IFEX Asia-Pacific brief: May, June, July 2020

May 2020: A month of mayhem: Security law, tracing apps, and media shutdowns in Asia-Pacific

The COVID-19 pandemic did not stop various governments in the region from imposing new laws and orders that further weakened democracy and human rights. China’s security law threatens Hong Kong’s freedom, a major broadcaster in the Philippines was forced to stop operating, Malaysia launched a crackdown on Rohingya refugees, and dozens have been charged in Bangladesh for sharing their views on the government’s COVID-19 response

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June 2020: Terror, cyber libel, and resisting internet shutdowns from Rakhine to Papua

Myanmar continues to restrict the internet in Rakhine and Chin States amid growing civil society opposition. Meanwhile, an Indonesian court has declared the internet throttling in West Papua as unlawful. The Philippines clamps down on free speech after it convicted journalist Maria Ressa for cyber libel, while the government is readying the passage of a draconian Terror Law.

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July 2020: #HoldTheLine: Journalists push back against state persecution and sexual harassment from Philippines to Maldives

Afghan journalists succeeded in persuading the government to drop its plan to amend media laws. A Maldives editor is suing a top official at the president’s office for sexual harassment. Hong Kong journalists are exposing and decrying police violence. And a global #HoldTheLine coalition has emerged in support of journalists in the Philippines.

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On Manila’s ‘hard lockdown’

Published by Bayan Metro Manila

After imposing a ‘hard lockdown’ in Sampaloc, the Manila local government is set to adopt the same measure in Tondo.

The ‘hard lockdown’ is worse than the national government’s ‘enhanced community quarantine’ since it imposes absolute restrictions on individuals while deploying a bigger number of police and military forces in barangays.

The Manila LGU offers no new rationale other than to conduct sweeping mass testing operations. Why this can’t be done without locking up people inside homes and parading heavily armed troops in the streets is not explained by local authorities. Either it reflects a leadership bereft of imagination and innovation or it is informed by a militarist mentality that equates brutal social control with efficiency and good governance.

Mass testing is the correct response together with the implementation of medical measures to effectively contain the spread of COVID-19. This approach is also the clamor of citizens which is contrary to the claim of politicians that ‘pasaways’ are making it difficult for the government to aggressively undertake mass testing in communities.

The Manila ‘hard lockdown’ can hardly be presented as a model for other LGUs to replicate. It is straight out of the Tokhang playbook which relied on heavy policing (read: terrorizing) of communities under the guise of addressing a public health problem.

Sampaloc and Tondo were also saturated by Tokhang operations in 2016 and 2017. Tondo, in particular, was a hotspot of drug-related killings.

Whether it is drug abuse or virus outbreak, the government solution should consider numerous social factors such as extreme poverty conditions, health capacity, local governance machinery, and LGU resources.

But authorities have been consistent in their simplistic understanding of the situation and their disturbing militarist view that people need to be strictly confined in their homes while state troops are enforcing public health measures. Any violation or action perceived to be contravening official directives, however minor, is met with criminal punishment.

Instead of compassion and resorting to mass education, the ‘hard lockdown’ approach uses intimidation and repressive tactics.

This mentality, which is a throwback to the Martial Law era, should be vigorously challenged.

We are not assured by stories of checkpoint abuses and lockdown excesses perpetrated by uniformed personnel across the country.

We fear the long-term political and social impact of the ‘hard lockdown’ in Tondo, the historic enclave of the working-class poor.

Our advice to the Manila LGU is to derive guidance from the recently released document of the UN Human Rights which frowns on the use of militarist methods and ‘toxic lockdown culture’ in responding to the pandemic. It should reject the militarist framework of the national government and start mobilizing health personnel and community people’s organizations in implementing a comprehensive health and social reform package.

We ask other LGUs not to consider Manila’s ‘hard lockdown’ as an alternative worth repeating in their respective jurisdictions. It brings unnecessary additional suffering to the local population which is already reeling from the month-long repressive lockdown imposition of the national government.

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Deaths caused by repressive lockdown restrictions

Published by Bayan Metro Manila

Cpl. Winston Ragos was shot dead by the police at a barangay checkpoint. His case, however, was not listed as a COVID-19 death because he was not infected with the disease.

As of 25 April, the Philippines has almost 500 COVID-19-related fatalities. But the case of Ragos is a reminder that there were people who died not because of the virus but because of the government’s repressive and anti-poor COVID-19 response.

How many have died because of lockdown impositions that prevented people from getting medical care? The government is not counting these deaths. It is liable for using a militarist approach in addressing a public health crisis.

How many are dying from hunger, isolation, and extreme poverty because of the insufficient and delayed distribution of emergency aid to affected populations? We are clueless because authorities are stubbornly focused on arresting so-called pasaway and quarantine violators in urban poor communities.

Six weeks have passed after the lockdown imposition yet relief has not reached more than half of the targeted beneficiaries. This is criminal negligence. Nasaan ang pera ng bayan?

The incoherence in communicating the COVID-19 strategy and the failure of leadership that prevented the spread of the virus at the initial stage of the outbreak has put a heavy burden on health facilities. How many non-COVID-19 patients were not given proper attention or discouraged from seeking medical care because of the overstretched capacity of the health sector?

The lockdown extension spells doom for millions of people who lost jobs and livelihood, and are suffering from various ailments.

Whether modified, soft, or hard, the lockdown is designed to impose rigorous control of the population under the pretext of addressing a public health crisis. Duterte has made no secret his ‘nasty and malevolent’ intention to declare Martial Law.

Instead of rolling out a comprehensive health package, the government enforced draconian directives to silence dissent (whether online, offline, or outside the country). Surveillance and harassment operations targeting activists continue without letup amid the pandemic. Activists distributing relief are redtagged and demonized by the police and Palace propagandists.

The lockdown extension is meant to obfuscate the government’s shortcomings and excesses in resolving the COVID-19 crisis. It is a health disaster exacerbated by corrupt and incompetent leadership, militarist mindset, and anti-poor governance. The government solution is not designed to boost medical measures but the intensification of human rights abuses.

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Rodrigo Duterte: The Weak Strongman of the Philippines

Published by The Diplomat

After Japanese Prime Minister Abe Shinzo announced his resignation due to poor health last month, many Filipinos wondered aloud if Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte would soon arrive at the same decision, considering his recent revelation that his medical condition was “nearing stage one cancer.”

Duterte earlier disclosed that he suffers from a litany of ailments including Buerger’s disease and Barrett’s esophagus. He is also known to be taking sleeping pills and Fentanyl to relieve pain from his spinal issues. Duterte, 75, said he started experiencing frequent headaches after a motorcycle accident seven years ago.

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Why Is Rodrigo Duterte Still Popular in the Philippines?

Published by The Diplomat

The recent news that Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte currently enjoys a 91 percent approval rating, even as his government battles a series of scandals, continues to astound many observers.

Since announcing his intent to run for president in 2015, and ever since his election victory the following year, Duterte has consistently enjoyed high ratings. It should therefore not come as a surprise to get yet another report about Duterte’s popularity. But a 91 percent score can only be seen as astoundingly high for a presidency that has so far failed to fulfill its avowed priorities, such as ending the drug menace and adopting a federal form of government. Duterte’s rating is even higher compared to other Asian leaders whose governments have been better able to curb the spread of COVID-19 in their respective countries.

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Politics and resistance under a lockdown regime

Published by Bulatlat

The pandemic is forcing us to be more critical of the repressive state even as we reexamine our methods and ideas about doing politics under the so-called new normal.

Citizens started to wear protective face masks at almost the same time when the state’s authoritarian identity is laid bare with little or no effort to hide its beastly features. It is as if those in power have found it necessary and desirable to inform the public that rights will be restricted, surveillance will be intensified, and the state will intrude into the personal lives of citizens in dealing with the pandemic.

Suddenly, the representative of the state is no longer the amiable type of public servant but an authoritative figure who impose harsh lockdowns and control the movement of people. The duty of citizens in a supposedly democratic society was downgraded as mere followers of what authorities are telling them what to do. Obey or resist at your own risk.

It seems new roles were assigned with many citizens choosing to be submissive, and politicians pretending to be experts in making decisions sans public consultation. Fear of the invisible enemy numbed many to silence. Fear was heightened to the level which could discourage people to feel and express outrage. Fear was used for insidious political ends.

But this was done without triggering a backlash even if the truth about the brutality of the state is already exposed. Worse, the aggressive actions of the state are justified as a desperate response during an emergency situation. Apparently, conservatives in power can now realize their fascist fantasies and win public approval at the same time.

They highlight the narrative that the threat is no longer the strong arm of the state but a deadly new virus. Hence, the need for coercive measures to stop the spread of infections.

Under normal times, a person is innocent until proven guilty. Today, everyone is a suspected virus carrier until it is determined that his or her body temperature is normal. Individuals confess their symptoms and recent acquaintances. And if they conceal information, contact tracing apps and teams could extract the truth.

The state dictates what kind of activities are permissible. The movement of people is highly restricted. ‘Stay at home’ and ‘wear a mask’ to save lives.

Those who are sick are placed under quarantine. But authorities are also on the lookout for ‘sick’ citizens who pose a threat to public safety.

‘Fake news’ peddlers are charged, pasaways are publicly shamed and penalized, and health protocol violators are arrested. The state makes arbitrary definitions of what type of behavior is lawful. Critics, journalists, and other dissenting voices are often targeted by intolerant authorities under the guise of protecting public health.

‘Stay at home’ becomes prolonged detention and ‘wear a mask’ is interpreted to put a gag on contrary views.

The crisis is far from over after months of herding people inside their homes, bombarding the public with the scientific lectures of politicians during press conferences, and mobilizing the bureaucracy based on the ruling party’s idea of addressing the pandemic.

The government is aware that the disruption is causing widespread despair that could potentially undermine confidence in authorities. Politicians are too arrogant to admit that their incompetence could have exacerbated the suffering of many.

They are haunted by their own weaknesses that drive them to be more extreme in exerting control. Draconian laws to pacify unrest, demonize critics as enemies of public health, and terrorize communities with overkill troop deployment. Medicalize a military operation, militarize a medical situation.

The raging pandemic and the self-serving maneuver of the conservative party in power have made it a challenging year for progressives.

How to expose the partisan agenda of politicians without sounding like a conspiracy theorist? How to explain the science of the pandemic, make people understand that the health risk should not be underestimated, but at the same time have them recognize too that the politics of the day should not be surrendered to politicians? How to counter the shock and awe tactics of the state with support from community frontliners? How to organize netizens, work from home professionals, and residents in hard lockdowns?

These are key issues that can only be resolved through active resistance.

Until early March, our alternative concept of politics is harnessed by the coming together of strangers to form a stronger bond against an oppressive system. People linking arms, showing solidarity, and marching as one to demand political reforms.

How can this still be feasible if mass gatherings are already prohibited? How can we build more unions if social distancing is the dominant political command?

Despite all these limitations and practical questions, the progressive movement didn’t back down. Online protests were organized, street actions were coordinated, and political alliances were formed defeating the intent of authorities to quell all forms of dissent.

There were inspiring actions from Black Likes Matter across the United States to the democracy protests in Hong Kong.

Activists are becoming more creative in coding their protests for livestreaming.

The combination of online and offline activities proved effective, but what will be counted: the number of virtual hits or the warm bodies in the streets? Well, not really ‘warm’ because activists are enforcing health protocols too.

It is revealing that authorities are advising the public to join online protests instead of street rallies. We hope it is motivated by a genuine desire to prevent the surge of COVID-19 cases. But it also reflects how authorities measure the impact of online political actions. Lesson: It is not enough to boost social media influence and make it in the trending topics of the day; our actions must be powerful enough that it becomes a traumatic experience for despotic authorities. They must feel it in realtime and force them to reconsider their remaining time in office.

We are at the early stage of mixing methods of dissent while surviving the pandemic.

How much online time should we devote each day for campaign planning, when is the right offline intervention, how should we coordinate these actions that will deliver a huge political blow? What kind of activist cadres will emerge if their political conscientization is facilitated mainly by virtual means?

We are documenting our daily struggles, webinar and all, knowing too well that our theories might have all the right answers on the most fundamental questions of the day, but we learn more and thrive better by being in the thick of the political battle.

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Duterte’s Pasaway Gang

Published by Bayan Metro Manila

Contrary to the self-serving government spin which blames citizens for the continued spread of COVID-19 infections, the notorious cabal of pasaways are to be found in Malacanang Palace. They are responsible for the bungled response to the public health crisis.

Rodrigo Duterte

Leading the gang is Rodrigo Duterte, the chief executive daysleeper who never fails to be uninspiring in his televised speeches. His treasonous loyalty to Xi Jinping was behind his decision to reject an early proposal to impose a travel ban on China. He repeatedly belittled the coronavirus threat and used braggadocio to make unscientific pronouncements like the infamous horse antibodies. He is incoherent, incompetent, and intolerant of dissent. He knows no other approach other than the repressive Tokhang model in dealing with the crisis. He equates authoritarianism with good governance. His narrow mindset and irrational outbursts inform his leadership which is reflected in the decisions of his subordinates.

Francisco Duque

Next to Duterte, Health Secretary Francisco Duque deserves top mention for his ineffective leadership. The 14 senators were correct to point out that Duque’s actions and inactions “show lack of competence, efficiency, and foresight bordering on negligence in handling the health crisis.”

Duterte’s Generals

Enforcing Duterte’s ill-conceived policies are the retired and active generals whose lack of coordination trigger public panic and confusion among civil servants. On the other hand, they are consistent in weaponizing the bureaucracy to silence the opposition. They are responsible for the militarist lockdown restrictions guided by a dogmatic and fascist thinking that instilling fear is effective in controlling the people and containing the virus.

Koko Pimentel and VIP quarantine violators

We acknowledge that there are many citizens who are leaving their homes in violation of quarantine protocols. But we believe most of these cases involve breadwinners who are in search of food, aid, and livelihood for their families. They are not like politicians like Senator Koko Pimentel who already tested positive for COVID-19 but deliberately violated the rules and endangered the lives of others. They are different from Duterte’s allies who flaunted their privilege by availing of COVID-19 testing while ordinary citizens were desperately clamoring for this basic medical measure.

Teddy Boy Locsin, Harry Roque, Salvador Panelo and PCOO ‘fake news’ peddlers

Instead of correcting false content, the government chose to criminalize free speech. Instead of tolerating criticism, authorities used the BAHO Law to harass critics. Yet the real ‘fake news’ peddlers who did the most damage in distorting information and manipulation public opinion are Duterte allies like Locsin and Rep. Salceda. The latter even confessed he got a fake video from a group of ‘reputable businessmen’. Meanwhile, the government’s PCOO has been consistent in promoting ‘fake news’ information against activists. As propaganda mouthpieces of Duterte, his spokespersons should be made accountable for using lies and doublespeak to cover the government’s shortcomings.

Slow and inept government officials

We understand that LGU officials were made to carry a heavy burden because of the incompetence of the national government. But we cannot ignore that some LGUs have been slow, indifferent, and vindictive in their COVID-19 response. The partisan distribution of relief in some areas has exacerbated the suffering of the local population. The bureaucratic gridlock at DOLE, DSWD and other agencies have led to delays in rolling out social protection measures. If assistance were regularly and adequately delivered, many residents won’t find it necessary to go out of their shelters to search for help.

Cronies and mining firms

While many have lost jobs and their livelihoods destroyed, some cronies and favored contractors have exploited the crisis to hoard money and influence. Also in this category are mining firms which mobilized government resources to bulldoze their way in mining areas amid the lockdown and community resistance. Pasaway na, gahaman pa.
Malacanang should stop its hypocritical stance that citizens who lack discipline are causing the infections to rise. Instead of accusing the public, it should focus on implementing a comprehensive health and social protection package to fight COVID-19.

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Tokhang approach in handling the pandemic

Published by Bayan Metro Manila

The police which enforced Tokhang and terrorized our communities want us to feel safe and cheer ‘arrests without warning’, intensified troop deployment, and repressive lockdown restrictions.
General Archie Gamboa warned the public that police are now ordered to arrest quarantine ‘violators’ without warning as part of the government’s campaign to flatten the COVID-19 curve. He added that police visibility has been enhanced, more troops are now deployed in communities, and they will work with local officials in enforcing quarantine protocols. Gamboa said these measures are being applied because of pasaways who are spreading the virus infection.

There are many disturbing aspects in these pronouncements which are based on wrong premises.

The general is echoing the self-serving Malacanang spin that the cause of rising virus infections is the so-called pasaway who are allegedly violating quarantine rules. He and Palace propagandists are malicious in blaming the public for the continued spread of COVID-19 cases.

What they refuse to admit is that the public health crisis was exacerbated by government shortcomings. Ask the 14 senators who enumerated the many sins of Health Secretary Francisco Duque. And if Duque is liable for failed leadership, the same accusation can be levied against President Rodrigo Duterte.
Duterte and the pasaway gang belittled the COVID-19 threat, they refused to order a travel ban against China, they did not conduct mass testing and contract tracing, they did not procure enough protective equipment for frontline workers, and they acted late in establishing testing laboratories and testing centers.
When the pasaway gang got special powers from Congress, they were slow in drafting a comprehensive program on how to roll out medical measures and distributing emergency relief to displaced workers. The delay in the arrival of aid forced many residents and informal workers to seek help and livelihood outside their homes. For those living in congested communities, social distancing is practically impossible to implement.

A militarist lockdown without mass testing became a prolonged detention that does not resolve the COVID-19 outbreak.

Authorities are now hyping the pasaway narrative to make people feel, think, and accept the blame that their actions are causing the spread of the virus. Not the reluctance to conduct mass testing, not the delay in the arrival of aid, but the instinct to feed their families and seek assistance in the community.

Another dangerous assertion of the police is that the overkill deployment of troops will curb the number of infections. The people have been clamoring for mass testing, tracing, treatment, and building of quarantine centers but the government decided instead to send the platoon into our communities. It would have made more sense if the government deployed a battalion of health workers instead of uniformed personnel in boots carrying high powered arms.

Intensified police visibility will add to the anxiety of residents in forced quarantine. After all, it’s not the first time the police invoked public safety to justify their expanded role in local governance. The last time it happened led to bloody Tokhang operations which terrorized communities but did little to end the drug menace.

We fear the Martial Law-type of lockdown restriction is the government’s paranoid preemptive measure to deter people from expressing anger over the non-arrival of aid and the lack of social protection and medical programs in the campaign against COVID-19.
The militarist solution to the pandemic betrays the government’s lack of confidence in addressing the public health crisis. Duterte’s desperate recourse is to impose draconian social control and manipulate people to accept and be grateful for the inadequate assistance the government is providing.

Lacking is the government’s complete strategy in addressing the pandemic. What is the program for those who lost jobs and livelihood? What will the new normal look life for various sectors.
The government can start by listening to the demands of the people. It should remove the bureaucratic gridlock and ensure the fast distribution of relief. It is unacceptable that after more than a month of lockdown imposition, millions have yet to receive the emergency aid from the government.

We reiterate our demands for medical solutions and an inclusive, comprehensive social protection package. We reject Martial Law-type lockdown and other repressive restrictions as a model to fight COVID-19

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Walang Ambag: Duterte’s late night speeches dangerous to public health and democracy

Published by Bayan Metro Manila

The confirmation by military and police authorities that state forces are preparing for a Martial-Law type of lockdown is proof that President Rodrigo Duterte’s late night speeches pose a great danger not only to public health but also to our democracy.

Police and military officials told media that they initiated preparations after hearing the president issuing a directive about the possibility of imposing a measure similar to Martial Law as part of the government’s COVID-19 response.

It is a reminder that when the president talks, his words may carry different meanings for many citizens but for members of the security sector, they constitute a direct order coming from the nation’s commander-in-chief.

Duterte’s incoherence is problematic since ground troops and commanders might enforce an order based on their arbitrary interpretation of the president’s speech.

When Duterte uttered the ‘shoot them dead’ threat and the possible declaration of Martial Law, the public responded by vigorously debating the legality if these orders are carried out. But for the military and police, the president’s words might serve not just a guide but an order to obey.

Is the president making directives through his late night speeches? It appears to be the case based on the announcement of the police and military. It is alarming not only because the seemingly harmless and unfunny ramblings of the president are weaponizing the COVID-19 response, they are also being used as basis to draft policy actions sans public accountability.

The public is tormented by Duterte’s uninspiring speeches which are also bereft of a detailed plan on how the government will address the COVID-19 crisis. Instead, he is abusing his privileged platform to make insane threats and unscientific arguments without providing a transparent report about the status of the government’s overall COVID-19 response.

And now the revelation that police and military forces are not just simply listening but also waiting for specific instructions from their commander-in-chief.

Martial Law preparation exposes the militarist framework of the COVID-19 response. The government is readying more repressive lockdown measures instead of focusing on medical solutions and social welfare programs.

We call on Congress to probe the Martial Law preparation by the police and military. We ask LGUs to remain fast and innovative in distributing aid to their constituents.
We reiterate our call for a comprehensive health-based program to fight COVID-19. This includes mass testing, tracing, treatment, and establishment of quarantine and laboratory centers across the country. Implementation of social protection measures must be a priority, and this requires the immediate elimination of red tape, bureaucratic delay, and partisan intervention.

Our people’s organizations are one with other civic institutions in establishing community initiatives to extend assistance to the needy, even as we continue to protest the slow and inadequate social protection provided by the national government. We are also ready to resist any attempt to subvert our democratic rights.

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The COVID-19 pandemic exposes bankruptcy of neoliberal political economy

Published by Bayan Metro Manila

After decades of privatizing health care, millions are left untreated despite the rapid spread of COVID-19. Hospitals and other public health facilities are managed to raise profits which undermined access to health services. Government subsidies to health and education are slashed. Universal health insurance is oriented to serve the interest of private corporations.

The pandemic gave face to millions of casual workers who lost jobs, informal workers whose livelihoods have been destroyed, and migrant workers who lack social protection benefits. They disprove the claims that neoliberal growth is making societies more prosperous. Their precarious conditions expose how the dominant system is enabled by dispossessing the many.

Unbridled plunder of natural resources has weakened the capacity of many nations which are today mired in extreme poverty and debt. Despite or because of implementing the prescriptions imposed by neoliberal experts and imperialist institutions, many countries today are cash-strapped and their economies are unable to provide the needs of the local population. Governments are struggling to provide emergency aid to constituents affected by the COVID-19 pandemic.

The crisis revealed that we should not rely on the so-called ‘invisible hand of the market’ for our needs but on the quick action of publicly accountable state and civic institutions. That instead of allowing corporations to equate their profit target with the nation’s economic growth, we have to count what really matters to our lives: access to health care and other basic services, food security, and livable communities. It’s time to rethink the doctrine of turning over vital utilities, industries, and services to the private sector. Finally, we must develop a local economy that can address the basic needs of our people, especially in times of emergency.

We recognize, too, that building a resilient society requires good governance and democratic leadership. People empowerment is crucial in making governments work to prioritize the upliftment of workers, farmers, women, and other marginalized sectors of society.

We are in solidarity with International League of Peoples’ Struggle and other organizations as we reiterate our urgent demands in addressing the social impact of the current pandemic. We are one with those who assert that the new normal must lead us to reject the discredited neoliberal model of development and the bankrupt political leadership that controls this system of mass poverty and inequality. We will only heal if we will fight for a different future.

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LGU response to COVID-19

Published by Bayan Metro Manila

We support pro-active LGU response to COVID-19 amid the slow roll-out of mass testing and inadequate delivery of aid by the national government

We support the initiative of several Local Government Units to proceed with localized mass testing as an emergency but essential measure to contain the community transmission of COVID-19.

The national government said it will begin mass testing on 14 April, more than a month after it enforced a lockdown in mainland Luzon. The Department of Health also initially rejected the application of Marikina to set up its own laboratory testing for COVID-19 cases. The reluctance to immediately acknowledge the importance of mass testing and the bureaucratized establishment of testing centers have seriously undermined the overall campaign to contain the spread of COVID-19.

LGUs like Marikina and Valenzuela are justified in partnering with medical institutions in conducting mass testing in their cities.

We urge the government of President Rodrigo Duterte and his subordinates to respect local autonomy. It should extend assistance to pro-active LGUs instead of invoking the misnamed “Bayanihan to Heal As One Act” which penalizes LGU officials who ‘disobey’ national regulations.

We also welcome the announcement of Pasig LGU and other cities that they will shoulder the inadequate aid allotted to them by the national government. This will partially lift the anxiety of many families which have been excluded from the list of beneficiaries under the government’s ‘social amelioration program’.

On the other hand, we assert that the Duterte government should not pass the burden to LGUs and mislead people about the role of local officials in distributing relief. It has the power to suspend pork barrel and unproductive intelligence funds and realign these items to the COVID-19 emergency response.

The slow action and the lack of transparency about COVID-19 statistics, the gridlock in the distribution of subsidy, and the overall plan on how to beat COVID-19 have raised doubts about the government’s capacity and capability to lift the lockdown in two weeks and address the social impact of a prolonged pandemic.

Many people are increasingly frustrated with the government’s failure to properly communicate its strategy in addressing COVID-19. It’s militarist approach in enforcing the lockdown reveals its repressive approach in silencing criticism.

It is in this context that we see the pro-active LGU response as a reflection of the national government’s failure to fulfill its pledge in using the ‘special powers’ granted by Congress to swiftly enact COVID-19 measures. LGUs owe it to their constituents to remain fast and innovative instead of simply waiting for the delayed assistance from the national government.

The people are outraged over the slow-paced implementation of medical measures and the handing out of socio-economic assistance. Bayan-led chapters in many communities in Metro Manila are scheduled to hold a noise barrage protest to reiterate our urgent demands: Cash subsidy for the 18 million families and all those who need it, free mass testing, establishment of local quarantine and laboratory centers, protection for frontliners, lifting of repressive restrictions, and release of political prisoners on humanitarian grounds.

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