Anti-Americanism, anyone?

By admin | October 6, 2013

Written for Bulatlat

I believe in America.

This is the famous opening line of the Hollywood film The Godfather. Incidentally, I share the same sentiment and I’d like to believe that most of my activist friends have a similar high regard for what America stands for. So why are we called anti-Americans?

First, America should not be reduced into the United States of America. We all know that USA is part of North America but there are also other countries in Central America and South America. Clearly, the geographical America is bigger than the 50 states of the USA.

But let us accept and adopt for the moment the convenient but wrong practice of misrepresenting USA for the whole America. Would I still say that I believe in America? The answer is yes.

I believe in America whose Declaration of Independence inspired countless anti-colonial movements in the world. I also believe in America which became the refuge of millions of immigrants who crossed the seas to escape wars and famines. I salute the brave Americans who fought slavery, racism, and Nazism. The world will be a less interesting place without America’s basketball games, corndogs, and user-friendly software apps.

Our so-called anti-Americanism is not a rejection of ‘truth, justice, and the American way of life’ but a celebration of these principles.

What we emphatically oppose is America’s brutal insistence that it has the natural right to impose its political, economic, and military hegemony on other nations. What we denounce is the American government every time it thinks and acts like a beastly machine. What we spread is the propaganda that America can combat global evils without undermining UN agreements and human rights.

If there are rallies in front of US embassies, they are often organized in response to a notorious or deadly policy of the US government. No activist group will hold a protest action just because many people were outraged by the twerking of Miley Cyrus. But a US-led drone attack which killed innocent civilians would probably inspire even non-activists to condemn the military aggression of the US.

‘Anti-Americanism’ is more than just a criticism of the misguided policies of the US government. It is also a plea for greater nationalism which is an effective response to defang the venomous bites of US meddling. When nations assert their sovereignty, US hegemony is weakened. This explains why non-American activists are consistently exhorting their leaders to be more patriotic and challenge the bullying antics of the US government.

It must be clarified that ‘anti-Americanism’ was never and is still never about the boycotting of ‘Made in America’ goods. When activists remind us to ‘Buy Local’, it is more likely motivated by the need to stimulate local industries than the desire to inflict hurt on American producers. Besides, the global assembly line production has made it almost impossible to distinguish which products are distinctly American. A boycott campaign is often associated with a consumer, labor, or environmental issue. Some activists are junking American burgers not because they dislike Uncle Sam but because of health concerns; or they could be demanding an end to the wage exploitation of workers in fastfood stores.

Criticizing America is not enough. One should build networks, reach out to other ‘anti-Americans’ in the world, and expose the murderous underside of American Supremacy. The natural allies in the struggle are the Americans themselves who are living inside the ‘belly of the beast’. Why? Because they also understand what it means to be oppressed by a police state and a scandalously elitist system. America’s terroristic policies are enforced even inside its borders.

The sins of American politicians are partly redeemed by the heroic efforts of ordinary Americans who are battling modern racism, slavery, and Fascism in their society. The most determined ‘anti-Americans’ are Americans who are opposed to unjust wars, finance speculation, and race discrimination. They are students who marched for civil liberties, workers who occupied Wall Street, and Facebookers who rejected the government’s draconian Internet laws.

It is inaccurate and unfair to claim that ‘anti-American’ protests in the world are fueled only by hate. Every protest is also an act of solidarity for all Americans who are working very hard to make the American Dream a genuine democratic reality.

‘Anti-Americanism’ is not the proper term when describing the global resistance movement that seeks to destroy the monstrous legacy of American exceptionalism. There is a name for what America has been doing to the world in the past century and it is called Imperialism. This makes us neither anti-Americans nor anti-USA. Proudly and militantly we raise the banner of the anti-imperialist movement.

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Thailand Opposition Behaving Badly

By admin | September 26, 2013

Written for The Diplomat

It seems Thailand’s opposition politicians are getting desperate.

Last month, 57 members of parliament belonging to the opposition Democrat Party were evicted from the session hall after they repeatedly protested the ruling of the presiding officer. When parliamentary police officers were called in to escort the MPs out, they forcibly resisted, with one seen grabbing the throat of a police officer.

When the incident occurred, the parliament was debating the proposed amendments to the constitution and the opposition wanted more time to ask questions.

Early this month, Democrat MP Chen Thaugsuban threw chairs inside the session to show his disgust over the ruling made by the deputy speaker. Chen was asking for an update about the clashes between the police and protesting rubber farmers in south Thailand but other MPs wanted to adjourn the session. Fortunately, no one was injured when Chen threw several chairs in the direction of the deputy speaker.

But what really surprised many people was the outburst of the usually cool and polite former Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva, who delivered a speech in which he called Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra a “stupid bitch”. Some newspapers translated the speech as “stupid woman” and “stupid lady.” But in any case, the “stupid” remark is offensive on its own.

Speaking at an event organized by the Democrat Party, Abhisit questioned Yingluck’s support for a new reality television show called Smart Lady Thailand.

Based on a translation made by Thai writer Saksith Saiyasombut, Abhisit reportedly said: “But I ask why do they do this project, why do they have to find a smart lady, why do they make a competition out of this? Because if they are looking for a stupid bitch, there would be no competition!”

Abhisit has since denied that he insulted Yingluck and Thai women in general, claiming his speech was taken out of context by many reporters.

Nevertheless, these controversial actions by the opposition have shocked supporters and disappointed many Thais. The parliament squabble could actually discourage voters from supporting campaigns initiated by the opposition. For veteran journalist Veera Prateepchaikul, the opposition and other public figures should learn from Abhisit’s mistake.

“(He) shot himself in the foot when he uttered an ill-considered remark a man of his stature is not supposed to make in public. Mr. Abhisit and other public figures should be careful when speaking in public, as their very own words could bounce back to bite them,” Veera wrote.

But what the opposition should also realize is that the aggressive behavior of some of its members has diverted the attention of the public away from the issues it is promoting.

The opposition’s concerns about the constitutional reforms proposed by the ruling Pheu Thai Party are legitimate. Their claim about the railroading of some legislative measures also seems accurate. Indeed, they have the right to demand more time for debates. It is only apt that the opposition should question the deployment of riot police near the parliament complex. The issues involved in the rubber protests also deserve to be adequately addressed.

But unfortunately, these concerns were overshadowed by screaming and violent MPs inside parliament.

Before delivering his infamous punchline, Abhisit was criticizing Yingluck’s numerous foreign trips. It was an appropriate criticism since Yingluck was in Europe at the time. But Abhisit lost his composure and went on to deliver his “stupid woman” (or “stupid bitch”) speech. So instead of responding to the accusations made by Abhisit that Yingluck is spending too much time in other countries, the ruling party hit back by demanding an apology from the opposition leader.

These are among the many social issues that could have effectively mobilized the Thai masses against the Yingluck government. Instead, the opposition continues to bungle its chances to seize the political initiative.

Deadly Accidents in Malaysia and Philippines Expose Weak Transport Systems

Written for The Diplomat

A bus accident in Malaysia that killed 37 people and a collision between a cargo ship and a passenger ship in the Philippines that left more than a hundred dead have raised troubling issues about road and maritime safety standards and enforcement in these two countries.

On August 21 an express bus crashed 60 meters down a ravine in Malaysia’s Genting Highlands, killing 37 people and injured 16 more. It was Malaysia’s deadliest road accident on record. Initial reports revealed that the bus company had already been placed on a blacklist with the Road Transport Department before the crash took place. Further, while the bus had a capacity of only 44 seats, it was transporting 53 passengers at the time of the crash.

The tragic accident prompted the Land Public Transport Commission to announce that it would soon implement a “Driver Information System” that will provide background information on public transport drivers.

Perhaps authorities should also review bus permits, which allowed up to 18 standing passengers. There’s also no harm in building wider and better roads at popular tourist spots like the Genting Highlands. Malaysia should also prepare its public transport system for greater ridership after it recently slashed fuel subsidies.

Meanwhile, more than one hundred passengers died in the Philippines on August 16 after MV Saint Thomas Aquinas of 2Go and Sulpicio Express Siete of Sulpicio Lines collided off the coast of Cebu province. More than 30 people are still missing. The passenger ship sank ten minutes after the impact near Cebu harbor.

If the name Sulpicio sounds familiar, it is because it is the same notorious company that owned and operated the ill-fated MV Dona Paz, the passenger ship that sank in 1987, killing more than 4,000 people. It was the worst peacetime maritime disaster in world history.

After five mishaps at sea, resulting in the deaths of more than 5,000 people, and after changing its name from Sulpicio Lines Inc to Philippine Span Asia Carrier Corp in 2009, the company surprisingly still has a license to operate today. But the recent disaster in Cebu could finally seal the firm’s fate after a petition was launched urging authorities to cancel its registration.

But before that, maritime authorities should explain why they allowed Sulpicio to continue operating despite its numerous pending cases.

To prevent similar accidents in the future, the Philippine Coast Guard in Cebu has suggested the installation of a modern traffic management system to control vessels traversing Cebu’s narrow waterways. The same equipment or traffic system should also be installed in the country’s busy ports.

Another problem caused by the disaster is the oil spill from the sunken ship which has now reached the shorelines of several coastal towns of Cebu, including popular beach resorts.

The bus crash in Genting and the ship collision in Cebu should force leaders in Malaysia and the Philippines to review and improve their respective public transport systems, especially the travel infrastructure outside Kuala Lumpur and Manila. These improvements are needed not only to boost their modernizing economies but also to prevent unnecessary deaths and injuries.

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Public space and resistance

By admin | September 18, 2013

Written for Bulatlat

When Third Word dictators are ousted, many people celebrate the emergence of a democratic space in society. After years of repression, there is suddenly a micro explosion of multiple freedoms in the streets, in schools, in workplaces, and in the press. Interestingly, it proves that public space is not inherently democratic. It is actually a site between competing political forces and most of the time it reflects the unequal power relations in society. People Power can undermine the hegemony of tyrants but this should be sustained by smashing the various instruments of oppression. Otherwise, the precious democratic space would be used by the surviving forces of the ruling class to revive their reactionary and conservative agenda.

When people complain about the shrinking public space, they are probably referring to the literal loss of the commons where citizens freely converge, share ideas, and practice politics. For a long time, the public space was a specter that has terrorized the elite. After all, kings and despots lost their power when everybody congregated in public to vent their rage and not when everybody played out their erotic fantasies in their private worlds. Afraid of its radical potential, the bourgeois state used brute force to tame the wild public space. But when direct military rule became untenable, the state adopted sophisticated forms of control.

Reclaiming the public space in the name of big business also meant the privatization of public lands. Public space became more valuable because of its profitability. Freedom parks became amusement parks, town squares were replaced by shopping malls, and protected habitats were suddenly turned into logging plantations. The principle of free access was junked in favor of corporate interests. To promote development, ancestral domains were ignored in favor of private property.

The project of emancipatory politics appeared to be more utopian than ever in an increasingly militarized and commodified public space. Promoting order and discipline seemed more realistic goals.

The concept of public space also refers to collective institutions essential in building a democratic community. But these nation-building institutions such as public schools and public hospitals are today replaced by privately-owned and profit-oriented institutions. Basic social services are already in the hands of profiteers whose concept of public space is clearly not guided by egalitarian principles.

Society became more segregated. The rich erected higher walls and electric fences as protection against their imagined enemies in the slums. The poor are allowed to socialize in the malls and they can access public spaces but only as consumers. They are citizens who are partly free to express and organize while Big Brother is watching through the ubiquitous CCTV and predator drones.

In the hands of the utilitarian bourgeoisie, the public space has become a dangerous and expensive place. No wonder there are high expectations that the Internet era would transform the cyberspace into a new frontier where democratic politics could thrive. Indeed, the world looks flat in the Internet world. The rich and the poor are finally mingling, albeit virtually. Perhaps the widespread online ranting against corrupt politicians and greedy banksters is a symptom of the repressed outrage that netizens cannot freely show in the real public spaces.

But sooner or later, we have to realize that the cyberspace is no different from the public space. It is neither neutral nor exempted from the laws of political economy. It exists not as a democratic space alternative but it can be maximized to generate powerful political actions. There are no democratic timelines as there are no democratic town plazas.

But we should not underestimate the hypnotic appeal of the cyberspace. E-mailing, petition signing, tweeting are already mundane online activities but for the owners of foreclosed houses or displaced workers, these are satisfying alternatives which they can perform instead of simply surrendering to the curse of an impotent rage. Networking and instant messaging can briefly empower a person who feels hopeless and alienated.

Online outrage has material basis in the real world. There should be no online heckling for online heckling’s sake. There is more than enough passion and rage circulating in the cyberspace and these powerful emotions have to spill over in the social networks of our real communities. In fact, some of the most impressive protest movements in recent years were ignited by social media activism such as the Arab Spring, Bersih reform in Malaysia, and Million People March in the Philippines.

The people, the grassroots, should never surrender the public space to the enemies of democracy. They should reject false icons of progress such as skycrapers, malls, and cubicles. They should assert ownership of our lands, water, air, our heritage and communities.

The battle for dominance in the public space continues. The ruling class controls the Pentagon, the Capitol Hill, and Wall Street. They are expanding their spheres of influence through military zoning, air strikes, gentrification, gerrymandering, and onerous global trade agreements.

But public resistance is also intensifying. The streets have been occupied, uprisings were launched in town squares, picnic protests were organized in parks, and an agrarian revolution has erupted in the countryside. In other words, democracy is still alive in the public space.

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More Religion, Less Science for Indonesian Students

By admin | September 15, 2013

Written for The Diplomat

Indonesia has recently pilot tested a new curriculum in over 6,000 schools which instantly drew controversy after it removed science, English, social sciences, and information technology (IT) as separate subjects in favor of Bahasa Indonesia, nationalism and religious studies.

The reduction of subject load is meant to give students more time to attend other educational activities. At the primary level, subjects were reduced from eleven to six. Meanwhile, junior high school students are now only taking ten courses instead of twelve.

It’s quite puzzling why Indonesia would de-prioritize science and IT at a time when it is aiming to improve the skills of its young workforce to sustain its modernizing economy. There is probably wisdom in having fewer subjects – this could enhance the learning experience of students. But to drop science from the curriculum at the primary level seems unwise.

Instead of receiving more science education, Indonesian students were given two additional hours of religious studies courses. Indonesia’s Education and Culture Minister Mohammad Nuh said that this is intended to fight terrorism.

“Terrorism is not triggered by long hours of lessons on religion,” he argued. “The growing acts of terrorism were basically due to incomplete religious education. Therefore, we need to add more hours for religious subjects.”

President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono hoped that the “tolerance-centered curriculum” would eliminate violence in schools. In other words, the new curriculum was conceptualized to instill the right attitude among the youth of Indonesia. It partially explains why at the senior high school level, students are now required to join the national scouting organization as an extracurricular activity.

Indeed, education is the proper defense against extremism. But rather than increase religious classes Indonesia would be wise to endorse a more secular form of education. Besides, there are other models to promote morality besides teaching more religious lessons to the youth.

There are other areas of education reform where Indonesia is on the right track. The new curriculum also includes new teaching methods and adopts the pedagogic framework of “integrated thematic concept,” through which a number of broad areas of knowledge are explored and integrated through a particular common theme.

Implementing this method of instruction in the classroom could tremendously boost the learning interactions between teachers and students. Unfortunately, the government hastily enforced these teaching innovations without giving adequate time for teacher training and textbook distribution. Naturally, it resulted in chaos and confusion in many schools across the country.

It’s not surprising that opposition is mounting against the new curriculum. Perhaps to appease critics, the government vowed to hold a “Curriculum Census” next month to assess the impact of the reforms. It also assured the public that more funds will be allotted for training teachers in preparation for the nationwide implementation of the new curriculum in 2015.

Indonesian teachers at the frontlines of the education sector should seize this opportunity to ask the government to seriously review the reforms; and in particular, demand that science should be restored as a priority subject.

They should also remind policymakers to be more careful in introducing education reforms given that the nation’s future is at stake. A detrimental reform, however minor, can permanently damage the innocent minds of millions of children. The impact of dropping science in favor of religion will be difficult to reverse.

Filipinos Say No to Pork in March Against Corruption

Written for The Diplomat

Hundreds of thousands of Filipinos gathered in Manila last Monday, August 26 to denounce the rampant corruption in the government. Thousands more voiced their outrage in public parks across the country and in many parts of the world. Interestingly, the Internet played a major role in coordinating the protests and it was netizens, and not the political opposition, who called for a public protest against corruption.

Protesters were demanding the scrapping of the pork barrel in the budgeting process after a whistleblower revealed that many politicians have been diverting their allotted funds to fake organizations, family-owned foundations, and ghost projects. Under the Priority Development Assistance Fund (PDAF), members of the House of Representatives are allotted 70 million pesos every year while Senators are given 200 million pesos. Public outrage soared in recent weeks, forcing President Benigno Aquino III to declare last week that he intends to abolish the PDAF, more popularly known as the pork barrel.

But in the same speech, Aquino hinted that the pork barrel might be revived when he said that his administration “will create a new mechanism to address the needs of your constituents and sectors, in a manner that is transparent, methodical, and rational, and not susceptible to abuse or corruption.”

Critics accused Aquino of misleading the public and demanded the total abolition of the pork barrel system instead of merely reforming it or assigning it a new name. They also called for the removal of the president’s discretionary funds which have already amounted to one trillion pesos, according to a former head of the national treasury Leonor Briones.

The rise of the anti-pork movement exposed the inadequate and weak initiatives of the Aquino government to combat the pervasive corruption in the country. Aquino won in 2010 on a platform of good governance and transparency. He also successfully pushed for the impeachment of the Supreme Court Chief Justice Renato Corona last year whom he accused of protecting former President Gloria Arroyo who is facing a plunder case and is under hospital arrest.

The pork barrel scam led many Filipinos to question the sincerity of Aquino’s anti-corruption crusade and rhetoric since it took the president more than three years before he announced a major review of the controversial program. He has also been quiet on the pork barrel abuses committed during his term. Further, he refused to do away with his “presidential pork” or even slash it to increase the funds for basic social services such as education, health, and housing.

It is hoped that the huge turn-out in last Monday’s protests will lead to the eventual overhaul of the country’s budgeting process. It is significant to note that at least 15 of 24 senators have already agreed to scrap the pork barrel.

The campaign should target other aspects of public finance where accountability is minimal or nonexistent. Vigilance is also essential to ensure that budget reforms are not merely palliative and that those who stole money or abused their power are appropriately punished.

Corruption cannot be removed without slaying the politics of patronage that fuels it and undermines democracy. The anti-pork campaign is a potentially radical political movement that could spark grassroots activism and invigorate other social forces needed to mount a broader and stronger challenge to the politics of corruption in the country.

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Politics of Helping

By admin | September 10, 2013

Written for Bulatlat

Aside from being sexual and social animals, we are also ‘helping’ beings. Giving aid to a neighbor in need is considered an ethical duty. Volunteering in charity houses, community shelters, and churches once in a while is equated with doing good. We honor individuals and groups whose mission is to extend assistance to poor families.

But we also ‘help’ if we give our very best in achieving the goals of our respective social groupings. A schoolteacher ‘helps’ by providing excellent education to students. A journalist ‘helps’ by reporting the truth. A restaurant owner ‘helps’ society by satisfying its hungry customers. We do not require a teacher to spend time in a drug rehabilitation center since we expect him to focus on his classroom lessons. A journalist who does not organize a relief drive is not accused of being unhelpful since his primary duty is to spread information.

In recent years, many groups have taken a more pro-active approach to ‘help’ the community. We have TV networks advertising their charity works in news programs, entertainment programs giving generous cash gifts, and businesses offering various free services such as medical check-ups, livelihood trainings, sports clinics, and greening initiatives. It seems it is no longer enough to excel in a chosen profession; a person must also participate in an outreach program. A group or business must give something back to the community by adopting the code of the ‘corporate social responsibility’.

The visible and direct kind of ‘helping’ naturally became so popular that even politicians have appropriated its language. We have cunning politicians announcing their disavowal of partisan politics in favor of the so-called service-oriented leadership. Instead of offering new politics, they gave ‘pork’ to constituents.

But when citizens expect ‘help’ from private groups, it reflects the failure of our welfare agencies. If there is an efficient and equal distribution of government-funded social services, there would be no need for widespread promotion of charity. The poor and unemployed should receive food stamps and other forms of aid from the government and not from TV hosts. Classrooms and school supplies should be provided by the state and not by private donors. Hospitalization expenses should be guaranteed by the Universal Health Care program and not by rich politicians.

But government funds were either pocketed by greedy politicians and their cohorts or diverted into non-welfare programs. Three decades of neoliberalism has resulted into privatized services, which make the lives of the poor more miserable. When the state withdrew from its traditional mandate of providing lifeline services to the community, the role was partly fulfilled by private groups and ambitious politicians.

As for politicians who prefer pork-related activities over political debates, they are guilty of distorting the meaning of politics. The great aim of politics is not to indulge in charity but to empower the citizens in a political community. The basic task is to challenge the unjust and unequal power relations; and then work to enhance greater political participation of the citizens. Giving scholarships to poor children is charity; denouncing budget cuts in state schools is politics. Mobilizing the youth to fight for greater education funds is political empowerment.

Politicians and political groups should not be judged by their charity initiatives but by their political actions or inactions. Otherwise, politics will be reduced into an act of charity, which would allow the old elite and other moneyed classes to dominate electoral politics.

Similarly, we should be able to distinguish the original purpose of a group and their incidental charitable activities. A media network that donates to flood victims deserves to be lauded but in the end its relevance to society is determined by its espousal of truthful information. Some business groups flaunt their non-profit activities to hide their unfair labor practices. Others want to pay less taxes.

‘Help’ should be more than just volunteerism. It is permanent volunteerism plus solidarity. A person can’t simply ‘help’ without questioning the present conditions that perpetuate the helplessness of individuals. When we act to ‘help’, we must remember that there are always victims who need our solidarity and oppressors who need to be punished. We smile and feel good when we interact with the victims but the most meaningful kind of ‘help’ is when we enjoin the victims to fight their oppressors

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False Transparency

By admin | September 3, 2013

Written for Bulatlat

Beware of politicians who like to insert the keywords ‘transparency’ and ‘good governance’ in their speeches. They are the same people who also use deceptive slogans such as ‘sustainable economy’ and ‘inclusive growth’ to justify the imposition of anti-poor economic policies. These are agreeable political concepts – who would openly oppose them? – but politicians have already distorted their substantial meanings.

It’s obscene how politicians who are neither transparent nor good shamelessly invoke the idea of transparency to preach about good governance.

Transparency is supposed to be the powerful weapon of the weak against the scourge of bad governance. However, its radical potential has been undermined by narrow interpretations. For example, the creation of government websites is quickly cited as proof of transparency. Then, the posting or uploading of government records is hailed as a key reform in the campaign for good governance. But the most applauded gesture is the alleged transformation of the traditional politician into a tech-savvy politician who has learned to maximize various social media tools in interacting with his constituents.

These are misleading definitions of transparency. A government website does not necessarily empower or enlighten the citizens. In fact, it could be easily used to confuse the public by stuffing it with redundant information. The new tactic in the propaganda rule book involves the releasing of voluminous but contradictory data to hide the truth. Bombard the Internet users with meaningless numbers, manipulated records, archaic laws, and other superfluous materials from the library archives. Digitize the reports of all bureaucratic agencies and upload them online.

The Wikileaks expose reminded us not to be satisfied with information that the government is willing to publish for public scrutiny. Instead, we should also aggressively search for information that the government is withholding from us. Despite their low reputations, politicians and their subordinates are not dumb enough who would willingly incriminate themselves with documentary evidence of their misdeeds. They can easily destroy records or declare the minutes of a meeting to be covered by executive privilege. Worse, they can always manufacture ‘clean’ documents and insert them into the records. We are free to access the online files of the government only after the censors and legal advisers have given their approval. The search for truth should not begin in government webpages but in the paper baskets of shredded documents.

The other popular version of transparency is facilitated by social media. Politicians are described to be transparent if they are open, interactive, and kind to Internet trolls. They participate in online discussions to prove their readiness to listen to diverse views. Meanwhile, government campaigns are deemed successful if they are crowdsourced. Nothing wrong so far. The problem begins when this political interaction is elevated as the essential component to achieve good governance. Citizenship is reduced into an infinite conversation between leaders and the people. Good governance is equated with the free exchange of bits and bytes of online information.

But this kind of politics ultimately benefits the politician in power. If everybody is talking (or tweeting), who is doing the fighting in the real world? The conversations (and the chatting) must end at one point so that people can resume their political organizing.

But politicians, being politicians, have already understood and realized the benefits of redirecting politics from the streets into the so-called virtual communities. Their political loss is minimal if what people do is rant online, even incessantly. Thus, they seduce and distract netizens with PR memes and state-sponsored hashtags.

This is transparency that briefly blinds the people about their political duties. The healthy exchange of views between leaders and citizens is necessary; but the non-stop micro debates on national and parochial issues are already unnecessary and politically disempowering. The latter is a form of transparency that is being pursued to prevent the people from properly engaging in politics.

The solution offered by Philippine President Noynoy Aquino to eliminate corruption in the pork barrel system is to institute more transparency measures. But he neglected to mention that the Congress and budget websites are already replete with information about pork barrel fund distribution. His budget chief has repeatedly claimed since 2010 that all disbursements are immediately posted online for public review. He has not stopped reminding us that the government has established numerous mechanisms to democratize the budget process. Yet, corruption persists. And it seems to be worse than ever. The problem is not the absence of information but too much wrong information. The bigger problem is the apparent insincerity of Aquino and his ilk in promoting genuine transparency and good governance

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Decree 72: Vietnam’s Confusing Internet Law

By admin | August 31, 2013

written for The Diplomat

Vietnam is often accused of being an enemy of media freedom because of its notorious record of jailing dissident bloggers and blocking social networks. Its new Internet decree, which purportedly contains several provisions that ban the sharing of online news stories, could be added to the list of its crimes against the online community.

Decree 72, or the “Management, Provision, Use of Internet Services and Information Content Online”, was signed by Prime Minister Nguyen Tan Dung on July 15 but was only made public last week. It immediately became controversial because of its confusing provisions that seem to ban the sharing of news stories on various social networks.

For example, clause 20.4 states that a personal information webpage is not allowed to provide aggregated information. But what exactly is “aggregated information?” Tuổi Trẻ newspaper quoted Vietnam’s Broadcast and Electronic Information Department which interpreted it as a reminder for individuals not to “quote or share information from press agencies or websites of government agencies.”

The report added that Deputy Minister of Information and Communications Le Nam Thang said the new decree is intended to prevent the spread of false information online. Thang said Decree 72 will help users “find correct and clean information on the internet.”

He added, “Personal webpage owners are only allowed to provide their own information, and are prohibited from taking news from media agencies and using that information as if it were their own.”

Is this an instruction and a warning to Vietnamese Internet users not to write, retweet, or share news articles culled from public sources? Exchanging of public information on social media is now deemed a criminal act?

For Reporters Without Borders, the decree is simply “the harshest offensive against freedom of information.” The media watchdog also described it as “nonsensical and extremely dangerous” because “its implementation will require massive and constant government surveillance of the entire Internet.”

For its part, Human Rights Watch is worried that the decree will be used for “selective persecution.”

According to Phil Robertson of Human Rights Group, “This is a law that will be used against certain people who have become a thorn in the side of the authorities in Hanoi.”

Meanwhile, the Vietnam Committee on Human Rights rejected the decree as “fatally flawed and inconsistent with international human rights law and standards.”

But the government dismissed the criticisms and claimed that as usual these “unfriendly” groups have misunderstood the provisions of the law. During a press conference, Vietnamese authorities explained that the decree, once implemented, would actually generate conditions for the development of internet standards in the country. They also insisted that the decree has no provision prohibiting individuals from sharing information on social networks.

According to the government, the primary intent of the decree – which has six chapters and 46 articles – is to protect intellectual property rights and the copyrights of press agencies. Indeed, a rising number of copyright infringement cases have recently alarmed many companies and businesses. But Steven Millward of Tech in Asia thinks that Vietnam’s new Internet decree is not fixing the problem.

“Vietnam seems to be striking at social media and individual sharing rather than fixing the cause of the problem: content piracy by lazy news sites. Surely media industry regulation would be a better move than this kind of ban,” he wrote.

If media groups really misunderstood the provisions of the decree, then the Vietnamese government has no one to blame but itself for using vague terms. Or perhaps the use of broad categories was deliberate to sow confusion and discourage Internet users from supporting online activities that could be categorized as belonging to the prohibited acts of the decree.

Since the law will take effect on September 1, the government still has enough time to scrap this confusing Internet decree and draft a new one. But if they do so, maybe for a change the government should consider consulting the local Internet community and other media stakeholders which would be affected by the new regulation.

Oil Spill Disasters Strike Thailand and the Philippines

written for The Diplomat

First, the forest fires in Indonesia that caused a deadly haze to descend on Singapore and Malaysia. And now an oil spill disaster in Thailand and the Philippines. This is turning out to be a bad year for the environment.

About 50,000 liters of crude oil spilled into the Gulf of Thailand on July 27 from a pipeline operated by PTT Global Chemical Plc. The oil slick reached Samet island off Rayong province which is a popular tourist destination. PTT immediately apologized and vowed to help in the rehabilitation of the area.

Local fishing families said that their livelihoods were gravely affected by the disaster because restaurants operating in the famous tourist island have refused to buy fish products from them. Motorbike and taxi rental shops have also suffered because of dwindling tourist arrivals.

PTT claimed that the “emergency situation” has been “terminated” already through a clean-up operation that removed 99 percent of the oil slick. But civil society groups are not convinced and have accused the company of disclosing insufficient information about the real impact of the oil spill on the environment.

“Since the incidence has occurred, PTT GC has insisted that the situation is not worrying and is containable. The lack of disclosure as to potential impacts on the environment and people has left public in the dark as far as the harmful situation is concerned,” the groups said in a joint statement.

They wanted PTT to explain the real reasons for the pipeline leakage and in particular discuss the chemical dispersants they used to remove the oil sludge. They also urged the government “to enforce applicable criminal and civil provisions to bring the perpetrators to justice and to ensure that such incidence shall not happen again.”

According to environmental groups, there have been more than 200 oil spill disasters in Thailand in the past three decades.

Less than two weeks after the bursting of an oil pipeline in Thailand, another oil spill disaster hit the region when a leak in an underwater pipeline of Petron Corp. poured 500,000 liters of diesel into the waters of Manila Bay. It affected four towns in Cavite, the most populous province in the Philippines located south of Manila.

It took Petron several days before it apologized and claimed responsibility for the disaster.

“We sincerely apologize and assure all the communities affected that we will strive to resolve the situation at the soonest possible time. We will pursue proper remediation and clean-up of the areas affected, aiming to restore the means of livelihood of the local communities,” said Petron President Lubin B. Nepomuceno.

But for green groups, the Cavite oil spill is a grim reminder of Petron’s dirty record. According to reports, Petron also caused an oil spill in the same area three years ago. The company also caused the worst oil spill disaster in the country’s history seven years ago:

“Exactly seven years after the worst maritime oil disaster in the Philippines caused by Petron in the province of Guimaras, the same oil giant has caused a repeat performance in Manila Bay with yet another oil spill affecting several towns in Cavite province. It’s the same story over again: fish and shellfish kills, affected coral reefs, and immediate impacts on the health and livelihood of coastal communities,” said Kalikasan PNE, a local environmental group.

Indeed, Southeast Asia is vulnerable to the harsh impact of climate change, but this year’s environmental disasters in the region – the deadly haze and oil spill – are primarily and directly caused by irresponsibility.

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Rallies and timezones

By admin | August 25, 2013

Written for Bulatlat

Because of varying time zones, it is almost impossible to organize synchronized global protests. Realtime uprisings in the global village are actually done in a continuum.

Let us assume for example that today is the Global Day of Action Against Evil. It is 12 noon in Manila and 1pm in Tokyo but it is still 12 midnight in New York and 1am in Rio de Jainero. East Asian protesters are already unfurling banners in freedom parks while their counterparts in London are still preparing for the early morning activities. By the time Istanbul activists have started gathering for the lunch time protest, the Mumbai rally is already dispersing.

In other words, an international day of protest is staged repeatedly in the so-called flat world; and each act is relentlessly performed as if it is the only political intervention that matters in the world. This is the reason why protests are always localized and globalized at the same time.

When activists march in the streets, they also inevitably link arms with global allies and comrades. And what unites them is the shared belief in a particular cause or issue on one hand, and the strong commitment to claim the future by correcting the wrongs of the present on the other. But this solidarity is initially in the realm of symbolic because activists around the world cannot physically assemble at once, they cannot hold banners and clinch fists side by side, and they cannot hug one another no matter how much they are passionately involved in the same movement. Even virtual rallies cannot easily smash the time and space barriers.

In fact, protesters are often unaware that their imagined brothers and sisters in the struggle are still probably sleeping in the other side of the world while they on the other hand are already about to finish their protest program. While Cairo is burning, San Francisco is sleeping. Later, as Cairo prepares to sleep, San Francisco is already roaring with anger over the bloodbath in Egypt. As activists pause to rest, the fight is briefly taken over by their friends in other continents and time zones. Time disparity does not obliterate global solidarity.

Globalization is not just about the dizzying spread of Capital, the ultimate non-object which is able to seamlessly cross boundaries and time differentials. More importantly, it is also about the fantastic building of coalitions and networks to create a better world. The message of the anti-globalization movement is quite simple: Stop privileging Capital as the all-encompassing value that determines how life should be organized in this planet. The International is a reminder that the proper response to the violent outbursts of Capital is to mount a more militant form of resistance.

Popular struggles organized in multiple time zones are concrete alternatives to the dehumanizing impact of Capital. They are aggressively pursued to reject the persuasive appeal of sameness (profitability) in favor of a more egalitarian standard in organizing our societies. They seek to undermine the influence of agents and apologists of Capital who are needlessly glorified everywhere despite their notorious record of bringing preventable famines, endless wars, and cheap entertainment in all corners of the world.

Thus, support for a local struggle is part of the global fight against the tyranny of Capital. Fortunately, there are warriors and activists in the world who are ready to cross borders and time zones so that they can immerse themselves in various people’s movements. Their solidarity ceases to be symbolic and becomes a more genuine display of radical love. They are living and walking proofs that the cause of humanity is not lost. They are one of the reasons why the idea of globalization is worth fighting for.

Unfortunately for Thomas van Beersum, the Dutch activist who was ‘deported’ for joining a rally in Manila, he is neither a sweatshop investor nor a drone specialist which made him an undesirable alien in the eyes of the Philippine authorities. Something is fundamentally wrong in our priorities when we kick out a foreigner for speaking truth to power while we are generous in welcoming the so-called poverty experts whose ‘shock and awe’ solutions have only brought more miseries to our people. But political partisanship aside, what happened to democracy?

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LGBT Politics in Southeast Asia

By admin | August 23, 2013

Written for The Diplomat

Is Southeast Asia becoming more tolerant towards its LGBT community?

Consider these recent developments in the region: A Singaporean politician admitted on Facebook that he is gay. A Malaysian transgendered person was appointed political secretary in Penang State. Two government ministries in Vietnam and some legislators in Thailand have publicly endorsed legislation that would permit same-sex marriage if passed. And in the Philippines an LGBT political party was able to participate in the party list elections.

Singapore’s annual Pink Dot celebration became more memorable this year not only because it gathered more than 21,000 people, but also because an opposition leader bravely admitted in public that he is gay. Through a simple Facebook status update of “I am going to Pink Dot tomorrow. And yes, I am gay,” Dr. Vincent Wijeysingh of the Singapore Democratic Party suddenly became Singapore’s first openly gay politician.

Wijeysingh’s decision to come out could mean that there is a new breed of leaders in Singapore who are not afraid anymore of conservative backlash; and that the LGBT network has grown considerably in recent years – something local political forces can no longer afford to ignore.

Meanwhile, in Malaysia former NGO worker Hazreen Shaik Daud became Malaysia’s first transgendered politician after being appointed political secretary to Tanjung Bungah state assemblyman Teh Yee Cheu of the Democratic Action Party. The appointment instantly divided the nation, with some praising it as a courageous and respectable initiative while others denounced it as disrespectful to the values cherished by most Malaysians.

Curiously, many detractors of Hazreen never questioned her competency, instead only focusing on her gender. This further validated the campaign to fight discrimination based on sexuality and gender.

Speaking of equal rights, the prospect of legalizing same-sex marriage got a boost this year in Vietnam when the Health Ministry and Justice Ministry offered no objection to the proposal. In July, the Justice Ministry even suggested the repeal of Clause 5, Article 10 in Vietnam’s Law on Family and Marriage which bans same-sex marriage.

Another country where discussions on same sex-marriage are gaining ground is Thailand. The initiative is led by Wiratana Kalayasiri, a Democrat parliamentarian from the southern Thai city of Songkhla, who drafted a bill that would legalize same sex unions. Perhaps Thai legislators can derive inspiration from the fact that they were able to pass a law which decriminalized sodomy in 1957. Maybe it can beat Vietnam to the punch and earn the distinction of being the first Asian country to institutionalize same-sex marriage.

But asserting LGBT concerns is extremely difficult, especially in conservative parliaments. Aside from soliciting the support of policymakers and legislators, the LGBT community must strive to have a voice of its own inside the government. This means organizing its own ranks to wield greater political influence. In the Philippines, an LGBT political party known as Ang Ladlad was able to get government accreditation and even participated in the recent party list elections. Here is a party whose founding leaders, members, and core constituency belong to the LGBT community.

So back to the question at the start of this article: Is Southeast Asia becoming more tolerant towards lesbians, gays, bisexuals, and transgendered people? While there are encouraging developments in several countries in the region, it would be wrong to claim that Southeast Asia has become a semi-paradise for the community. On the contrary, it is still a bastion of homophobia and feudal culture.

Singapore continues to enforce the notorious Section 377A of the Penal Code which criminalizes sex between mutually consenting adult men. When Dr. Vincent Wijeysingh ran for parliament, he was forced by his political rivals to deny that he had a hidden gay agenda, as if it is immoral or wrong to fight for LGBT issues.

Meanwhile, homosexuality is still outlawed in Malaysia, Thailand’s draft legislation on same sex marriage was initially rejected by older members of parliament, and the Ang Ladlad Party failed to get enough votes to win a seat in the Philippine Congress.

Vietnam leaders may be supportive of the idea of same sex marriage, but it doesn’t necessarily mean that LGBT issues are being properly addressed. Writing for TuoiTreNews, Valentine Vu explains why he is inclined to reject the legalization of same-sex marriage in Vietnam: “The nation’s conservative base still recognizes homosexuality as a taboo act and not as a personal identity, more disparities between the people would happen resulting in further isolation of gay families if gay marriage is recognized without any foundation to properly support it.”

The pink dot used as a marker for the community in Singapore is an apt symbol for the general state of LGBT politics in Southeast Asia. It remains a pink dot amid the black plague of feudalism which dominates the region.

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Are Myanmar and the Philippines Guilty of Genocide?

By admin | August 20, 2013

Written for The Diplomat

It is common for unpopular governments to be accused by their enemies of committing serious human rights violations such as murder and kidnapping, but it is not often that genocide is included in the charge sheet. Even notorious dictators who are assumed to be guilty of committing the most heinous crimes against humanity are rarely accused of genocide.

When various groups denounce a government’s action or program as being genocidal, it immediately gets global and media attention. Something evil must be really happening to warrant the use of the term.

Two Southeast Asian governments are currently facing such accusations. Myanmar is accused of committing genocide against the ethnic Muslim Rohingya minority. Meanwhile, in the Philippines, a former senator and the influential Catholic Church hierarchy have warned the government that it could be held liable for genocide if it implements the controversial reproductive health law. Really?

Fortunately, there exists an international convention that can help us identify specific acts of genocide. The convention states that genocide involves “acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group” through 1) Killing members of the group; 2) Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group; 3) Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part; 4) Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group; and 5) Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group.

So, using this definition, in the case of Myanmar, the genocide accusation seems solid. Rohingyas have no citizenship rights because the government has still refused to recognize them as a distinct ethnic group in the country. Rohingyas have no government-issued identification cards, they cannot own land, and they are barred from government employment.

In recent years, riots between Rohingyas and other ethnic groups in the state of Rakhine have displaced thousands of villagers, especially the Muslim Rohingyas who are further discriminated against due to their religion. State forces are accused of doing nothing when a mob attacks a Rohingya settlement. An estimated 125,000 Rohingyas are living in refugee camps in Myanmar in dire need of aid.

Recently, the government imposed a two-child policy on the group in a bid to defuse ethnic tension. This controversial measure finally elicited a response from opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who until then was criticized by many human rights groups for her silence on the persecution of the Rohingya minority.

Almost all major human rights groups in the world have already issued an alarm over the growing repression of the Rohingyas. They are one in urging the Myanmar government to review its laws and programs that curtail the basic rights of Rohingyas.

Unless the government revamps its discriminatory and repressive policies against the group, it will have a tough time convincing the international community that it is resolving the communal riots and ethnic tensions involving the Rohingya with utmost transparency and fairness.

While the Rohingyas’ plight in Myanmar seems to warrant claims of genocide, in the Philippines’ case the accusation seems flimsy. Early this month, Former Senator Francisco Tatad appeared before the Supreme Court and petitioned for the scrapping of the reproductive health law, which he rejected as an unconstitutional assault against God and family. He argued that the government will commit genocide because the law prescribes “state-mandated birth control” that would lead to the slaughter of innocent souls.

The law, hailed by women’s groups and health advocates as a landmark legislation, lays down the framework for comprehensive reproductive healthcare in the country, principally to prevent maternal deaths. It allows local health centers to provide birth control services to the population in the face of fierce opposition from the Catholic Church. The Philippines is the only Catholic-dominated nation in Southeast Asia.

“That is not freedom of choice at all. That is not protecting the family as foundation of the nation,” Tatad said of the birth control provisions provided under the law.

He added, “That is not equally protecting the right of the mother and right of the unborn and this is simply putting the family under state supervision and control…Have we become a democracy only to submit to state supervision and control?”

But Tatad conveniently forgot to mention that the law doesn’t force individuals or couples to use artificial birth control measures. Filipino Catholics are still free to practice natural birth control methods or other options approved by the Vatican. The law simply provides for freedom of choice and consent.

For highlighting the population control agenda of the government, Tatad’s critique deserves to be studied. But for dismissing the law as an instrument of genocide, Tatad’s petition should be outright ignored.

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