a major broadcaster in the Philippines was forced to stop operating, Malaysia launched a crackdown on Rohingya refugees, and dozens have been charged in Bangladesh for sharing their views on the government’s COVID-19 response

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June 2020: Terror, cyber libel, and resisting internet shutdowns from Rakhine to Papua

Myanmar continues to restrict the internet in Rakhine and Chin States amid growing civil society opposition. Meanwhile, an Indonesian court has declared the internet throttling in West Papua as unlawful. The Philippines clamps down on free speech after it convicted journalist Maria Ressa for cyber libel, while the government is readying the passage of a draconian Terror Law.

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July 2020: #HoldTheLine: Journalists push back against state persecution and sexual harassment from Philippines to Maldives

Afghan journalists succeeded in persuading the government to drop its plan to amend media laws. A Maldives editor is suing a top official at the president’s office for sexual harassment. Hong Kong journalists are exposing and decrying police violence. And a global #HoldTheLine coalition has emerged in support of journalists in the Philippines.

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On Manila’s ‘hard lockdown’

By admin | June 4, 2021

Published by Bayan Metro Manila

After imposing a ‘hard lockdown’ in Sampaloc, the Manila local government is set to adopt the same measure in Tondo.

The ‘hard lockdown’ is worse than the national government’s ‘enhanced community quarantine’ since it imposes absolute restrictions on individuals while deploying a bigger number of police and military forces in barangays.

The Manila LGU offers no new rationale other than to conduct sweeping mass testing operations. Why this can’t be done without locking up people inside homes and parading heavily armed troops in the streets is not explained by local authorities. Either it reflects a leadership bereft of imagination and innovation or it is informed by a militarist mentality that equates brutal social control with efficiency and good governance.

Mass testing is the correct response together with the implementation of medical measures to effectively contain the spread of COVID-19. This approach is also the clamor of citizens which is contrary to the claim of politicians that ‘pasaways’ are making it difficult for the government to aggressively undertake mass testing in communities.

The Manila ‘hard lockdown’ can hardly be presented as a model for other LGUs to replicate. It is straight out of the Tokhang playbook which relied on heavy policing (read: terrorizing) of communities under the guise of addressing a public health problem.

Sampaloc and Tondo were also saturated by Tokhang operations in 2016 and 2017. Tondo, in particular, was a hotspot of drug-related killings.

Whether it is drug abuse or virus outbreak, the government solution should consider numerous social factors such as extreme poverty conditions, health capacity, local governance machinery, and LGU resources.

But authorities have been consistent in their simplistic understanding of the situation and their disturbing militarist view that people need to be strictly confined in their homes while state troops are enforcing public health measures. Any violation or action perceived to be contravening official directives, however minor, is met with criminal punishment.

Instead of compassion and resorting to mass education, the ‘hard lockdown’ approach uses intimidation and repressive tactics.

This mentality, which is a throwback to the Martial Law era, should be vigorously challenged.

We are not assured by stories of checkpoint abuses and lockdown excesses perpetrated by uniformed personnel across the country.

We fear the long-term political and social impact of the ‘hard lockdown’ in Tondo, the historic enclave of the working-class poor.

Our advice to the Manila LGU is to derive guidance from the recently released document of the UN Human Rights which frowns on the use of militarist methods and ‘toxic lockdown culture’ in responding to the pandemic. It should reject the militarist framework of the national government and start mobilizing health personnel and community people’s organizations in implementing a comprehensive health and social reform package.

We ask other LGUs not to consider Manila’s ‘hard lockdown’ as an alternative worth repeating in their respective jurisdictions. It brings unnecessary additional suffering to the local population which is already reeling from the month-long repressive lockdown imposition of the national government.

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Deaths caused by repressive lockdown restrictions

By admin | May 31, 2021

Published by Bayan Metro Manila

Cpl. Winston Ragos was shot dead by the police at a barangay checkpoint. His case, however, was not listed as a COVID-19 death because he was not infected with the disease.

As of 25 April, the Philippines has almost 500 COVID-19-related fatalities. But the case of Ragos is a reminder that there were people who died not because of the virus but because of the government’s repressive and anti-poor COVID-19 response.

How many have died because of lockdown impositions that prevented people from getting medical care? The government is not counting these deaths. It is liable for using a militarist approach in addressing a public health crisis.

How many are dying from hunger, isolation, and extreme poverty because of the insufficient and delayed distribution of emergency aid to affected populations? We are clueless because authorities are stubbornly focused on arresting so-called pasaway and quarantine violators in urban poor communities.

Six weeks have passed after the lockdown imposition yet relief has not reached more than half of the targeted beneficiaries. This is criminal negligence. Nasaan ang pera ng bayan?

The incoherence in communicating the COVID-19 strategy and the failure of leadership that prevented the spread of the virus at the initial stage of the outbreak has put a heavy burden on health facilities. How many non-COVID-19 patients were not given proper attention or discouraged from seeking medical care because of the overstretched capacity of the health sector?

The lockdown extension spells doom for millions of people who lost jobs and livelihood, and are suffering from various ailments.

Whether modified, soft, or hard, the lockdown is designed to impose rigorous control of the population under the pretext of addressing a public health crisis. Duterte has made no secret his ‘nasty and malevolent’ intention to declare Martial Law.

Instead of rolling out a comprehensive health package, the government enforced draconian directives to silence dissent (whether online, offline, or outside the country). Surveillance and harassment operations targeting activists continue without letup amid the pandemic. Activists distributing relief are redtagged and demonized by the police and Palace propagandists.

The lockdown extension is meant to obfuscate the government’s shortcomings and excesses in resolving the COVID-19 crisis. It is a health disaster exacerbated by corrupt and incompetent leadership, militarist mindset, and anti-poor governance. The government solution is not designed to boost medical measures but the intensification of human rights abuses.

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Rodrigo Duterte: The Weak Strongman of the Philippines

By admin | May 22, 2021

Published by The Diplomat

After Japanese Prime Minister Abe Shinzo announced his resignation due to poor health last month, many Filipinos wondered aloud if Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte would soon arrive at the same decision, considering his recent revelation that his medical condition was “nearing stage one cancer.”

Duterte earlier disclosed that he suffers from a litany of ailments including Buerger’s disease and Barrett’s esophagus. He is also known to be taking sleeping pills and Fentanyl to relieve pain from his spinal issues. Duterte, 75, said he started experiencing frequent headaches after a motorcycle accident seven years ago.

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Why Is Rodrigo Duterte Still Popular in the Philippines?

Published by The Diplomat

The recent news that Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte currently enjoys a 91 percent approval rating, even as his government battles a series of scandals, continues to astound many observers.

Since announcing his intent to run for president in 2015, and ever since his election victory the following year, Duterte has consistently enjoyed high ratings. It should therefore not come as a surprise to get yet another report about Duterte’s popularity. But a 91 percent score can only be seen as astoundingly high for a presidency that has so far failed to fulfill its avowed priorities, such as ending the drug menace and adopting a federal form of government. Duterte’s rating is even higher compared to other Asian leaders whose governments have been better able to curb the spread of COVID-19 in their respective countries.

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