Lessons from the Haiyan Typhoon Tragedy

By admin | November 26, 2013

Written for The Diplomat

The Philippine government has already declared a state of national calamity in the wake of the devastation caused by super typhoon Haiyan (Yolanda) on several Visayas islands. More than 10,000 are feared dead after Haiyan, the strongest storm in the world this year, ravaged entire communities – especially the costal barangays (villages) facing the Pacific.

Visayas comprises several islands located in the central Philippines. Haiyan left a trail of destruction across the Visayas islands of Samar, Leyte, north Cebu, Negros and Panay. It also affected some parts of Romblon, Mindoro and Palawan. But it was the east Visayas provinces of Samar and Leyte, which are closest to the Pacific, that bore the brunt of Haiyan’s fury.

The Philippines is situated in the typhoon belt of the Asia-Pacific region, which means it gets battered by more than a dozen storms every year. Storms usually trigger floods, landslides and strong winds on the islands and many Filipinos prepared for these extreme elements when Haiyan was first reported by the weather bureau. But Haiyan was different. It proved to be a real super typhoon when it caused a tsunami-like storm surge that instantly killed thousands.

The storm surge is responsible for the massive destruction in Tacloban City, the capital of Leyte (and also the hometown of Rep. Imelda Marcos, wife of the late dictator Ferdinand Marcos). When Haiyan was about to make landfall, many sought refuge in sturdy facilities like the airport and gymnasium – but these were also laid to waste by the storm surge. A local official said that had they were advised to prepare for a tsunami, they could have chosen an evacuation center situated on higher ground.

Visayas power and communication lines were destroyed when Haiyan hit the region last Friday. It took almost a day for the rest of the Philippines, including capital Manila, to be informed about the huge damage left by Haiyan. After the partial restoration of communications in Tacloban, the country and the world were shocked by the images of devastation and misery in the city. Initial reports indicated that 90 percent of the province took a severe beating from the storm. The situation is said to be worse in other remote islands.

As of this writing, there are still many towns which couldn’t be reached because of ruined roads and absence of communication signals. But aerial surveillance by the military has confirmed fears that many villages were reduced to wasteland by the storm. Worse, medical services and relief goods could not be immediately provided to hungry and weary survivors.

The areas hit by Haiyan are among the poorest provinces in the Philippines. In fact, Eastern Visayas is the third poorest region in the country. Now it is a poor region rendered poorer by a typhoon; and the impoverished will likely become more impoverished than ever.

Rebuilding Tacloban and the rest of Visayas will prove to be a daunting task. Haiyan wreaked havoc at a time when the country is still recovering from a deadly earthquake which shook the island of Bohol (also in Visayas) just a few weeks ago. This is turning out to be a calamitous year for the Philippines despite the stellar growth of its economy.

The priority at the moment is to rescue more survivors and provide relief to disaster refugees. Thankfully, aid is pouring in from all over the world. Many Filipinos are also showing their solidarity by volunteering in the rehabilitation efforts. But this is not enough. It’s not sustainable to focus resources on post-disaster relief operations. There should be a comprehensive plan on how to prevent massive casualties every time a disaster strikes the islands.

Haiyan proved once more that the Philippines are extremely vulnerable to the harsh impact of climate change. But it also exposed the sorry state of the country’s infrastructure, chaotic land zoning system, pre-modern weather facilities, unreliable communication facilities, and inadequate disaster preparedness programs.

The reported breakdown of law and order in Tacloban is more or less due to the failure of the government to extend urgent aid to survivors. Apparently, there was no system or functioning mechanism on how to quickly respond to emergency situations.

Haiyan also highlighted the alarming deterioration of the country’s environment. For example, large-scale logging operations have depleted the watersheds which often cause massive flooding in the lowlands. Because of environment pollution, super storms like Haiyan can evolve into man-made disasters.

As for the Southeast Asian region, Haiyan should remind regional leaders to collectively address the impact of climate change. At a minimum, there should be regional coordination during disasters. When Haiyan left the Philippines, it headed straight off in the direction of Vietnam and China.

Samar and Leyte in US Military History

Written for The Diplomat

More than 6,000 American troops have been deployed in the typhoon-ravaged provinces of Samar and Leyte in central Philippines to assist in the rescue and relief efforts of the local government. In fact, Samar and Leyte are part of U.S. military history. In 1901, American soldiers stood accused of a murderous frenzy in the remote town of Balangiga in Samar. Many years later, in 1944, General Douglas MacArthur returned to the Philippines via Leyte to fight the Japanese invading army.

After learning about the deaths of American soldiers in Samar in 1901, the U.S. government directed its military officials in the Philippines to implement the “most stern measures to pacify Samar” and “to give the Filipinos ‘bayonet rule’ for years to come.” Brig. Gen. Jacob Smith immediately penned his infamous Circular No. 6, which contains the following instructions to his troops: “I want no prisoners” and “I wish you to kill and burn; and the more you burn and kill, the better it will please me.” He ordered his men to reduce Samar into a “howling wilderness” and to kill anyone 10 years old and above capable of bearing arms.

More than 2,000 Balangiga civilians died in the subsequent carnage. Smith was court martialled for his role in this atrocity and it marked the first time that an American officer stood trial for what we now call war crimes. However, the United States continues to refuse to return the church bells of Balangiga, which American soldiers took in 1901 as a war booty.

Fast forward to October 20, 1944. General Douglas MacArthur landed in Palo, Leyte to signal the return of American troops in Philippine soil; and more importantly, to expel the Japanese army that had invaded the country in 1941.

“People of the Philippines, I have returned! By the grace of Almighty God, our forces stand again on Philippine soil,” said MacArthur in a historic radio broadcast. The ensuing Battle of Leyte Gulf involved one of the world’s largest sea battles and the victory of the American forces proved decisive in ending Japanese rule in the Philippines and in Asia. Many Filipinos today continue to regard MacArthur as the “savior of the Philippines.”

In 1991, American troops left the country after the Philippine Senate rejected the bases treaty. That same year, American soldiers were forced to evacuate their base in Pampanga in central Luzon island because of the eruption of Mt. Pinatubo. Two decades later, and another devastating natural disaster has hit the country, this time bringing U.S. forces back to the islands in the Visayas.

When super typhoon Haiyan (Yolanda) struck Samar and Leyte on November 8, the U.S. was among the first countries in the world to offer assistance. Aside from sending cash donations, Washington dispatched its Japan-based military forces to assist in rescue operations, especially in the remote islands of the eastern Visayas region.

The USS George Washington arrived in the country last week with 5,000 sailors aboard. The U.S. also dispatched the USS Germantown and USS Ashland, amphibious warfare vessels that proved very helpful in transporting relief goods to far-flung villages of Samar and Leyte.

By last weekend, the U.S. military had already made 186 aircraft sorties, representing 480 flight hours, and had airlifted nearly 2,900 typhoon victims. Osprey and KC-130 aircraft had delivered 107,000 pounds of food, water and other urgent supplies to the local government.

Aside from the sailors aboard the aircraft carrier, there are more than 600 U.S. military personnel in the Philippines conducting relief services. About 1,000 Marines with the 31st Marine Expeditionary Unit are expected to arrive soon.

Many countries have dispatched troops, but it seems it is the U.S. military that is leading the ground operations. Journalist Terry Moran wrote about how an Israeli officer was instructed by a high-ranking Philippine official “to talk to the Americans” for the coordination in the relief missions

Analysts believe that the active participation of U.S. troops in the rebuilding of typhoon-damaged communities in the Philippines is both a goodwill measure and an effective military strategy at a time when the U.S. is pivoting towards the Asia-Pacific.

Some compare the mercy missions of the U.S. to MacArthur’s historic landing in Leyte. For others, the sight of foreign troops may bring back less pleasant memories. Either way, though, the U.S. is once again poised to make history in Samar and Leyte.

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Our year of living disastrously

By admin | November 19, 2013

Written for the CNN

The images of the devastation wrought by super typhoon Haiyan as it hit the Philippines the past two days have shocked people across the globe. But be prepared for even more heartbreaking images and stories of the storm’s aftermath once reporters and rescuers are finally able to reach remote coastal towns here like Samar and Leyte Provinces.

Haiyan, the strongest typhoon this year, caused a tsunami-like storm surge that almost completely wiped out facilities in Leyte Province, killing thousands in the process. Indeed, early police reports are already suggesting the number of dead could top 10,000.

The scenes in Tacloban City alone are heart-wrenching. Dead bodies are everywhere, dazed survivors are walking the streets, and parents are desperately looking for food and water. Some sought refuge in the airport, but this was also destroyed during the storm. Evacuation centers and public markets have been flooded. Even the mayor of Tacloban reportedly had to be rescued from his home. Power lines are down and could take a month to be restored. It seems particularly cruel that the already powerless here literally now don’t have power.

After surveying the ruins in Tacloban, a Cabinet official likened the flattened houses to scattered matchsticks. A journalist reported that he felt like he was inside a washing machine during the storm surge. One survivor likened the eerie streets of Tacloban to a scene in the Hollywood zombie flick World War Z.

Tacloban is an urban hub with modern communications and transportation facilities, which explains why the world was so quickly able to see the deadly impact of the storm. (It is also, incidentally, the hometown of Rep. Imelda Marcos, the wife of former Philippine dictator Ferdinand Marcos).

But Tacloban, the capital of Leyte, which together with Samar Province comprises the Eastern Visayas region, is also one of the country’s poorest regions, an area plagued by hunger, joblessness, and deprivation. Typhoon Haiyan has therefore been particularly devastating for this part of the world, and has dashed all hope that the region’s people could be lifted with the rising Philippine economy.

In fact, while the Philippine economy is one of the fastest growing in the Asia-Pacific – growing at 6.6 percent last year – extreme poverty is a continuing reality for many in this country, especially those living in the country’s rural eastern corridor and coastal barangays (villages).

These are difficult times for the Philippines. But sadly for many Filipinos, this is not so much the year of living dangerously as living disastrously. Conflict on the southern island of Mindanao has wreaked the livelihoods of people there, while Bohol and Cebu Provinces are still recovering from a powerful earthquake that struck the islands just last month. Several Luzon provinces near the capital of Manila, meanwhile, have already been reeling from agricultural losses caused by flash floods.

Of course the immediate objective now is search and rescue, and Filipinos will welcome the fact that during times of crises like this, other nations will no doubt respond by sending aid and humanitarian assistance. But once the relief provisions have been distributed, will there be enough left here after the storm to kick start the economy at the grassroots level? The reality is that the Philippines cannot expect to live on charity alone. International aid cannot sustain even a subsistence economy, like that of much of the region that has been worst hit, and so it is essential that Filipinos rebuild with sustainability in mind.

Building for sustainability should also mean the country’s resources and rehabilitation efforts should be utilized with climate proofing in mind, and economic policies should be designed to prevent Filipinos from being constant disaster refugees. It’s no secret that the country experiences extreme natural events year round. Situated in the Pacific “ring of fire,” the Philippine archipelago is dotted with numerous volcanoes and active fault lines, not to mention the multiple typhoons that hit each year, such as last year’s typhoon Bopha, the world’s deadliest disaster of 2012.

Sadly, each natural calamity has only further exposed the government’s inadequate disaster preparedness. Weather tracking facilities have been revealed as pre-modern or non-existent in some places, while infrastructure such as communications equipment is far too vulnerable, further undermining already inadequate emergency mechanisms. All this is exacerbated by the rapid deterioration of the country’s natural ecosystem.

The Haiyan tragedy has reminded Filipinos of their resiliency as a nation, something that is giving hope to survivors and other victims of natural disasters. But this legendary Filipino spirit should also be invoked in our campaign for good governance. Before Haiyan wreaked havoc in the country, Filipinos were outraged by an expose of corruption involving the siphoning of public funds, including disaster funds, by prominent politicians.

This latest tragedy should be a reminder that while disasters will strike no matter what we do, cleaner, more efficient governance can sometimes help stop disaster turning into catastrophe.

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Singapore’s ‘Tuition Industrial Complex’

By admin | November 5, 2013

Written for The Diplomat

Policymakers are debating the social impact of private tuition or tutoring classes which have proliferated in recent years. The numbers are simply staggering: More than 90 percent of primary students are enrolled in after-school tuition centers while parents spend an estimated $680 million annually on tutoring services. Soon, it will be a billion-dollar industry.

But aside from being a thriving sector, tuition has become Singapore’s ‘shadow education system’ that caters even to academically-gifted students. And the government is not quite happy with this development.

“Our education system is run on the basis that tuition is not necessary. Some parents believe they can give their children an added advantage by sending them to tuition classes, even though their children are doing reasonably well. We cannot stop them from doing so,” said Senior Minister of State for Education Indranee Rajah in a parliament session.

The rise of tuition led many to ask whether it is really beneficial to students in the long run. Does it enrich the learning of children or does it create a ‘mindset of dependency?’ Is it a good investment or a waste of resources?

In the past, tuition was reserved for students who were lagging behind in school. But today, it has become a compulsory service for almost all students – especially those who want to earn higher grades. For many parents, tuition is necessary to give their children a competitive edge in the school and many of them will continue to pay high fees as long as the test scores of their children keep on improving.

But the tuition craze could also affect Singapore’s education system, which ranks among the best in the world. Some parents are worried that schools might lose their best teachers to private tuition centers. The government may be correct to claim that there is a low resignation rate among teachers today; but as tuition continues to expand, how long can schools retain their most experienced teachers, those who might be lured by better career opportunities in the private sector?

There is also a concern about the impact of tuition on the formal learning process in schools. Do students pay more attention to classroom lessons or do they simply expect to be tutored after class? How do teachers adjust their teaching methods with the knowledge that most of their students are enrolled in tuition classes?

Singapore might soon face the prospect that all students are already taking tuition sessions. It could immediately lead to higher examination results and better academic performance of students which would reflect positively on Singaporean education in general. But this numeric achievement should be balanced by taking into consideration the overall development of students, including their health, attitude, and mental well-being.

In other words, public discussion should not simply focus on the economics of tuition and its pedagogic value. More importantly, the tuition debate should lead to deeper reflection on how Singapore nurtures its next generation.

Why Singapore Doesn’t Count the Poor

Written for The Diplomat

Singapore, one of the richest countries in the world, has 20 billionaires and 188,000 millionaires. But curiously, the government doesn’t know the exact number of its poor households. Maybe Kishore Mahbubani, a former diplomat, was correct when he wrote in 2001 that poverty has already been eradicated and that there were no longer “homeless, destitute or starving people” in Singapore. But this seems a bold claim to make in light of the recently documented hardships faced by many ordinary Singaporeans. Perhaps it’s more accurate to mention that the lack of poverty data is related to the government’s refusal to define the country’s poverty line.

Responding to a question in a parliament session, Minister for Social and Family Development Chan Chun Sing explained why the government is not inclined to follow the lead of Hong Kong, which recently defined the poverty threshold: “A poverty line does not fully reflect the severity and complexity of the issues faced by poor families, which could include ill health, lack of housing or weak family relationships. If we use a single poverty line to assess the family, we also risk a ‘cliff effect,’ where those below the poverty line receive all forms of assistance, while other genuinely needy citizens outside the poverty line are excluded.”

He added that developed countries like Canada and New Zealand have not adopted poverty lines in measuring their economies.

But the minister’s “cliff effect” argument was quickly debunked by many. For instance, writer Kirsten Han argued why setting the poverty line would not lead to the exclusion of other less deprived households.

“The existence of a poverty line does not mean that all focus should be directed towards those who fall below it. Once we see that poverty exists as a structural problem, more steps can be taken to address the distribution of resources and opportunities.”

Indeed, the poverty line can be a useful tool for the government in devising multiple programs to assist low-income households. More importantly, it will help validate the effectiveness of the government’s existing economic and social services for the poor.

But the strong reaction to the minister’s response reflects the sentiment among many Singaporeans that the government is not doing enough to address the growing gap between the rich and poor (let alone acknowledge it).

The issue of whether setting the poverty line is relevant for Singapore came out right after the Catholic group Caritas launched an initiative called Singaporeans Against Poverty, whose aim is to raise awareness about poverty and mobilize public support in breaking the cycle of poverty in Singapore. In particular, the campaign urges Singaporeans to be more sensitive about rising poverty despite the reported affluence in the country.

The group claimed that there are 105,000 families or 387,000 individuals whose monthly income is less than $1500. It added that in 2012, more than 100,000 Singaporeans and permanent residents earned less than $1,000 a month despite working full time. It also cited a 2008 survey which showed that a third of households living in one- and two-room flats have no income.

Setting a poverty line would not discredit the status of Singapore as a rich nation. No one can dispute its sterling achievements in building a world-class city that provides efficient services to its citizens and visitors. But poverty, however insignificant the number, is also a reality in modern and prosperous Singapore. And the government, which wants to define and count almost everything, including what constitutes unlawful assembly, can best tackle the problem of poverty by identifying the number of poor that deserve to receive urgent assistance.

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Information Fatigue

By admin | November 2, 2013

Written for Bulatlat

If journalism is history in a hurry, can we describe social media as the hurrying of history? Because of mobile Internet, events are ‘instantiated’ in our timelines and webpages. We constantly access the Internet not simply to read the mirror images of this morning’s newspapers or videos of last night’s news reports but to monitor the news as it happens. Watch livestream events, participate in crowdsourced reporting, information is delivered in realtime.

The immediate and obvious consequence of this phenomenon is information overload. When big data are reduced into 140 characters and creative graphics, they are easily exchanged in the cyberspace which allows everyone to consume and create information at the same time. We become both victims and aggressors in the digital warfare; specialists and spectators in the information superhighway.

The problem is different and even worse than excessive TV viewing because the latter can be easily solved by switching off the machine. But a smartphone is not only loaded with numerous must-have apps, its basic features – SMS and call – are considered as among the essentials of 21st century living. The power-off button is actually seldom used today. In other words, ‘the data will always get through’ even if our gadgets are on silent mode.

But few are complaining of information fatigue. In fact, the trend is in the direction of promoting greater online presence. Is visual stress a non-issue among the digital natives? Or perhaps many are still hypnotized by the allure of virtual communities. Maybe we are too engrossed, fascinated, and distracted by the neverending flow of data to notice how our seemingly mundane Internet activities are deeply affecting our senses. For example, are we really reading something when we go online or are we just simply absorbing the visuals that appear and fade in the multiple tabs of our browsers?

The good news is that Internet overexposure is partly addressed by netizen campaigns that seek to enhance and protect our online experience. Through these initiatives, there is still hope to make the Internet a better and safer place for everybody, especially the children. But responsible Internet usage is not enough.

The other essential task is to make the Internet more truly social. We should begin by acknowledging that the Internet, despite its democratic functions, also reinforces individualism and apathy in society. By bombarding us with too much (trivial) information, the Internet lulls us into inaction. For many people, the ability to consume and exchange information is equated with action. Experience is understood as the accumulation, storing, and spreading of information. We feel empowered just because we can freely access and manipulate information. Perhaps unconsciously, we use information to “anaesthetize the injuries of class, race, and sex” (Susan Sontag). As our social worlds deteriorate, we find solace in the information frenzy of our social networks.

The political goal is suddenly redirected to maintain open interactions in the cyberspace in order not to impede the intake and flow of information. The unintended effect is the narrowing of our concept of political engagement.

The Internet has ceaselessly provided us with useful tools that revolutionized communication and information sharing in the world. Information is suddenly made available for everybody. Everything can be fact-checked now in an instant. Solutions are already downloadable. But this is also the same reason why action seems inadequate and less forceful in the real world. Reversing the formulation made by media guru Marshall McLuhan when he described the legacy of typography in Western society, what we have today is a proliferation of tools that give us the power to react without acting. By leading us to think that political action is the same with information access, the Internet has become a glorified platform for non-involvement and detachment. Information swapping becomes the preferred form of political intervention.

Information overload is an appropriate term. It reminds us that what gets exchanged at dizzying speed in the cyberspace are simply information, which are mostly spam anyway. There is no such thing as truth overload or truth fatigue. Fact-checking through Google is different from the ‘truth procedure.’

Therefore, truth-seeking should be the norm in our everyday Internet activities. This approach would hopefully prevent us from getting distracted by the noise and clutter that pervade the Internet world. Restore politics in information, fight for truth and only truth in the Internet.

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Why Rallies Are Not Really Rallies in Manila and Phnom Penh

By admin | October 31, 2013

Written for The Diplomat, before the September 11 anti-pork EDSA event.

Since last month, Cambodians and Filipinos have been staging massive outdoor rallies in their respective capitals but curiously they are denying that these are protests.

After accusing the ruling Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) of manipulating the July 28 election results, the opposition Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP) organized an assembly on August 6, presumably to protest the election fraud. But party leaders clarified that the aim of the gathering at the Phnom Penh Freedom Park was simply to thank supporters and voters. Another outdoor “meeting” was called on August 26 to inform the people about their demand for the establishment of an independent committee to probe the recent elections.

Thousands of Cambodians attended these assemblies which somehow reflected the rising public dissatisfaction against the government of Prime Minister Hun Sen who has been in power for the past three decades.

To sustain the momentum of its campaign, the CNRP announced that its first official election protest will be held on September 7. But days before the scheduled rally, party leader Sam Rainsy surprised many supporters when he declared that the assembly will be a day of prayer and meditation for justice.

“What we are calling a non-violent and peaceful demonstration would have the spirit of a ceremony of contemplation and prayer throughout the country,” Rainsy said in a press conference. “We will preach and be gentle,” he added. He advised participants to bring candles, incense and lotus flowers.

To prove that it is seriously advocating nonviolence, the CNRP held a training session before the rally to teach participants how to react non-violently to police provocations and avoid the use of abusive and racist language.

“Because we are Khmer we have to have gentle expressions…we have to keep smiling,” explained CNRP vice president Kem Sokha.

The CNRP decision to hold a mass prayer instead of a traditional rally was probably intended to encourage more people to join the activities of the opposition. The party must be preparing for a long political battle for which it needs to develop a broad constituency that could challenge the strong machinery of the ruling CPP.

Opposition politician Mu Sochua argued why violent engagement won’t be effective today: “As for the change we want of the election results, it would take a violent confrontation and I personally think that we are not ready, nor willing to take that route. I believe that taking one step at a time to strengthen peoples’ self-confidence for more sustainable change…will help us take over power at 2018 elections.”

Aside from threatening to boycott the Parliament sessions, the CNRP has called for more rallies next week. But it is not yet certain whether the planned actions are really protest rallies or something else.

Meanwhile, in the Philippines thousands converged at Luneta Park in Manila on August 26 to denounce the rampant corruption in the government after a whistleblower revealed how politicians are systematically misappropriating funds. It was a gathering organized mainly by netizens and instead of calling it a rally, they described it as a “massive pocket picnic get together.”

The official Facebook page for the event even contained explicit reminders about the non-partisan character of the activity: “No group banners. No political colors. No speeches. Just all of us ordinary, tax-paying people showing government they answer to us. We need this outrage, anger to reach critical mass.”

During the scheduled assembly, the center of the park was exclusively designated for individuals not affiliated with any political groups. And instead of political speeches, participants listened to patriotic songs and occasional logistical announcements.

The next major anti-corruption event is scheduled for September 11 and this time it will be held at the historic Edsa Shrine, the site of People Power uprisings which led to the ouster of two presidents in 1986 and 2001. But again, the event is supposedly not a political rally but a prayer vigil against corruption. The powerful Catholic Church hierarchy is endorsing the activity.

The Facebook page for the event contains states: “No banners, placards, effigies or bullhorns. This is not a political rally. This is a prayer vigil.” Participants are also barred from bringing costumes and megaphones. But they are encouraged to bring trash bags to clean up the shrine after the vigil.

On September 13, protesters will return to Luneta Park for an assembly that will apparently take the form of a rock concert. There is also a gathering planned for September 21.

The series of “protests” reflects the continuing and rising outrage felt by many Filipinos about the plunder of people’s money by corrupt politicians. Despite the pledge of President Benigno Aquino III to abolish the legislative pork, angry citizens and netizens continue to call for the scrapping of all discretionary funds, including the presidential pork.

Perhaps the events were advertised as peaceful, fun and safe in order to attract a bigger crowd. The banning of political speeches and banners proves that the assemblies were not organized by the country’s opposition forces. It is important to note that opposition politicians are also implicated in the corruption scandal.

So far, the “non-rallies” in Phnom Penh and Manila have been effective in drawing more people and generating public interest. But participants must also acknowledge that despite their rejection of partisan political ideologies, their decision to join the citizen assemblies is itself a political act. And besides, how can we refrain from speaking and acting in clear political terms when we are fighting political evils like election fraud and corruption?

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Across Rivers, Atop Mountains: A Constituency Unreachable via Internet

By admin | October 30, 2013

Written for Global Voices, The Bridge project

What are the duties of a party list legislator? Draft laws, participate in plenary debates, and yes, even climb mountains.

A lawmaker’s job is to articulate the demands of a constituency. Therefore, a lawmaker must regularly consult his people. In the context of a Third World agrarian archipelago like the Philippines, this means reaching out to villages living in remote hinterlands, small islands surrounded by active volcanoes, and even flooded river valleys.

Ideally, we could maximize Internet tools to connect the rural and the urban. Connectivity is increasing, but we cannot deny that a significant part of our population is still disconnected from wireless or even dial-up technologies.

Crowd-sourcing must be interpreted literally. In other words, citizens must still be physically gathered in an assembly where they can freely express their opinions. A lawmaker must sometimes cross hanging bridges, dirt roads and mountain trails to be present in these assemblies.

In the past four years, I had the privilege of attending numerous community meetings organized by students, farmers, fisherfolk, workers and indigenous peoples. I went to coastal barangays (villages), day care centers, reclamation sites, land reform zones and protest camps of striking workers. It was truly a marvelous experience to see the majestic islands of the Philippines; but it was also heartbreaking to witness the inhumanity of numbing poverty in both the countryside and Mega Manila.

Through my participation in these assemblies, I felt as if I was enrolled in massive, open offline courses on Philippine geography, social history, public administration and political science. They reveal what official government reports are excluding. They are testimonies of policy failures. At the same time, they provide a glimpse of grassroots democracy in action.

My most memorable non-official function was a trip I made to Sarangani in 2011. Located in the southernmost island of the country, Sarangani is famously represented in Congress by world boxing champion Manny Pacquiao. It’s a poor province, yet blessed with abundant resources. It’s situated in the country’s tuna capital region and parts of the province are said to contain one of the largest gold deposits in the world.

Perhaps because of intensified mining activities, there is a military occupation in many villages to secure mining operations. The immediate impact was the deployment of troops in upland villages that negatively affected the lives of B’laan tribal communities, including the schooling of children.

I was invited by a non-governmental organization to visit a school taken over by the military in the municipality of Malapatan and to help deliver medical and food supplies in the area. After traversing a ‘river highway’ for three hours, we arrived in the upland village. The village chief was close to tears when he told me that I was the first member of Congress and the highest official of the land who had visited their region.

Indeed, the location is so remote that it’s not even included in the map of the municipality. Another part of the village can only be reached after trekking for more than five hours.

I saw the dilapidated conditions of the school. I met the teachers who expressed their frustration about the absence of vital social services in the village. I got the chance to interact with B’laan students. Later, I learned from the provincial education authorities that the situation in Malapatan is almost the same in other upland towns of the province.

This exposure inspired me to be more aggressive in Congress in demanding more funds for provincial public schools. It reminded me that the fundamental solution in addressing the crisis of Philippine education is to provide the basics of primary schooling: more investments for teachers, infrastructure and student support. But beyond these demands, I realized too that education reforms would be rendered meaningless if not accompanied by concrete poverty eradication measures.

The world may be advancing thanks to the wonders of IT but there are local spaces whose need for connectivity is not directly related to the Internet or social media. Indeed, a request for Wi-Fi connection would be quite laughable in a waterless community.

My term in Congress has ended but I continue to think about the upland village I visited in Sarangani. As legislator and politician, I admit my failure to provide direct and sustained assistance to the village residents, especially the children. But as an activist, my work continues and I am happy that I am joined by friends and strangers in the continuing struggle to end inequality, injustice and oppression in the world.

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Beauty, Race, and Politics on the Pageant Circuit

By admin | October 28, 2013

Written for The Diplomat

Beauty queens Megan Young of the Philippines and Moe Set Wine of Myanmar soon found themselves facing issues of race and racism after winning the Miss World and Miss Myanmar competitions, respectively.

Moe Set Wine will represent Myanmar at the Miss Universe pageant after she was crowned Miss Myanmar early this month. It will be the first time in 52 years that Myanmar is sending a contestant to the annual event, which is seen by some as yet more proof of reform and transition in the country. In fact, observers noted that some performances in the program made reference to Myanmar’s internal conflict.

But less than a week after her victory, the 25-year-old beauty queen quickly drew controversy after reports surfaced that she is Chinese and not Burmese. She allegedly joined the Miss Chinese International contest in 2009 under the name Yang Xinrong. Further, she shocked many people when she attended a football event and was greeted by Nay Shwe Thway Aung, the grandson of the country’s former dictator Than Shwe.

After reading these reports, some Burmese netizens wanted Moe Set Wine to give up her crown. An online beauty pageant was even held to search for a new representative to the Miss Universe event. But the organizers of the Miss Myanmar contest insisted that Moe Set Wine is a Burmese citizen who has won the right to represent Myanmar in the Miss Universe competition.

In an interview after her win, Moe Set Wine emphasized that “beauty alone is not enough to become Miss Universe.” Indeed, her toughest challenge today is not to prove her beauty and intelligence but to convince her fellow Burmese that she is a genuine citizen of Myanmar.

Fortunately for Megan Young of the Philippines, no Filipinos questioned her citizenship when she bagged this year’s Miss World title in Indonesia. But curiously, some international reports highlighted the fact that she is half-American who was born and raised in the United States. There is also an unconfirmed appeal to credit Megan Young’s victory to both the Philippines and the United States.

But it was the Twitter rant of Singapore-based Devina DeDiva which grabbed global attention after she insulted Megan Young and Filipinos in general.

“Miss Philippines is Miss World? What a joke! I did not know those maids have anything else in them,” wrote DeDiva who has since then deleted the racist Twitter post.

She added that Filipinos are poor, uneducated, and “smelly from cleaning toilets.”

Not surprisingly, DeDiva instantly became reviled in the Philippines. One Filipino filed a criminal case against DeDiva in Singapore for her racist remarks. She was also fired from her job as an assistant teacher. DeDiva has reportedly apologized to Megan Young and Filipinos for her comments, but many Filipinos remain angry.

Megan Young’s victory is special to Filipinos because it made the Philippines the third country in the world after Brazil and Venezuela to win all four major beauty pageants: Miss Universe, Miss International, Miss Earth and Miss World. But racism, courtesy of DeDiva, almost ruined the celebration in the islands – which partly explains the vitriolic response of many Filipinos to DeDiva’s insulting posts.

Perhaps aside from promoting world peace and women’s empowerment, the Miss World winner can also advance the cause of racial harmony.

Harrison Ford and Rihanna: Environmental Crusaders?

Written for The Diplomat

Harrison Ford’s visit to Indonesia and Rihanna’s brief vacation in Thailand attracted not just the attention of their fans but also environmental advocates.

Ford arrived in Indonesia two weeks ago to make a documentary on climate change. His itinerary included a tour of the Tesso Nilo national park and high-profile interviews with the country’s Forestry Minister Zulkifli Hasan and President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.

But the Indiana Jones and Star Wars actor stirred controversy when Zulkifli accused him of rude behavior during their interview. Zulkifli complained that Ford didn’t give him enough time to prepare for the meeting. “The interview time was very limited. I was given a chance to make only one or two comments,” the minister said.

“I understand the American man just came here to see Tesso Nilo [a national park on the island of Sumatra] and wanted violators to be caught the same day,” he added. The minister was referring to Ford’s inquiry about the high rate of deforestation in the country.

Zulkifli’s complaint was echoed by a presidential special staffer on social affairs and disaster relief who described Ford’s behavior as “harassment against a state institution.” He even threatened that Ford could be deported because of the incident.

But public reaction seemed to be in favor of Ford. Many people thought he raised tough but pertinent questions about the effectiveness of the government’s environmental policies. Indeed, Ford was right on the mark when he asked about the failure of authorities to prosecute individuals and companies responsible for the forest fires that caused a deadly haze in the region a few months ago.

Fortunately, Ford was not deported and even managed to discuss the country’s forest situation with President Yudhoyono.

Meanwhile, in Thailand, a very different kind of star, pop singer Rihanna unintentionally exposed the continuing trade in protected wildlife in Thailand when she visited the island of Phuket last weekend.

Thai authorities were quickly alerted when Rihanna uploaded an Instagram selfie of a slow loris on her shoulder while touring Phuket’s Soi Bangla.

Perhaps Rihanna was not properly informed that the furry primate she was cuddling is a protected species. The loris is listed as a protected animal in the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora. Under the Thailand Wildlife Preservation and Protection Act, possession of the loris without a permit carries a penalty of 40,000 baht or up to four years’ imprisonment. A Loris Awareness Week was recently observed to educate the people about the need to protect the animal.

Despite these regulations, the loris continues to be peddled in Thailand’s resort islands, with police unable to apprehend individuals violating the law. Enter Rihanna.

Rihanna is just one of the many tourists who had been photographed holding a loris; but then again she is no ordinary tourist. Her Twitter account is followed by more than 31 million people. Her Instagram photo was “liked” by more than 250,000 subscribers. It’s simply impossible not to notice Rihanna’s selfie with the protected primate.

Thai police were clearly embarrassed by this unintended exposure. Naturally, animal welfare groups were outraged to learn that local authorities have been remiss in enforcing the laws that seek to protect the loris and other endangered species.

Immediately after Rihanna’s loris photo went viral, police launched a crackdown that led to the arrest of two men who were subsequently charged with illegal possession of the animal.

Ford and Rihanna have demonstrated once more how celebrities can help advance a particular advocacy. Ford has already sparked awareness and discussion about Indonesia’s fragile ecosystem and hopefully his documentary will provide an in-depth treatment of the environmental crisis in Indonesia. In the case of Rihanna, her seemingly innocent photos have forced Thai authorities to act. Perhaps in the future she might be recruited in the campaign for greater animal protection.

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Invisible violence

By admin | October 25, 2013

Written for Bulatlat

South Korea’s Tower Infinity will feature the world’s third highest observation deck. But the building’s main attraction cannot be seen, literally. Using an LED façade with optical cameras, the building will ‘disappear’ which would wake it the world’s first ‘invisible’ highrise. The trick works by displaying images of the building’s surroundings onto the LED screen.

This optical illusion is the key to understanding how structural violence wreaks havoc in our lives without being seen by anybody. Like Tower Infinity, it is there but it can’t be seen. It has vanished by mirroring and amplifying the other conditions of everyday life.

Structural violence is the supreme evil that cannot be named. It does not merely support the system of inequality and oppression; it is the system that every revolution seeks to dismantle.

When politicians hide their misdeeds, they use elaborate manipulations to distract our attention or redirect our gaze. But structural violence is different: it dissociates itself from the scene of the crime through a self-disappearing act. We feel and suffer its monstrous impact but we can’t easily identify it. Like the fallen angel in the movie City of Angels, he can feel the presence of angels but he can’t see them.

But victims of violence need to name their oppressors. They must condemn and punish the instigators of violence. Structural violence responds by highlighting the visible violent or aggressive acts of individuals, especially those who are rabidly trying to expose the pure evilness of the system.

Violence is the clash between activists and police in a rally and not the government decision to slash welfare funds. The barricades set up by villagers to prevent the entry of a demolition team provoked the subsequent violent dispersal of the protest; and not the sham land and housing reform policy of the state. Striking workers are causing the loss of jobs and not the neoliberal economic prescriptions of international finance institutions. Heckling is rude but not the president’s speech which justified the imposition of more austerity measures. Tribal warriors are economic saboteurs for resisting mining and logging activities in their ancestral domains; but not the middlemen and financiers of these resource extraction investments. Documenting street crimes justifies the proliferation of CCTV eyes despite issues of privacy and surveillance. Election laws are strictly enforced which lead to the arrest of flying voters and campaign supporters; but criminal masterminds of e-voting fraud remain unknown. Focus on city traffic woes while ignore issues of maldevelopment and uneven growth.

Those who are banging hard at the wall are deemed barbarians and violent. But we often forget that the wall itself is a form of violence and the decision to build it is perhaps the more violent act. Structural violence escapes blame by naming itself as an objective reality. It insists that the wall was there since time immemorial; it has no history because it represents the natural order of things. It cannot be demolished because it is contrary to natural law.

It promotes the thinking that human miseries can be eliminated if individuals will modify their behavior. Violence is caused by the immoral choices made by man. The system can be reformed through little individual acts of kindness and heroism.

These arguments become easier to accept and understand once structural violence and its essential discontents are made to disappear.

And because structural violence is already rendered invisible, it is now able to inflict more harm and suffering in the world without being tagged as the culprit. Meanwhile, the chattering and twittering classes are echoing the reasoning of politicians when they invoke the laws and legal orders of the land to bring down the visible agent provocateurs and other uncivilized forces of society. Tragic because many of these moral defenders of the law are patriotic citizens who refuse to recognize the heinous link of symbolic violence in society. For them, structural violence is a theory concocted by lawless elements to destroy the social harmony in the Republic. Theory is fun, but they require evidence that can be presented in the courts.

The great political task therefore is not simply to smash the system to smithereens but to render its mysterious and insidious operations visible. Before the permanent shutdown of governments, the first priority is to unmask the dirty history of structural violence. During crisis moments, the inner workings of the system are partly open for public scrutiny but these are only brief periods because new remedies are quickly applied which make structural violence seemingly nonexistent again. What we should do in the next period of upheaval is to follow the great lesson of history: Seize the moment!

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Suu Kyi Lectures Singapore on Materialism

By admin | October 21, 2013

Written for The Diplomat

Singapore received a stinging, albeit friendly criticism from Nobel Peace Laureate and Myanmar opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who reminded one of the world’s richest countries that there are greater goals to achieve in life than wealth.

Suu Kyi attended a leadership summit in Singapore where she discussed, among other things, the reforms her party is envisioning for Myanmar. But during the press forum Suu Kyi spoke her mind on Singapore’s impressive economic growth.

“One gets used to thinking of Singapore as a financial, a commercial city, where people are more intent on business and money than human relations,” said Suu Kyi in her opening remarks. “But I have to say that I was pleasantly surprised that there is a lot of human warmth going around this place.”

She was cautious in praising the efficiency of Singaporean institutions. For instance, she described Singapore’s education system as “workforce oriented.”

Suu Kyi added: “That made me think. What is work all about? What are human beings for? What are human lives about?”

She wanted Myanmar to “learn” from the Singapore model instead of “recreating” it. She said, “I want to learn a lot from the standards that Singapore has been able to achieve but I wonder whether we want something more for our country.”

Suu Kyi also urged Singapore to learn from the experience of Myanmar: “So I think perhaps Singapore could learn from us, a more relaxed way of life, perhaps warmer and closer relationships.”

Perhaps Suu Kyi has not yet forgotten that Singapore remained an active trading partner and friendly neighbor to Myanmar during the reign of the Junta. Singapore statesman Lee Kuan Yew even expressed more confidence in the Burmese Army as the only institution “keeping the country stable and preventing civil war.” He also doubted the ability of Suu Kyi “to govern if ever she came to power.”

Nevertheless, Suu Kyi’s remarks were welcomed by many Singaporeans. For writer Bertha Henson, it’s time for Singapore to do some “furious thinking and soul searching.”

She wrote: “Are we just a money-grubbing nation, efficiently churning out digits for the future workplace? Are we all about the Central Business District skyline? Is that really how other people see us? As calculative individuals who do not put much stock in human relationships?”

Blogger Xuyun reminded Singapore’s leaders to go beyond the GDP in measuring the quality of life: “Aung San Suu Kyi simply pricked the bubble of our materialistic minds, exposing our emptiness beyond that magnificent façade which we built our self-esteem on and from which defines our success. GDP) should not be pursued to the extent of reducing quality of life for the majority of the people in the process. And GDP alone does not define the spirit and the soul of a nation.”

Singapore is far ahead of Myanmar in almost every indicator of human and economic development, but Suu Kyi has a point when she pressed the Lion City to aim for a broader definition of progress and development.

Chin Peng: Hero or Criminal?

Written for The Diplomat

The death of Communist Malayan Party leader Chin Peng has revived the debate about his role in the modern history of Malaysia and Singapore.

Chin led the resistance against the Japanese occupation during the Second World War; and then subsequently, against the British colonial forces in the late 1940s and 1950s. As an independence fighter, he was often compared with Myanmar’s Aung San, Indonesia’s Sukarno and Vietnam’s Ho Chi Minh.

But his campaign to establish a communist state, which led to many years of civil war, also made him unpopular. He was accused of waging a brutal guerrilla war that killed thousands. After the defeat of his forces, he moved and operated near the Thailand-Malaysian border. He lived in exile in Thailand even after a peace agreement was finalized with the Malaysian government in 1989.

Malaysian officials have rejected the request to bring home Chin’s ashes, claiming he was not a Malaysian citizen. Moreover, they are worried that a memorial could be erected by Chin’s followers.

“We know that if his body or ashes are brought back, there will be some who will deify him as a warrior-hero or make a monument to him. This will further break the hearts of our veterans and their families on top of the cruelty of Chin Peng and the communists,” said Malaysia’s Home Minister Ahmad Zahid Hamidi.

Former Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad reiterated that Chin fought the British so that Malaysia can be converted into a satellite country of the Soviet Union. He added that the divisive leader didn’t want democracy for Malaysia.

Meanwhile, M Kulasegaran, a member of parliament from Ipoh Barat, suggested that Chin’s ashes should be returned home in recognition of his “valiant” struggle for independence and in deference to the terms of the peace accords which the government signed in 1989.

For opposition politician Tian Chua, Chin’s role in the region’s history should not be diminished. Tian said: “We have our evaluation of his role in the country even if we agree or disagree over his ideology. We must recognize that he was part of Malaysian history. He and his generation have shaped what we are today. And together with other leaders in Southeast Asia, they shaped the map of Southeast Asia.”

As expected, Malaysia didn’t send an official representative to Chin’s burial ceremony. But retired Thai generals and even a member of Thailand’s royal family managed to pay their last respects to the late communist leader.

Chin’s last letter to family and friends was read during his wake: “I wish to be remembered simply as a good man who could tell the world that he had dared to spend his entire life in pursuit of his own ideals to create a better world for his people. It is my conviction that the flames of social justice and humanity will never die.”

At the time of his death, Chin and his party no longer have any political influence in mainstream Malaysia. But perhaps his exhortation to the younger generation to continue the struggle for social justice is the threat that Malaysia’s ruling party wanted to suppress.

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Protests and Alternatives

By admin | October 15, 2013

Written for Bulatlat

Rallies are sometimes caricatured as noisy and irrelevant street spectacles. Dismissed as futile ranting of a mob obsessed and afflicted with negativity. They offer only problems not solutions. They are contrasted with other political acts that focus on providing so-called practical alternatives to everyday evils. A responsible protester is someone who does not hold placards or shout motherhood slogans; instead he writes letters and prefers polite conversations with authorities.

In the eyes of many intellectuals, rallies become legitimate if they have a government permit and if they give clear options on how to solve a particular problem.

But a rally is actually more than just politician-bashing, effigy-burning, and occasional clashing with the police. It is an essential democracy ritual organized to articulate a political vision.

Every protest has a demand, petition, and appeal. Embedded in the agenda is the naming of an alternative. For paranoid politicians, this is the threat that must be vanquished which explains their ruthlessness in dispersing rallies. The visible collectives must not be allowed to assert the superiority of new politics.

If complaints against the government dominate the message of most rallies, it simply means many people are outraged by the negligence of our leaders in addressing our social problems. But it doesn’t prove that rally participants are unconcerned with alternatives. In fact, we are compelled to act because we wanted to end our miseries by exposing the flaws of the current system.

If the proposed solution is not loudly echoed, it is probably because the priority at the moment is the exposition of an issue. If the primary task is to mobilize broader public support in opposing a specific policy, more attention will be given to this mandate. Sustain the momentum, simplify and clarify the message, and organize. But it doesn’t follow that activists are clueless about the alternatives. Usually, the ‘missing’ solution is already written in the manifesto or in the pamphlet. Not all solutions are presented in pompous legalese or confusing technical papers. Sometimes, the most reasonable answers to the most perplexing riddles of life are to be found in our ordinary conversations and interactions.

Activists attend rallies not only to denounce the superbads of the world but also to speak and defend the agenda of progressive politics. They are neither professional complainers nor fanatic anti-government propagandists. Instead, they must be recognized as sentimentalists and partisans of the democratic cause. Fiery speeches are not fueled by hatred but by the stubborn optimism in people power.

Rallies are unique grassroots events. They are rallies by the grassroots, for the grassroots, and of the grassroots. They are platforms where politics is practiced at its democratic purest. This is genuine political participation. Oppression is unmasked through the testimonies of the excluded. Proofs of misgovernance are highlighted. The naughty and nice of politics are named for what they really are. In other words, rallies provide the most effective massive open offline course on political education, and yes, even conscientization.

Rallies are subversive public gatherings because they disrupt the illusory harmony in mainstream society. Power relations are challenged, history is re-made, and the prospect of revolution is openly endorsed. The impact of rallies, big and small, is always immediate. They enhance the fighting capacity of the masses, they provoke the enemies to respond or retaliate, they create new truths and opinions, they agitate the social classes. By triggering instant reaction from many sectors in society, rallies have already generated a new set of issues to be deliberated that can help hasten the emergence of more political alternatives.

Rallies alter the configurations of the political landscape. New alternatives must be debated again. Partisan forces will again vie for dominance. Conservative restoration or radical revolution? Political struggle is a never-ending process. Rallies remind us that our situation is certainly not the “best of all possible worlds” and that building another world is what makes life more meaningful. Rallies are open invitations extended to everybody who is interested in change. Ideas, doctrines, banners, and placards are most welcome in rallies.

The streets cease to be dangerous when people ‘occupy’ the streets since public rage is redirected to serve the agenda of democracy. Power is briefly reclaimed in behalf of the powerless. The future is merged with the present. The political horizon is transformed. A rally gives a glimpse of the ultimate alternative to the existing system.

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