Shutdown Duterte’s tyranny

Published by Bayan Metro Manila

We are one with all groups calling for the shutdown of Duterte’s tyrannical rule.

We hold Duterte accountable for the sudden closure of broadcasting network ABS-CBN. His intent is not merely to intimidate the family which owns the company but to silence the media and deter other dissenting voices from challenging his repressive government.

ABS-CBN’s closure is the latest and most serious indicator of press freedom’s demise under the Duterte government. Media killings remain unabated in the past four years, critical journalists were slapped with harassment cases, and alternative news websites were hacked and targeted by state cyber troops. Duterte is the chief troll attacking the media.

Duterte’s low regard for press freedom reflects the bloody human rights record of his government.

He is intolerant of opposition, viciously vindictive against critics at home and abroad, and notoriously remorseless in waging brutal wars against perceived enemies of the state. The result is the record number of political prisoners facing trumped-up charges, militarization of peasant communities, and impunity killings targeting activists, lawyers, environment defenders, and indigenous peoples.

Laws and the bureaucracy have been weaponized to impose draconian controls in society. This militarist model was used in implementing COVID-19 measures.

The emergency law passed by Congress inserted a provision criminalizing the spread of so-called ‘fake news’. This was aggressively used to instill fear and discourage internet users from criticizing the government’s ineffective COVID-19 response.

The lockdown imposed brutal restrictions aside from being enforced by police and military personnel. A UN official noted that the Philippines has topped the list of countries that made quarantine-related arrests.

The public health crisis is being used by the Duterte government to impose an authoritarian rule. The closure of ABS-CBN is part of a sinister plot to justify the use of Martial Law measures to quell the opposition and pacify public unrest over the bungled COVID-19 response. Duterte is exploiting the crisis to legitimize his tyrannical rule.

We denounce the closure of ABS-CBN as a direct attack on free speech. We stand for press freedom, human rights, and democracy. We will fight Duterte’s machinations to subvert laws and violate our democratic rights.

We stand in solidarity with the workers of ABS-CBN and all those who are calling for the defense of press freedom. We will beat the virus in Malacanang which is spreading fear and killing democracy in the country.

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In praise of the community organizer

Published by Bulatlat

There are several stereotypes of activists but the most uncommon figure is that of the community organizer.

We are familiar with the image of activists raising banners with clenched fists. The grim and determined look of street protesters. The dignified posture of influencer dissenters made more visible on various social media platforms.

Yet the significant contribution of the community organizer often eludes our attention. Maybe because we are often in search of archetypes that will resonate with many. It is also more likely that this is deliberately intended – the community organizer understating his/her presence, shunning popular recognition, and allowing other kasamas to speak and appear more prominently in public.

Community organizers are the activist frontliners performing the most crucial tasks in organizing and political conscientization. They are effective because of their organic ties to the grassroots. They speak the language of the masses, they have incisive knowledge of the political terrain, and they command the respect of the community.

It is often through their initiative and lobbying that an obscure parochial concern is given the spotlight that it deserves. This is made possible because of their persuasive campaigning, painstaking mass work, and almost selfless dedication to serve the community.

But this labor of love is usually underemphasized. What is seen is the public pronouncements of civic leaders, the response of public officials, the entry of interested parties which are welcomed to widen the appeal of the campaign, and the coding of all these actions in mainstream and digital media platforms.

Working tirelessly on the ground are community organizers who turned a particular issue into a political question and mobilized the people to discuss, decide, and determine the proper course of action. They are immersed in full-time political work even if this does not yield any pecuniary benefit.

We understand activism through fiery speeches in daring street actions but the struggle is in the details.

Every slogan is carefully studied, every sentence in manifestos is checked for clarity and sharpness of critique, even the size of placards matters. Political actions entail rigorous planning which involves day-to-day coordination and anticipation of sudden shifts in the political situation.

Those who mock activists for holding too many rallies got it wrong. Rallies are few and far in between but we have too many meetings and study sessions.

A mass campaign is not instantly developed. It is a continuous organized intervention linking several political moments that disrupt the seemingly natural flow of History. It renders judgment about our present and offers an alternative future. It directly confronts the structures of power that dominate society. Therefore, no less than a mass movement is required to make activism possible and withstand the conservative backlash.

Who better to explore the fighting chances of the campaign than the community organizer? Embedded in the thick of the battle, bridging the local with the broader political community, and an authentic voice and representative of the marginalized.

Any success is attributed to the extraordinary intervention of well-meaning individuals. But a snag in the campaign is pinned on the performance of community organizers. Worse, they receive the hardest blows from state-backed reprisals. Supporters and advocates can retreat and offer solidarity from a distance but this is not an easy option for community-based activists who must stay to preserve the dignity of the resistance.

This decision inspires others to keep on fighting in the community even if the price to pay is harsher political persecution. Political organizing has its highs and lows but the backbone of the struggle is kept alive through the meticulous work of community organizers.

Even when public attention subsides, especially if it’s accompanied by an ebbing in local activism, the role of community organizers becomes more crucial in sustaining the vision of a progressive politics. When they are blamed by the people they organized for engaging in a lost battle, they persevere in explaining why advancing the Cause requires not just sacrifice but the right attitude in turning defeats into opportunities to strike bigger victories in the future.

But outsider perspectives can demean and distort local struggles. Malicious commentaries can also affect the course of the struggle and how the public will judge the politics of activists. They are often the handiwork of state-sponsored institutions that could not imagine any response to people’s resistance other than to diminish its credibility. There are also partisan forces pretending to be disinterested which hides their irrelevance by echoing the reactionary slander that activists are acting as a shadowy sect with a sinister agenda.

The justness of the resistance is the best rejoinder to perspectives that disdain the right to protest. And no anti-Left political rhetoric, even if produced in the name of scholarship, can tarnish the political legacy of community activists in the eyes of the masses. Neither will it invalidate the necessity of radical struggle.

Other political forces are desperate to be on the good side of history. We are more interested in creating History. Our prospect is bright because our best revolutionaries are there in the grassroots – studying theory, doing politics, and making history every day under the most challenging situations.

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Duterte owes millions of Filipinos an apology

Published by Bayan Metro Manila

President Rodrigo Duterte apologized to tycoons Ayala and Pangilinan during his late night televised speech for the hurtful words he uttered in the past. He said sorry on the same day his office submitted the sixth COVID-19 report to Congress which revealed, among others, that more than six million households have yet to receive emergency cash aid from the government.

After seven weeks of lockdown, it is unacceptable that millions are still left to fend for themselves because of the government’s failure to deliver aid. Congress granted Duterte ‘special powers’ precisely because of the urgency of the situation and the assumption that authorities will act swiftly to extend assistance to affected segments of the population.

But Duterte and his subordinates were not only slow and inefficient, they were opportunistic in invoking the public health crisis to impose repressive lockdown restrictions. Instead of focusing in rolling out a comprehensive medical and social reform response, they weaponized the quarantine protocols which led to numerous rights abuses and overkill deployment of troops in impoverished communities.

Duterte has yet to apologize for the bungled COVID-19 response. He threatened to attack those who will protest against the lack of relief. He chose to spread terror and fear instead of acknowledging the government’s shortcomings in addressing the COVID-19 crisis. His incoherent late night speeches have only worsened the unease of many. His unscientific arguments put to shame what amateur fake news peddlers are posting on the internet. And now he is depriving millions of accessing accurate information by allowing the closure of broadcast network ABS-CBN.

Instead, Duterte chose to be humble to Ayala and Pangilinan. This should not be a private matter between the president and these billionaires especially if the latter are accused of previously signing contracts that are against public interest.

And if Duterte is really sincere in owning up to his errors, he should first apologize to millions of Filipinos who are still desperately waiting for relief. He should apologize to those who were made to believe that the government will be quick and efficient in containing the spread of the virus.

It is not enough to discuss the easing of quarantine restrictions after 15 May. This government must be made accountable for the inadequate distribution of aid despite the allocation of funds for the crisis. It should answer for the lockdown abuses, the criminal neglect in responding to the pandemic, and the impunity in the corrupt use of public funds during an emergency situation.

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IFEX Asia-Pacific brief: May, June, July 2020

May 2020: A month of mayhem: Security law, tracing apps, and media shutdowns in Asia-Pacific

The COVID-19 pandemic did not stop various governments in the region from imposing new laws and orders that further weakened democracy and human rights. China’s security law threatens Hong Kong’s freedom, a major broadcaster in the Philippines was forced to stop operating, Malaysia launched a crackdown on Rohingya refugees, and dozens have been charged in Bangladesh for sharing their views on the government’s COVID-19 response

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June 2020: Terror, cyber libel, and resisting internet shutdowns from Rakhine to Papua

Myanmar continues to restrict the internet in Rakhine and Chin States amid growing civil society opposition. Meanwhile, an Indonesian court has declared the internet throttling in West Papua as unlawful. The Philippines clamps down on free speech after it convicted journalist Maria Ressa for cyber libel, while the government is readying the passage of a draconian Terror Law.

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July 2020: #HoldTheLine: Journalists push back against state persecution and sexual harassment from Philippines to Maldives

Afghan journalists succeeded in persuading the government to drop its plan to amend media laws. A Maldives editor is suing a top official at the president’s office for sexual harassment. Hong Kong journalists are exposing and decrying police violence. And a global #HoldTheLine coalition has emerged in support of journalists in the Philippines.

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On Manila’s ‘hard lockdown’

Published by Bayan Metro Manila

After imposing a ‘hard lockdown’ in Sampaloc, the Manila local government is set to adopt the same measure in Tondo.

The ‘hard lockdown’ is worse than the national government’s ‘enhanced community quarantine’ since it imposes absolute restrictions on individuals while deploying a bigger number of police and military forces in barangays.

The Manila LGU offers no new rationale other than to conduct sweeping mass testing operations. Why this can’t be done without locking up people inside homes and parading heavily armed troops in the streets is not explained by local authorities. Either it reflects a leadership bereft of imagination and innovation or it is informed by a militarist mentality that equates brutal social control with efficiency and good governance.

Mass testing is the correct response together with the implementation of medical measures to effectively contain the spread of COVID-19. This approach is also the clamor of citizens which is contrary to the claim of politicians that ‘pasaways’ are making it difficult for the government to aggressively undertake mass testing in communities.

The Manila ‘hard lockdown’ can hardly be presented as a model for other LGUs to replicate. It is straight out of the Tokhang playbook which relied on heavy policing (read: terrorizing) of communities under the guise of addressing a public health problem.

Sampaloc and Tondo were also saturated by Tokhang operations in 2016 and 2017. Tondo, in particular, was a hotspot of drug-related killings.

Whether it is drug abuse or virus outbreak, the government solution should consider numerous social factors such as extreme poverty conditions, health capacity, local governance machinery, and LGU resources.

But authorities have been consistent in their simplistic understanding of the situation and their disturbing militarist view that people need to be strictly confined in their homes while state troops are enforcing public health measures. Any violation or action perceived to be contravening official directives, however minor, is met with criminal punishment.

Instead of compassion and resorting to mass education, the ‘hard lockdown’ approach uses intimidation and repressive tactics.

This mentality, which is a throwback to the Martial Law era, should be vigorously challenged.

We are not assured by stories of checkpoint abuses and lockdown excesses perpetrated by uniformed personnel across the country.

We fear the long-term political and social impact of the ‘hard lockdown’ in Tondo, the historic enclave of the working-class poor.

Our advice to the Manila LGU is to derive guidance from the recently released document of the UN Human Rights which frowns on the use of militarist methods and ‘toxic lockdown culture’ in responding to the pandemic. It should reject the militarist framework of the national government and start mobilizing health personnel and community people’s organizations in implementing a comprehensive health and social reform package.

We ask other LGUs not to consider Manila’s ‘hard lockdown’ as an alternative worth repeating in their respective jurisdictions. It brings unnecessary additional suffering to the local population which is already reeling from the month-long repressive lockdown imposition of the national government.

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Deaths caused by repressive lockdown restrictions

Published by Bayan Metro Manila

Cpl. Winston Ragos was shot dead by the police at a barangay checkpoint. His case, however, was not listed as a COVID-19 death because he was not infected with the disease.

As of 25 April, the Philippines has almost 500 COVID-19-related fatalities. But the case of Ragos is a reminder that there were people who died not because of the virus but because of the government’s repressive and anti-poor COVID-19 response.

How many have died because of lockdown impositions that prevented people from getting medical care? The government is not counting these deaths. It is liable for using a militarist approach in addressing a public health crisis.

How many are dying from hunger, isolation, and extreme poverty because of the insufficient and delayed distribution of emergency aid to affected populations? We are clueless because authorities are stubbornly focused on arresting so-called pasaway and quarantine violators in urban poor communities.

Six weeks have passed after the lockdown imposition yet relief has not reached more than half of the targeted beneficiaries. This is criminal negligence. Nasaan ang pera ng bayan?

The incoherence in communicating the COVID-19 strategy and the failure of leadership that prevented the spread of the virus at the initial stage of the outbreak has put a heavy burden on health facilities. How many non-COVID-19 patients were not given proper attention or discouraged from seeking medical care because of the overstretched capacity of the health sector?

The lockdown extension spells doom for millions of people who lost jobs and livelihood, and are suffering from various ailments.

Whether modified, soft, or hard, the lockdown is designed to impose rigorous control of the population under the pretext of addressing a public health crisis. Duterte has made no secret his ‘nasty and malevolent’ intention to declare Martial Law.

Instead of rolling out a comprehensive health package, the government enforced draconian directives to silence dissent (whether online, offline, or outside the country). Surveillance and harassment operations targeting activists continue without letup amid the pandemic. Activists distributing relief are redtagged and demonized by the police and Palace propagandists.

The lockdown extension is meant to obfuscate the government’s shortcomings and excesses in resolving the COVID-19 crisis. It is a health disaster exacerbated by corrupt and incompetent leadership, militarist mindset, and anti-poor governance. The government solution is not designed to boost medical measures but the intensification of human rights abuses.

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Rodrigo Duterte: The Weak Strongman of the Philippines

Published by The Diplomat

After Japanese Prime Minister Abe Shinzo announced his resignation due to poor health last month, many Filipinos wondered aloud if Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte would soon arrive at the same decision, considering his recent revelation that his medical condition was “nearing stage one cancer.”

Duterte earlier disclosed that he suffers from a litany of ailments including Buerger’s disease and Barrett’s esophagus. He is also known to be taking sleeping pills and Fentanyl to relieve pain from his spinal issues. Duterte, 75, said he started experiencing frequent headaches after a motorcycle accident seven years ago.

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Why Is Rodrigo Duterte Still Popular in the Philippines?

Published by The Diplomat

The recent news that Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte currently enjoys a 91 percent approval rating, even as his government battles a series of scandals, continues to astound many observers.

Since announcing his intent to run for president in 2015, and ever since his election victory the following year, Duterte has consistently enjoyed high ratings. It should therefore not come as a surprise to get yet another report about Duterte’s popularity. But a 91 percent score can only be seen as astoundingly high for a presidency that has so far failed to fulfill its avowed priorities, such as ending the drug menace and adopting a federal form of government. Duterte’s rating is even higher compared to other Asian leaders whose governments have been better able to curb the spread of COVID-19 in their respective countries.

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Politics and resistance under a lockdown regime

Published by Bulatlat

The pandemic is forcing us to be more critical of the repressive state even as we reexamine our methods and ideas about doing politics under the so-called new normal.

Citizens started to wear protective face masks at almost the same time when the state’s authoritarian identity is laid bare with little or no effort to hide its beastly features. It is as if those in power have found it necessary and desirable to inform the public that rights will be restricted, surveillance will be intensified, and the state will intrude into the personal lives of citizens in dealing with the pandemic.

Suddenly, the representative of the state is no longer the amiable type of public servant but an authoritative figure who impose harsh lockdowns and control the movement of people. The duty of citizens in a supposedly democratic society was downgraded as mere followers of what authorities are telling them what to do. Obey or resist at your own risk.

It seems new roles were assigned with many citizens choosing to be submissive, and politicians pretending to be experts in making decisions sans public consultation. Fear of the invisible enemy numbed many to silence. Fear was heightened to the level which could discourage people to feel and express outrage. Fear was used for insidious political ends.

But this was done without triggering a backlash even if the truth about the brutality of the state is already exposed. Worse, the aggressive actions of the state are justified as a desperate response during an emergency situation. Apparently, conservatives in power can now realize their fascist fantasies and win public approval at the same time.

They highlight the narrative that the threat is no longer the strong arm of the state but a deadly new virus. Hence, the need for coercive measures to stop the spread of infections.

Under normal times, a person is innocent until proven guilty. Today, everyone is a suspected virus carrier until it is determined that his or her body temperature is normal. Individuals confess their symptoms and recent acquaintances. And if they conceal information, contact tracing apps and teams could extract the truth.

The state dictates what kind of activities are permissible. The movement of people is highly restricted. ‘Stay at home’ and ‘wear a mask’ to save lives.

Those who are sick are placed under quarantine. But authorities are also on the lookout for ‘sick’ citizens who pose a threat to public safety.

‘Fake news’ peddlers are charged, pasaways are publicly shamed and penalized, and health protocol violators are arrested. The state makes arbitrary definitions of what type of behavior is lawful. Critics, journalists, and other dissenting voices are often targeted by intolerant authorities under the guise of protecting public health.

‘Stay at home’ becomes prolonged detention and ‘wear a mask’ is interpreted to put a gag on contrary views.

The crisis is far from over after months of herding people inside their homes, bombarding the public with the scientific lectures of politicians during press conferences, and mobilizing the bureaucracy based on the ruling party’s idea of addressing the pandemic.

The government is aware that the disruption is causing widespread despair that could potentially undermine confidence in authorities. Politicians are too arrogant to admit that their incompetence could have exacerbated the suffering of many.

They are haunted by their own weaknesses that drive them to be more extreme in exerting control. Draconian laws to pacify unrest, demonize critics as enemies of public health, and terrorize communities with overkill troop deployment. Medicalize a military operation, militarize a medical situation.

The raging pandemic and the self-serving maneuver of the conservative party in power have made it a challenging year for progressives.

How to expose the partisan agenda of politicians without sounding like a conspiracy theorist? How to explain the science of the pandemic, make people understand that the health risk should not be underestimated, but at the same time have them recognize too that the politics of the day should not be surrendered to politicians? How to counter the shock and awe tactics of the state with support from community frontliners? How to organize netizens, work from home professionals, and residents in hard lockdowns?

These are key issues that can only be resolved through active resistance.

Until early March, our alternative concept of politics is harnessed by the coming together of strangers to form a stronger bond against an oppressive system. People linking arms, showing solidarity, and marching as one to demand political reforms.

How can this still be feasible if mass gatherings are already prohibited? How can we build more unions if social distancing is the dominant political command?

Despite all these limitations and practical questions, the progressive movement didn’t back down. Online protests were organized, street actions were coordinated, and political alliances were formed defeating the intent of authorities to quell all forms of dissent.

There were inspiring actions from Black Likes Matter across the United States to the democracy protests in Hong Kong.

Activists are becoming more creative in coding their protests for livestreaming.

The combination of online and offline activities proved effective, but what will be counted: the number of virtual hits or the warm bodies in the streets? Well, not really ‘warm’ because activists are enforcing health protocols too.

It is revealing that authorities are advising the public to join online protests instead of street rallies. We hope it is motivated by a genuine desire to prevent the surge of COVID-19 cases. But it also reflects how authorities measure the impact of online political actions. Lesson: It is not enough to boost social media influence and make it in the trending topics of the day; our actions must be powerful enough that it becomes a traumatic experience for despotic authorities. They must feel it in realtime and force them to reconsider their remaining time in office.

We are at the early stage of mixing methods of dissent while surviving the pandemic.

How much online time should we devote each day for campaign planning, when is the right offline intervention, how should we coordinate these actions that will deliver a huge political blow? What kind of activist cadres will emerge if their political conscientization is facilitated mainly by virtual means?

We are documenting our daily struggles, webinar and all, knowing too well that our theories might have all the right answers on the most fundamental questions of the day, but we learn more and thrive better by being in the thick of the political battle.

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Duterte’s Pasaway Gang

Published by Bayan Metro Manila

Contrary to the self-serving government spin which blames citizens for the continued spread of COVID-19 infections, the notorious cabal of pasaways are to be found in Malacanang Palace. They are responsible for the bungled response to the public health crisis.

Rodrigo Duterte

Leading the gang is Rodrigo Duterte, the chief executive daysleeper who never fails to be uninspiring in his televised speeches. His treasonous loyalty to Xi Jinping was behind his decision to reject an early proposal to impose a travel ban on China. He repeatedly belittled the coronavirus threat and used braggadocio to make unscientific pronouncements like the infamous horse antibodies. He is incoherent, incompetent, and intolerant of dissent. He knows no other approach other than the repressive Tokhang model in dealing with the crisis. He equates authoritarianism with good governance. His narrow mindset and irrational outbursts inform his leadership which is reflected in the decisions of his subordinates.

Francisco Duque

Next to Duterte, Health Secretary Francisco Duque deserves top mention for his ineffective leadership. The 14 senators were correct to point out that Duque’s actions and inactions “show lack of competence, efficiency, and foresight bordering on negligence in handling the health crisis.”

Duterte’s Generals

Enforcing Duterte’s ill-conceived policies are the retired and active generals whose lack of coordination trigger public panic and confusion among civil servants. On the other hand, they are consistent in weaponizing the bureaucracy to silence the opposition. They are responsible for the militarist lockdown restrictions guided by a dogmatic and fascist thinking that instilling fear is effective in controlling the people and containing the virus.

Koko Pimentel and VIP quarantine violators

We acknowledge that there are many citizens who are leaving their homes in violation of quarantine protocols. But we believe most of these cases involve breadwinners who are in search of food, aid, and livelihood for their families. They are not like politicians like Senator Koko Pimentel who already tested positive for COVID-19 but deliberately violated the rules and endangered the lives of others. They are different from Duterte’s allies who flaunted their privilege by availing of COVID-19 testing while ordinary citizens were desperately clamoring for this basic medical measure.

Teddy Boy Locsin, Harry Roque, Salvador Panelo and PCOO ‘fake news’ peddlers

Instead of correcting false content, the government chose to criminalize free speech. Instead of tolerating criticism, authorities used the BAHO Law to harass critics. Yet the real ‘fake news’ peddlers who did the most damage in distorting information and manipulation public opinion are Duterte allies like Locsin and Rep. Salceda. The latter even confessed he got a fake video from a group of ‘reputable businessmen’. Meanwhile, the government’s PCOO has been consistent in promoting ‘fake news’ information against activists. As propaganda mouthpieces of Duterte, his spokespersons should be made accountable for using lies and doublespeak to cover the government’s shortcomings.

Slow and inept government officials

We understand that LGU officials were made to carry a heavy burden because of the incompetence of the national government. But we cannot ignore that some LGUs have been slow, indifferent, and vindictive in their COVID-19 response. The partisan distribution of relief in some areas has exacerbated the suffering of the local population. The bureaucratic gridlock at DOLE, DSWD and other agencies have led to delays in rolling out social protection measures. If assistance were regularly and adequately delivered, many residents won’t find it necessary to go out of their shelters to search for help.

Cronies and mining firms

While many have lost jobs and their livelihoods destroyed, some cronies and favored contractors have exploited the crisis to hoard money and influence. Also in this category are mining firms which mobilized government resources to bulldoze their way in mining areas amid the lockdown and community resistance. Pasaway na, gahaman pa.
Malacanang should stop its hypocritical stance that citizens who lack discipline are causing the infections to rise. Instead of accusing the public, it should focus on implementing a comprehensive health and social protection package to fight COVID-19.

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Tokhang approach in handling the pandemic

Published by Bayan Metro Manila

The police which enforced Tokhang and terrorized our communities want us to feel safe and cheer ‘arrests without warning’, intensified troop deployment, and repressive lockdown restrictions.
General Archie Gamboa warned the public that police are now ordered to arrest quarantine ‘violators’ without warning as part of the government’s campaign to flatten the COVID-19 curve. He added that police visibility has been enhanced, more troops are now deployed in communities, and they will work with local officials in enforcing quarantine protocols. Gamboa said these measures are being applied because of pasaways who are spreading the virus infection.

There are many disturbing aspects in these pronouncements which are based on wrong premises.

The general is echoing the self-serving Malacanang spin that the cause of rising virus infections is the so-called pasaway who are allegedly violating quarantine rules. He and Palace propagandists are malicious in blaming the public for the continued spread of COVID-19 cases.

What they refuse to admit is that the public health crisis was exacerbated by government shortcomings. Ask the 14 senators who enumerated the many sins of Health Secretary Francisco Duque. And if Duque is liable for failed leadership, the same accusation can be levied against President Rodrigo Duterte.
Duterte and the pasaway gang belittled the COVID-19 threat, they refused to order a travel ban against China, they did not conduct mass testing and contract tracing, they did not procure enough protective equipment for frontline workers, and they acted late in establishing testing laboratories and testing centers.
When the pasaway gang got special powers from Congress, they were slow in drafting a comprehensive program on how to roll out medical measures and distributing emergency relief to displaced workers. The delay in the arrival of aid forced many residents and informal workers to seek help and livelihood outside their homes. For those living in congested communities, social distancing is practically impossible to implement.

A militarist lockdown without mass testing became a prolonged detention that does not resolve the COVID-19 outbreak.

Authorities are now hyping the pasaway narrative to make people feel, think, and accept the blame that their actions are causing the spread of the virus. Not the reluctance to conduct mass testing, not the delay in the arrival of aid, but the instinct to feed their families and seek assistance in the community.

Another dangerous assertion of the police is that the overkill deployment of troops will curb the number of infections. The people have been clamoring for mass testing, tracing, treatment, and building of quarantine centers but the government decided instead to send the platoon into our communities. It would have made more sense if the government deployed a battalion of health workers instead of uniformed personnel in boots carrying high powered arms.

Intensified police visibility will add to the anxiety of residents in forced quarantine. After all, it’s not the first time the police invoked public safety to justify their expanded role in local governance. The last time it happened led to bloody Tokhang operations which terrorized communities but did little to end the drug menace.

We fear the Martial Law-type of lockdown restriction is the government’s paranoid preemptive measure to deter people from expressing anger over the non-arrival of aid and the lack of social protection and medical programs in the campaign against COVID-19.
The militarist solution to the pandemic betrays the government’s lack of confidence in addressing the public health crisis. Duterte’s desperate recourse is to impose draconian social control and manipulate people to accept and be grateful for the inadequate assistance the government is providing.

Lacking is the government’s complete strategy in addressing the pandemic. What is the program for those who lost jobs and livelihood? What will the new normal look life for various sectors.
The government can start by listening to the demands of the people. It should remove the bureaucratic gridlock and ensure the fast distribution of relief. It is unacceptable that after more than a month of lockdown imposition, millions have yet to receive the emergency aid from the government.

We reiterate our demands for medical solutions and an inclusive, comprehensive social protection package. We reject Martial Law-type lockdown and other repressive restrictions as a model to fight COVID-19

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