Beyond Internet Activism

By admin | August 17, 2013

My first column for Bulatlat

The opposite of internet activism is not street activism but no-activism. Online petitions and political hashtags are indispensable in the campaign for change while non-action is a convenient option that only serves the interest of status quo.

Internet activism is sometimes equated with impotence but at least it exists. There are no TV activists and newspaper activists but there are internet activists. Why is this so? Because corporate ownership of mainstream media has made it impossible for the people to dictate the agenda in major media networks. Meanwhile, the internet has become truly social by allowing the people to create and exchange cyber tools that can be used for political purposes.

We are still in the stage of experimentation on how the internet can be redirected and reshaped to serve the community. Various forces are still competing for dominance in the online world at a time when corporate conglomerates and government bodies are not yet able to impose an absolute hegemony on how we use and practice the potential of the internet technology.

Indeed, because of intensified militarization and commodification, the internet has become a more dangerous place than ever where the space for independent thought and practice is under threat. But since total government regulation is still unenforceable at the moment, this technology should not be easily surrendered to the enemy. The internet-plus-activism equation must be continually pursued.

And the undeniable fact is that among the most resolute and creative practitioners of internet activism in the country are the militant activists of the parliament of the streets. They have been consistently maximizing the most effective social media tools to promote their causes and recruit members. They have successfully initiated several campaigns that combine the offline and online to make a greater political impact such as the text jokes at the height of Edsa Dos, Hello Garci ringtones, and disappearing Facebook profiles. Activists are as tech-savvy as they are often caricatured to be grim and determined. Connecting, networking, collaborating, crowdsourcing – these are actually popular keywords of traditional activism.

Internet activism became a real reality not because activists have stopped shouting and marching in the streets in order to join the so-called virtual rallies in wired world. On the contrary, activists continued to ‘occupy’ the streets while they actively shared apps and status updates online. In other words, offline activism is inevitably online as well. This is internet activism. This is activism in the 21st century.

But what separates activists from internet worshippers is the belief of the former that what really matters in the end is the political empowerment of the people. And to do this, the grassroots must learn to struggle and fight for broader political goals. They must organize not just their inbox but the whole society.

Unfortunately, there are self-proclaimed internet activists who also claim to empower the citizens but emphatically reject politics. They simply want the magic of IT to deliver the message minus the radical threat of politics. They aim to restrict the scope of internet activism by focusing on issues that can be accommodated by mainstream media. Their political strategy consists of dismissing street politics and depoliticizing the content of internet activism, or what is left of it. They engage in infinite conversations about peripheral social issues, or political concerns that do not address the roots of injustice and inequality in society. They gossip about the lifestyle of the rich, they ridicule the poor, and they assuage their guilt by lampooning corrupt politicians and shady public characters.
This brand of internet activism is embraced by closet conservatives, pseudo-reformists, and even by politicians who pretend to be social media enthusiasts.

Politics-less internet activism, not internet activism, is the problem that must be dealt with decisively. The challenge should not be simply about exhorting the netizens to support the masses but to restore politics proper in online activism.

What’s the use of persuading a Twitter user to attend an offline event organized by the state to distract the attention of the public and weaken the fighting enthusiasm of the online citizens? There is little to celebrate if netizens turned off their gadgets and integrated in the communities just so that they can spread the doctrine of cash transfers and self-demolition. This is activism that disempowers the poor and it should be outrightly rejected.

Internet activism must remain political, subversive or revolutionary even. If necessary, it must not be afraid to cut links with corporate sponsors, state functionaries, and knowledge-producing institutions to promote digital democracy. It must aggressively espouse the truth even if it would disrupt the comforts of the networks and even if it would contradict popular opinion. Otherwise, it would degenerate into a useless but arrogant drone.

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Will ASEAN Countries Move Their Capitals?

By admin | August 15, 2013

Written for The Diplomat

If things fall apart and the center cannot hold, will anarchy be unleashed upon the world, as the poet William Butler Yeats famously wrote? Maybe. But there is a less chaotic alternative: Move the center.

Several Southeast Asian governments have seriously contemplated the idea of relocating their respective political centers for many years. Indeed, some already have. Malaysia partly moved its federal center from Kuala Lumpur to Putrajaya in 1999, while Myanmar transferred its capital from Yangon to Naypyidaw in 2005.

Meanwhile, officials in Thailand, Indonesia, and the Philippines are discussing proposals to move their national capitals elsewhere due to worsening urban problems, such as congestion, traffic jams and flooding. Moving the seat of power could be crucial if leaders don’t take bold actions to prevent the collapses of Bangkok, Jakarta and Manila. Yes, these cities are literally and figuratively in danger of collapsing.

The three-month Bangkok flooding in 2011 reminded everyone of scientific studies warning that the city has been sinking by 3 centimeters every year. In Jakarta, the disastrous floods in January that paralyzed the city proved that the five-year flood cycle is bound to get worse. On the other hand, Metro Manila is not only flood-prone but also lies along several earthquake fault lines.

The idea of transferring the capital is not totally absurd or even particularly radical. Quezon City was the Philippine capital from 1948 to 1976. A few years ago, former President Gloria Arroyo hinted that she was amenable to the suggestion of moving the capital to Cebu City. In 1957, Indonesian President Sukarno proposed the transfer of the country’s capital from Jakarta to Palangkaraya in Central Kalimantan.

But the decision to relocate won’t be an easy one to make today. The cost alone would probably cause politicians to baulk. Myanmar reportedly spent $4 billion to build a new government center and housing facilities in Naypyidaw. Then there is no assurance that transferring to a new capital would spur progress or that it would ease the woes of the old capital.

Instead of relocating the capital, the other alternative is to improve the current infrastructure of Southeast Asia’s megacities and make them more resilient to the harsh impact of climate change. The building of an 80-kilometer flood prevention wall and a mangrove swamp 300 meters offshore are being proposed to protect Bangkok from rising sea levels. Meanwhile, Indonesian House of Representatives Speaker Marzuki Alie floated the idea of reclaiming 2,000 hectares of land from the sea in North Jakarta and transforming it into the country`s new capital city.

Building a second capital that would complement the current capital is actually worth considering. This is actually the role undertaken by Putrajaya, Malaysia’s other capital city. Kuala Lumpur remains the national capital, as well as the commercial and cultural hub of Malaysia, but federal administrative offices are located in the planned city of Putrajaya. Malaysia’s king and prime minister rule and govern from Kuala Lumpur but the country’s federal officials work and live in Putrajaya, 25 kilometers south of the capital.

The push to build alternative capital cities is expected to continue as long as the deterioration in quality of life in Southeast Asia’s premier urban centers is not reversed or addressed adequately. Just last week Philippine senator Antonio Trillanes has proposed the formation of a commission that would study the feasibility of transferring the country’s capital.

“Metro Manila is a capital which could hardly stand proud in the ranks of national capitals throughout the world,” Trillanes argued.

The next floods or earthquake disaster to hit the region will definitely revive and intensify the discussion about transferring or creating a new capital in the affected country. But what should be emphasized in these debates is not just the nomination of a second capital but the need to implement a development model that would lead to the holistic progress of cities and rural towns as well. In other words, the challenge is not just building a grand capital adorned with majestic buildings and palaces but the creation of livable habitats.

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Bad Neighbors and Evil Foreigners in Southeast Asia

By admin | August 8, 2013

Written for The Diplomat

Some say a specter is haunting Southeast Asia today: bad neighbors and evil foreigners. For many people in the region, it was the non-locals who caused the biggest tragedies of the year – deadly haze, communal riots, even the problem of rising unemployment. This fear or hatred of the unknown, real or imagined, is the single biggest threat to the grand plan of building a cohesive Southeast Asian community.

When great disasters happen, it seems that the initial reaction of nearly everyone is to blame other people, whether from another race, religion, or nationality. Perhaps it is easier to accuse other countries or foreigners of committing criminal acts instead of digging deeper into issues close to home. Worse, Southeast Asian governments are doing almost nothing to correct the irrational reaction of their citizens.

The plight of the Muslim Rohingya is a perfect example of the obscene lack of camaraderie in the region. In Myanmar, members of the Muslim minority are viewed as violent neighbors and unwanted foreigners. Further, their religion makes their integration into the Buddhist-majority country more complicated. In other words, they are unfairly treated as illegal immigrants who are plotting to dominate Buddhist Myanmar.

Since last year, several riots have erupted in western Myanmar between the Rohingya and Rakhine locals, displacing thousands of people and sending more Rohingyas into refugee camps. But despite the well-documented plight of the Rohingyas, they have received only scant domestic support and a lukewarm response even from so-called opposition and democracy groups.

Elsewhere in Myanmar, the recent clashes between Muslims and Buddhists who have peacefully co-existed for several centuries highlights the spread of the plague of fanaticism which mysteriously turns religious multitudes into violent intolerant mobs.

Another example of “bad neighbors” creating mayhem is the Great Haze of 2013. Singaporeans and Malaysians were correct to blame Indonesia for its failure to stop the forest fires that cause the annual haze in their countries. But aside from demanding accountability from the Indonesian government, they could have also inquired about the role of their homegrown companies with timber concessions in Indonesia.

For its part, the Indonesian government initially refused to accept blame for the haze and even chided Singapore for complaining too much. What could be a more glaring proof of the widespread distrust and blame currently sweeping the region than the remark made by an Indonesian minister, who called Singapore childish at the height of the haze onslaught?

Luckily, the transboundary haze is not something that can trigger war mongering because Southeast Asians are known for being alert and ready to fight over illegal border crossings. This was attested to earlier this year when most Malaysians supported the military offensive against the armed Filipinos who invaded parts of Lahad Datu in Sabah, a territory which is also being claimed by the Sultan of Sulu.

Meanwhile, the Philippines is vehemently protesting the alleged illegal incursion of Chinese patrol boats into its territorial waters. But while partly successful in protecting its sovereignty against Chinese “aggression” in the South China Sea, also known as the West Philippine Sea, it was unable to prevent a U.S. Navy minesweeper and an oversized Chinese fishing boat from damaging its world-famous Tubbataha Reef.

More recently, in May it was the Philippines’ turn to become a “bad neighbor” to the Taiwanese when the Philippine Coast Guard shot and killed a Taiwanese fisherman in the Balintang Channel.

If there’s a country where foreign labor is both welcomed and despised, it must be Singapore. Earlier this year, the government published a population policy paper which discussed the plan to hire more foreign workers to preempt the looming manpower shortage brought about by its aging population and falling birth rates. It angered many citizens, especially those who believe that the influx of foreigners caused a deterioration of life in Singapore, as indicated by rising prices, falling wages, and even traffic congestion.

Anti-foreign worker sentiment is in fact growing in Singapore, reflected in well-attended public rallies organized by citizens who want to keep Singapore for Singapore nationals. This is quite troubling since the patriotic campaign to define Singapore identity has the potential to mutate and explode into something more xenophobic.

Despite these challenges, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) is moving forward with its integration plan. Laws and other technical matters are already being readied to formalize the building of a united ASEAN community in the next few years. But are we really nearing the integration phase when Southeast Asians continue to blame neighbors for their everyday woes? Yes, there is cause for hope and optimism, but there is also much more to be done.

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Congress Lobbying

By admin | August 2, 2013

Based on my presentation during the Emerging Youth Leaders training at the Asian Institute of Management, July 20, 2013

1. There are lobbyists and there are registered lobbyists. But in the Philippines, there are only lobbyists. Unknown to many, a law was signed in 1957 which was supposed to regulate lobbying in Congress and in the Commission on Appointments. Under the law, lobbyists are required to get a license from the government. They are also ordered to submit regular financial reports. But according to the records of the House of Representatives and the Senate, no lobbyist has applied for registration. It is odd because lobbyists of all stripes – professional, in-house, foreign think-tanks, NGOs – have always played an important role in the legislation process. Is it time to implement the law? Registration is already impractical but the provision reminding lobby groups to renounce corruption and other unethical practices should be strictly enforced.

2. There are already more than one thousand bills and resolutions in the records of the 16th Congress but only several dozens will be officially adopted by the plenary. Then, a smaller number of these measures will be signed into law by the president. Who identifies the legislative agenda? Who decides which bills will pass the legislative mill? The Malacanang. Institutionalized meddling of the Executive in the affairs of Congress is provided courtesy of the Legislative Executive Development Advisory Council and the Presidential Legislative Liaison Office. The fastest way to promote or reject a Congress measure is through these offices. Well-funded lobbyists are notoriously spending a huge amount of their time, energy, and resources to be visible and close to the politicians in these offices.

Ah and yes, the speaker’s speech is sometimes useful to track the progress of key legislative measures.

3. A lobbyist who plans to meet the 300 legislators is a false lobbyist. He is also not a human being. Why talk to absentee solons? Why waste effort on OJT legislators? (Apologies to OJT students). A real lobbyist will prioritize the committee chairperson because the latter decides which measures will be tackled in committee hearings. If the chair is missing in action or watching a game in Nevada, the next important person to contact is the committee secretary or comsec. The comsec can directly approach the chair, he can also draft the initial agenda of the committee, and he is always present in Batasan. Persuade the comsec to include your group in the committee directory of resource persons.

There is only one committee chair but there are several vice chairpersons. For example, in the 15th Congress, Rep Unico was chairman of the Youth and Sports Committee but he has four vice chairpersons: Pacquiao, Cojuangco, Sambar, and this author. What is the role of the vice chairpersons in the committee? Practically nothing. One of them can preside the committee meeting but only if the chair delegated that task to him which rarely happens. If lobbyists can’t get close to the committee chair, they can ask the vice chairpersons to do the lobbying for them. The power tripping chair can ignore lobbyists by placing many layers or barriers between his office and the public but he can’t easily dismiss a colleague and officer of the committee. (Why appoint so many vice chairpersons? Because there are few committees while there are so many members of the majority coalition. To preserve the alliance, House majority members are usually appointed to a nominal position in the committees). *Same principle applies to Deputy Speakers.

It is also essential to be friends with the chiefs-of-staff of House leaders. They are often the real decision makers in the offices of legislators. And they can actually represent their principal in committee hearings although this is seldom done.

Oh yes, set up also a dialogue with the speaker. But are you sure he will remember you and your lobbying agenda?

4. The professional and veteran tacticians will probably advice to tap the power of mainstream and corporate-controlled media to generate public support for a particular advocacy. It is a correct and crucial tactic. But there are alternative activities and equally effective approaches on how to impress legislators. For example, hold an exhibit in the south wing or north wing lobby where legislators pass through to enter the plenary hall or their offices. Legislators are most likely to remember something from the visual and thematic appeal of the exhibit. In addition, organize roundtable discussions inside Batasan, ask the committee to co-sponsor the event, and invite legislators to participate in the forum. The legislator will definitely attend if he has a speaking part in the program. So ask him to give a reaction, deliver the opening or concluding remarks, moderate the open forum, and maybe he can host the program so that he will be forced to stay the whole time.

Bombarding the offices with primers, letters, petitions, leaflets, and other printed materials is not a guarantee that legislators will remember a specific issue or problem. To be safe, assume that legislators are not able to read or appreciate your letters, especially the hate letters. There are also legislators who do not micromanage the transactions inside his Batasan office. An effective tactic to get the attention of many legislators is to leave something on his desk in the plenary such as a postcard, a one-page petition, a flower, ribbon, newspaper clipping. It is possible, it is allowed, and it is memorable.

Another persuasive activity is the holding of creative and militant mass actions inside and outside Batasan. Disrupting the session is newsworthy especially if it coincided with a boring session day.

Conduct training activities for the legislative staff since they do all the paperwork and research for legislators. The impact of lobbying, successful or not, is embedded in their draft measures. Half of the lobby work is done if the legislator’s core team is converted to the cause.

5. Lobby work is not and should not be an everyday duty. Therefore, it is important to synchronize the lobby plan with the legislative calendar. Where to find lawmakers? In the plenary sessions, committee hearings, scheduled press forums (regular press forums of minority and the speaker), but rarely in district offices. Set a formal appointment but if this won’t work, conduct a personal interview in the plenary. Will a congressman allow an interview in the plenary? Yes, especially if the interviewer is a constituent. Save a lot of time by checking the Twitter of legislators to confirm their schedule for the day. Ask the security personnel if they saw the legislator inside the Batasan premises.

An accurate political mapping will also guide the lobby work. Identify the third termers especially those with senate ambitions. Study the profile of first termers who can be enthusiastic partners and articulate champions of specific people’s issues. Try to recruit young political dynasts who have no other advocacy aside from their family. Make lobbying more efficient by talking to the point persons of party blocs and informal groupings. For example, the Makabayan’s leading figure is Rep Colmenares. Other political parties also have their respective spokespersons and official representatives. Sometimes it is also worthwhile to speak to self-appointed leaders of small group coalitions such as the neophyte bloc, lady legislators, Mindanao bloc and other regional or provincial alliances. If it is a Monday, some are playing basketball in the gym.

Congressional spouses are organized, they have funds, they are active, and they can be reliable allies and effective lobbyists. They can always offer something that their legislator spouses can’t refuse.

Don’t forget to send SMS to select legislators. They all have cell phones and they read every SMS because it can be from the DBM informing them of fund releases. Even sending hate SMS can be an act of lobbying.

6. There are bills, resolutions, joint resolutions, and concurrent resolutions. Legislation takes time and the tyranny of numbers is controlled by the Palace purse. But there is another legislative measure which has an immediate effect: privilege speech. The speech can be highlighted by the media and it can also instantly generate a reply or action from Executive agencies, LGUs, or private interest groups. Once delivered, the speech becomes part of congressional records. The Palace attack dogs can only interpellate but they can’t block the referral of the speech to an appropriate committee.

Once a measure is filed in the House of Representatives, the next task is to file counterpart measures in the senate. If a bill or resolution is not included in the priority agenda, request friendly LGUs to adopt the measure. Localization of Congress measures is an alternative approach. For example, the Quezon City council has already adopted some proposals of Kabataan partylist such as the Bonifacio Bill, Philippine Games, and the Cinema Appreciation Bill.

Speaking of local bills, maybe it is better to approach the president and ask his team to issue executive orders or administrative orders instead of waiting for Congress to act on these measures.

7. Budget deliberations take place from July to October which force Congress to scale down on some of its legislation-related activities. But it doesn’t mean that lobbying opportunities are diminished. On the contrary, this is the right time to convince legislators to raise policy issues during budget hearings in the pre-plenary and plenary sessions. Legislators can get instant response and commitment from executive officials. More importantly, they can (theoretically) realign funds from one agency to another or they can question the budget priorities of the administration. Some resourceful legislators look forward to the budget sessions to ask for some funds for their districts. Lobbying takes the form of insertions and double insertions at this stage.

8. Stakeholders and constituents are the most credible lobbyists. They should be at the forefront of any lobbying campaign. They can help draft the legislative measure, they can witness the filing of the measure or the delivery of the speech (Make sure the measure is referred to only one committee. Otherwise, oppositors can easily raise the question of quorum during joint hearings), they can serve as expert speakers during committee hearings or on-site hearings, they can join public consultations and media events, and they can give an extra lobby push during plenary proceedings. If quorum is an issue, they can persuade their district or sectoral representatives to represent the absent committee members and the members of the Rules committee.

Unfortunately, lobbyists and citizens are not allowed to witness the secretive bicameral sessions – the third and most powerful chamber of Congress. Some professional lobbyists devote greater attention to the bicameral work since they only need to influence (or bribe) a handful of legislators. The Bicam is simply not transparent and grossly undemocratic.

For symbolic purposes, stakeholders can meet the Speaker in a major public gathering.

9. Lobby aggressively, loudly, responsibly. Lobby because there is an issue or a problem that needs to be addressed. Lobby to seek reforms, to enact new policies and laws. Lobby to implement new programs or to demand greater fund allocation. Lobby to probe abuses, identify policy gaps, resolve a dispute that politicians are unwilling to undertake. Lobby as empowered citizens, Filipinos asserting their democratic rights. But there’s the rub: The future is too precious to be left in the hands of the 300.

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Youth Empowerment

By admin | July 27, 2013

Talumpating binigkas sa regional student leaders assembly ng University of Assumption, San Fernando, Pampanga

World Youth Day. Nagtitipon ang maraming kabataan ngayon sa Brazil para sa World Youth Day (Bahagi ako ng WYD 1995). Isa itong selebrasyon na pinangungunahan ng simbahang Katoliko subalit ang kabuluhan nito ay hindi lamang para sa mga Romano Katoliko tulad ng maraming Pilipino. Ito ay pagkilala sa spesyal na papel ng kabataan sa mundo; ito ay nagsisilbing hamon sa maraming kabataan na harapin at lumahok sa paghahanap ng solusyon sa mga suliraning bumabagabag sa ating mga komunidad. Nasa mga bata ang panahon, lakas, at oportunidad upang aktibong buuin ang isang bukas na mas payapa, malinis, at masagana. Sa ating bansa, bata ang populasyon. Babymaking is more fun in the Philippines. Dahil maraming kabataan, dapat adbantahe sa atin ito. Yaman ang kabataan, mga taong mag-aangat sa ating ekonomiya at balon ng talino at ideyalismo. Subalit bakit tayo nasasadlak sa hirap?

40 families own 76 percent of economy. Ito ang balita ilang buwan na ang nakakaraan. Para sa akin, nananatili itong natatanging balita ng taon. Hindi ang panalo ni Nancy Binay, hindi ang pag coming out ni Charice, at lalong hindi ang bagong silang na miyembro ng royal family ng England. Kundi ang kumpirmasyon ng isang katotohanan na matagal na natin alam subalit hindi masyadong binibigyang pansin. Na sa perlas ng silangan, dito sa mayamang arkipelago ay naghahari ang iilan samantalang ang karamihan ay nabubuhay sa kumunoy ng kahirapan. Paano nangyari ito, paano nating hinayaan na 40 pamilya lamang ang nagmamay-ari, kumukuntrol, at nagdidikta sa ating buhay at kabuhayan? Hindi ba ito’y malinaw na patunay na may malaking mali sa ating lipunan? Hindi naman pwedeng sabihin at huwag nating tanggapin ang argumento na may monopolyo sila ng katalinuhan, kabaitan (at swerte) kung bakit sila yumaman nang husto. Ito ay isyu ng panlipunang katarungan o kung paano ang akumulasyon ng yaman ng iilan ay naganap habang may pagdurusa sa lahatang panig ng bayan. O kung paano ang nakaw na yaman ay naging lehitimo o legal sa pagdaan ng panahon.

Bonifacio@150. Kung kaliluhan ang siyang naghahari sa loob at labas ng ating bayang sawi (Balagtas), ano ang dapat gawin? Ano ang alternatibo? Dalawa ang mahalagang pampulitikang kaganapan ngayong taon: Ang halalang midterm noong Mayo at Bonifacio@150 o ang 150th kapanganakan ng ama at bayani ng himagsikang Pilipino. Napapanahon na paghalawan ng aral ang buhay ni Bonifacio, sariwain ang kanyang alaala sa pagtutuloy ng kanyang sinimulang laban. Ang kaaway ni Bonifacio ay hindi si Rizal kundi ang mga mapang-api at elitistang walang puso para sa masa. Kumilos siya upang wakasan ang kadilimang bumabalot sa lipunan noon; itinatag niya ang Katipunan upang palayain ang bansa mula sa kuko ng kolonyalismo; higit sa lahat, malaki ang kanyang tiwala sa mga Pilipino na sama-samang pababagsakin ang sistemang mapang-api. Namatay si Bonifacio subalit hindi ang kanyang diwa. Buhay siya sa katauhan ng mga Pilipinong nakidigma sa Philippine-American War, sa mga lumaban sa pananakop ng Hapon, sa mga Huk na nakibaka para sa repormang agraryo, sa mga kabataang aktibista ng dekada sisenta, sa mga nangahas na tumindig laban sa diktaturya noong Batas Militar, sa mga bayani ng Edsa Uno, Edsa Dos, sa mga naghanap ng katotohanan noong panahon ni Arroyo. Ngayong taon, nagisnan natin ang matapang na paggigiit ng mga biktima ng bagyong Pablo sa Davao na makuha ang tulong pinansiyal at relief goods na tinatago sa mga warehouse ng gobyerno. Buhay, buhay na buhay si Bonifacio sa mga lugar na kung saan may kolektibong aksiyon para sa radikal na pagbabago. Sa kasalukuyan ay laganap ang korupsiyon, kahirapan, at kaapihan. Hindi ba’t makatwiran ang maghimagsik? At hindi ba’t ang buhay ni Bonifacio at ang dakilang hangarin na kanyang iniwan ang tamang inspirasyon na pwedeng gumabay sa atin?

IT. Subalit sa panahon ng smartphone at wifi, uso pa ba si Bonifacio at ang Katipunan? Kailangan pa ba ang pakikibaka samantalang pwede namang itama ang mali sa pamamagitan ng kapangyarihan ng social media, mass media, at palitan ng impormasyon, opinyon at katotohanan sa cyberspace? Kailanman hindi mawawalan ng saysay ang sama-samang pagkilos. Kapag mas mahigpit ang pagkakaisa, mas masaklaw na pagbabago ang magagawa. Ang kasaysayan natin ay hindi lang naratibo ng pagdurusa kundi ng kabayanihan. Ang bagong teknolohiya na gamit natin araw-araw, minu-minuto, bawat segundo, ay hindi dahilan upang talikuran ang ating tungkuling panagutin ang nagkasala sa kasaysayan at ang gumawa ng bagong kasaysayan. Bagkus dapat ang teknolohiya ay nagpapaunlad sa ating praktika ng pakikibaka. Noong panahon nina Rizal, hindi niya simpleng pinuri ang pagpapalimbag ng mga aklat. Gumawa siya ng mga nobela, sumulat ang mga Propagandista ng mga artikulong nagbigay ng kaliwanagan sa sitwasyon ng bansa. Ganito rin dapat ang ating aktitud at gawi: lumikha ng mga subersibong teksto gamit ang Twitter, Facebook, at social media. At higit pa dito, lumahok sa laban ng mamamayan online at offline. Umuunlad ang teknolohiya hindi lang dapat sa dikta ng tubo o komersiyo kundi para mag-ambag sa pangkalahatang kapakinabangan ng lahat. Habang nananatiling bukas ang internet at ang regulasyon ay hindi pa mahigpit, dapat tuluy-tuloy ang ating pag-eeksperimento kung paano ito magiging mabisang instrument para sa kilusang pagbabago. Huwag nating payagang mangyari sa internet ang nangyari sa TV, radyo, pelikula at mainstream media – mga inobasyon sa komunikasyon na may matayog na simulain subalit mabilis ding nilamon ng kapitalistang adhikain.

Student leadership. Himagsikan, pakikibaka, pagbabago. Parang ang bigat naman. Kaya ba natin ito? Mga mag-aaral lang tayo. Tama. Subalit hindi edad ang batayan ng pagkilos para sa bagong bukas. Walang age restriction, bata o matanda pwedeng-pwede, kayang-kaya na maging bayani ng kasalukuyan. Si Jacinto 20 taong gulang lamang nang maging utak ng katipunan. Aasahan ba natin na mga senior citizen ang kumilos para tiyakin na maging mas maliwanag ang ating bukas? Si Enrile 89 years old at aktibo pa rin sa pulitika. Hahayaan ba natin na mga tradisyunal na pulitiko at kanilang mga kamag-anak ang mamumo habambuhay sa ating bayan? Nagsimula ako bilang student leader – may ambisyon, may hangaring makatulong sa komunidad, nais kong maging matagumpay sa isang propesyon na ipagmamalaki ng aking pamilya. Nag-aral ako ng mabuti, naging grade conscious, bookworm, geek, snob. Tapos naging aktibista ako. Di nagtagal natutunan ko na mali pala ang aking konsepto ng isang student leader. Na ang lider mag-aaral ay hindi dapat self-promotion, self-fulfillment ang prayoridad. Na ang student power o youth power ay isang popular subalit sakim na adhikain. Arogante ang kaisipang pwedeng magbunsod ng pagbabago kung ang inihahaing panukala ng mga kabataan ay mga repormang para lamang sa kanyang sektor. Na kayang lumikha ng kasaysayan kung kikilos ang kabataan. Naunawaan ko na ang esensiya ng pagiging isang lider mag-aaral ay hindi katumbas ng pagkamit ng mga medalya o ang mahusay na pamumuno sa mga kapwa estudyante para sa mga usaping limitado lamang sa parokyal na usapin ng kampus o mga isyung aprubado ng mga awtoridad. Ang student o youth power ay mabisang kapangyarihan kung isasanib ang lakas ng kabataan sa lakas ng masa. Ibig sabihin, ang kabataaan ay nakikipagkapit-bisig sa mga aping sektor ng bayan. Binibigyang boses ang mahihirap, inaaral ang kalagayan ng mga inaapi, lumalaban, nagmamartsa kasama sila. Hindi pwedeng umangat ang indibidwal habang naiiwan ang marami. Ang student leader ay responsableng mamamayan, iskolar, at may malasakit sa kapwa.

Aktibismo. Kung gayon, ang imbitasyon ko sa inyo ay maging aktibista ng bayan. Siguro inaasahan ninyo na sabihin ko na tulad ko, lumahok din sa halalan at maging kongresista. Subalit insidental lang ang pagiging congressman ko. Una at huli, ako ay aktibista. At lagi kong ipagtatanggol ang makatwiran kong desisyon na maging aktibista. Habang bata, habang may lakas, panahon, at puno ng ideyalismo, mainam na ialay ito sa aktibistang layunin. Huwag ninyong tanggapin ang makitid na pakahulugan sa aktibismo sa pagsasali lamang sa mga rali, huwag tanggapin ang stereotype na magulo, mabagsik, at hindi rational ang pagrarali. Ang aktibismo ay isang esensiyal na gawain sa isang demokrasya, isang rekisito upang mas mabilis nating maitayo ang isang mas maunlad na hinaharap, isang paggigiit ng ating mga karapatan bilang mamamayan, bilang tao. Sa katunayan, marami sa mga karapatang tinatamasa natin ngayon ay bunga ng matapang na paglaban ng mga nauna sa atin. Tayo, ano ang ating iaalay na tagumpay sa susunod na henerasyon?

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Southeast Asia Scales Down on Subsidies

By admin | July 26, 2013

Written for The Diplomat

Several Southeast Asian countries have begun scaling down the subsidies they are providing to key sectors of their economies. Last month, the Thai government confirmed that it will soon decrease the rice price subsidy it gives to farmers. In Indonesia, the parliament approved a revised budget that lowered the fuel subsidy. Meanwhile, in the Philippines’ Transportation and Communications chief advised Metro Manila train commuters to prepare for a fare hike since the government will reduce the subsidy for the mass transit service.

Introduced in 2011 after the electoral victory of Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra, Thailand’s rice pledging program involved the government’s purchase of local farmers’ rice output at a high price before reselling it on the global market. The program was meant to increase the savings of farmers and boost rural spending. But after two years, the program has already incurred a loss of $4.4 billion and caused Thailand to be overtaken by Vietnam and India, which is now the world’s largest rice exporter.

Meanwhile, Indonesia’s revised budget would raise premium gasoline prices by 44 percent and diesel fuel prices by 22 percent. It is the first fuel price increase since 2008. The government spent 20 billion US dollars on fuel subsidies in 2012 to provide cheap fuel to its people but it also worsened the country’s budget deficit problem.

Every year, the Philippine government spends about 7 billion pesos to subsidize the operation of Metro Manila’s three major railways, making train fares very cheap. Arguing that the big subsidy is no longer sustainable and is unfair to Filipino taxpayers who are not using the train service, the government said it is time to remove the train subsidy and raise ticket prices. The plan is to then use the savings to invest in other vital services.

Subsidy programs may be popular, especially among poor voters, but they are generally disdained and discouraged by economists. Critics of Thailand’s rice buying scheme have pointed out that middlemen and rice traders, and not poor farmers, are the ones benefiting from the subsidy. Likewise, Indonesia’s generous fuel subsidies are reportedly subsidizing the lifestyle of middle-class car owners instead of the basic needs of the working poor.

Subsidies are controversial because people tend to react strongly if they are suddenly removed. Subsidy reductions can ignite mass protests like last year’s violent riots in Indonesia which forced the government to cancel its plan to raise fuel prices. Fortunately, no riots erupted in the streets of Jakarta last month. It seems the government’s pledge to distribute cash handouts to 15 million poor households has appeased consumers. But the social impact of higher fuel prices, especially on inflation in the coming months, could affect the chances of the ruling party in next year’s general elections.

Meanwhile, Thailand’s decision to merely reduce the subsidy price it offers to four million rice farmers, instead of totally scrapping the program, was perhaps meant to serve two functions. The move was likely meant to stabilize its global credit rating on one hand and assure its poor constituents of continued government support on the other.

Anticipating public anger over the planned train fare hikes, the Philippine government has vowed to hold several consultations with affected stakeholders in the coming weeks.

Public debates over the subsidy programs are expected to continue. In Thailand, the government claimed that its rice pledging program has alleviated the debt burden of farmers. Its supporters added that compared to the farm subsidies of developed nations, Thailand’s rice subsidy is lower and more economically viable.

In the Philippines, the government assured the public that the increase in prices would lead to the upgrading and modernization of train operations. But activists warned that the government plan would only jack up the profits of private corporations.

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Does Indonesia’s SBY Deserve the World Statesman Award?

By admin | July 22, 2013

Written for The Diplomat

The first surprise came when the U.S.-based Appeal of Conscience Foundation (ACF) decided to give Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (aka SBY) the World Statesman Award for promoting religious freedom in his country. The second surprise was when SBY accepted it two weeks ago.

For a group guided by the belief that “a crime committed in the name of religion is the greatest crime against religion,” it is quite a surprise that ACF chose to honor the leader of a country where cases of religious intolerance have risen dramatically over the years. SBY even acknowledged the issue in his acceptance speech.

“Pockets of intolerance persist,” he said. “Communal conflicts occasionally flare up. Religious sensitivities sometimes give rise to disputes, with groups taking matters into their own hands.”

Critics of the award can be classified into two groups. The first are those who think that it’s premature to recognize the efforts of SBY and his government to promote religious harmony in the world’s most populous Muslim nation. The second are those who accuse SBY of deliberately doing nothing to stop the attacks against religious minorities.

Last month, an Ahmadi mosque was attacked in East Java. Further, some Shiites are still living in refugee camps nine months after being driven from their homes in Sampang, also in East Java. Shiite’s and Ahmadiyah are minority Islamic communities in predominantly Sunni Muslim Indonesia.

Meanwhile, in West Java, Protestant congregations of GKI Taman Yasmin and HKBP Filadelfia have been prevented by authorities from holding services in their own churches.

Critics of SBY highlighted a 2006 regulation that made it difficult for minority church groups to build places of worship. SBY also signed a law that recognized only six major religions in the country, thereby discriminating against more than 350 religions with small numbers of followers. In 2008, SBY issued the controversial anti-Ahmadiyah decree, which imposed a jail term of up to five years on anyone who spreads the group’s teachings. In West Java, Governor Ahmad Heryawan passed an order in 2011 that banned Ahmadiyah activities altogether.

In addition, Indonesia continues to implement the 1965 Blasphemy Law to suppress minority religions.

One of the most outspoken critics of the award is Jesuit priest Franz Magnis-Suseno, an Indonesian of German descent, who reminded ACF in an open letter that SBY has reneged on his pledge to protect minority religions in Indonesia. In the letter, he asks: “Do you not know about the growing difficulties of Christians to get permits for opening places of prayer, about the growing number of forced closures of churches, about the growth of regulations that make worshipping for minorities more difficult?”

Perhaps anticipating the protests, in his acceptance speech SBY spoke about the freedom of minority religions to build their worship centers. He reported that Indonesia has 255,000 mosques, 13,000 Hindu temples, 2,000 Buddhist temples, 1,300 Confucian temples, and 61,000 Christian churches – all of which he cited as proof that his government respects religious freedom.

In the speech, he also vowed that his government “will not tolerate any act of senseless violence committed by any group in the name of religion.”

He added: “We will not allow any desecration of places of worship of any religion for whatever reason. We will always protect our minorities and ensure that no one suffers from discrimination. We will make sure that those who violate the rights of others will face the arms of justice.”

But SBY has to do more if he wants to prove the sincerity of his pledges. Even the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Navi Pillay, has voiced her concern about the growing religious intolerance in Indonesia.

Ultimately, the protest is not exactly about SBY receiving a global award. Nobody complained when he received an honorary doctorate from Singapore’s Nanyang Technological University and the Knight Grand Cross of the Order of Bath award from Britain’s Queen Elizabeth II. These awards, however, were not based on his policies on religion.

By contrast, the ACF statesman award has become a lightning rod for criticism. While Indonesia’s economy may be doing quite nicely under SBY, the promotion of religious freedom is not exactly one of his major achievements.

SBY could prove his critics wrong by decisively ending religious persecution in Indonesia in the last remaining months of his term.

Joseph Estrada’s Political Comeback

Written for The Diplomat

After his unceremonial ouster as Philippine president in 2001, Joseph “Erap” Ejercito Estrada has once again been elected to public office, this time as mayor of Manila, the country’s capital.

Estrada was a popular actor who played Robin Hood-type characters before he entered the world of politics in 1969 when he first served as mayor of his hometown in San Juan, an eastern suburb of Manila. After almost two decades as local chief executive, he gained national prominence when he was elected senator in 1987, vice president in 1992, and then finally president in 1998.

In October 2000, a friend of Estrada revealed that the president was receiving money from illegal gambling operations. Estrada was subsequently impeached by the House of Representatives. While the senate was proceeding with the impeachment trial, numerous tales of Estrada’s luxurious living surfaced in the media, undermining his magnanimous image. Rallies snowballed throughout the country, forcing Estrada to leave the presidential palace on January 19, 2001. His vice president, Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, replaced him as president of the republic.

Estrada has maintained his innocence and has accused the influential Catholic Church, business groups and the elite of conspiring to unseat him.

After his ouster, he was charged with plunder, a non-bailable offence. He was placed under hospital arrest and then house arrest pending the completion of his trial. He was found guilty in 2007 but Arroyo immediately pardoned him.

Despite his travails, Estrada remained a powerful figure in Philippine politics. When incumbent President Benigno Aquino III first ran as senator in 2007, he sought Estrada’s endorsement. Estrada felt vindicated when his wife and son won senate seats in 2001 and 2004.

Estrada’s credibility and popularity as opposition leader increased when his successor was accused of committing the high crimes of corruption, electoral fraud and human rights violations. Even the late president and democracy leader Cory Aquino publicly apologized to Estrada for supporting his ouster in 2001 because it led to the ascendancy of Arroyo.

In 2010, Estrada garnered more than 9 million votes and placed second in the presidential race, confirming his continuing national popularity. In fact, Estrada won in many urban and rural poor districts. His running mate, Jojo Binay, was elected vice president, while friend and long-time ally Juan Ponce Enrile was elected senate president.

This year Estrada completed his successful comeback by winning the Manila mayoral race. Another son was also elected senator.

During his inaugural speech as mayor, Estrada vowed to restore the glory of old Manila and uplift the conditions of the poor. But he also stirred controversy when he compared himself to other world leaders who had served a prison term.

“For the first time, Manila will have an ex-convict as your city mayor. And I feel I am in good company with Nelson Mandela of South Africa, Anwar Ibrahim of Malaysia, Aung San Suu Kyi of Myanmar and our own Senator Ninoy Aquino who was convicted by a military court. We were all convicted. That is why we are now all men of conviction,” he said.

Naturally, many people disagreed and reminded him that he was jailed for plunder and not for fighting apartheid or military rule. Nonetheless, the comparisons reflect Estrada’s stubborn insistence that he was a victim of persecution by the elite. He appears to be hoping to influence the verdict of history by denying that his ouster represented the will of the majority.

Whether it is appropriate or not for Estrada to align himself with global icons like Mandela and Suu Kyi, nobody will deny that the 76-year-old ex-convict has reemerged as a major political figure in the Philippines.

The Philippines’ other living former presidents, Fidel Ramos and Gloria Arroyo, have already lost whatever political clout they had. Arroyo is in fact facing a plunder case and is currently under hospital arrest. Estrada, on the other hand, continues to be a king and kingmaker in Philippine politics. He has yet to reveal his plans for the 2016 presidential race.

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Haze Exposes ASEAN Failure

By admin | July 13, 2013

Written for The Diplomat

“For what has happened, as President, I say sorry and seek the understanding of our relatives in Singapore and Malaysia.” This was Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono apologizing on national television Monday evening, a week after forest fires in Sumatra caused a thick blanket of smog to descend on Singapore and many parts of Malaysia.

“Indonesia had no intention to cause this. And we will continue to bear responsibility to overcome what has happened,” Yudhoyono added.

His apology may be somewhat overdue but at least he said what every suffering citizen in Singapore and Malaysia has been waiting to hear for many days already. Thankfully, Yudhoyono’s apology also superseded the initial reaction of his subordinates who called Singapore childish for complaining too much about the haze.

While it is true that forest fire is a recurring problem in the region, this year’s transboundary haze is worse than in previous years. It is bigger, blacker, thicker, and harder to clear. It caused air pollution indexes to soar to record levels in both Singapore and Malaysia. In fact, a state of emergency has already been declared in Muar and Ledang, both in the southern Malaysian state of Johor. More than one hundred schools have suspended classes.

In Singapore, the wearing of face masks as protection against the haze has become the new normal in the prosperous city state. N5 face masks have become ridiculously expensive and many people have had to wait in line for several hours just to buy them. Workers have been advised to go home, travel has been restricted, and the young and old have remained indoors. The haze is clearly more than a health hazard, which makes the rising frustration and anger of many Singaporeans understandable.

Since the haze involves several countries in Southeast Asia, it is futile to put all blame and responsibility on Indonesia alone. What is needed is a regional intervention; and the only institution capable of fulfilling this crucial task is the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).

Resolving transboundary issues is one reason why ASEAN exists. Unfortunately, the current haze disaster reflects the utter failure of ASEAN as a regional grouping.

Indeed, ASEAN initiated various programs to prevent forest fires and transboundary haze pollution as early as the 1980s. Regional workshops have been held annually since 1992. The 1997 haze, which badly affected the region, forced ASEAN to draft the Regional Haze Action Plan. It has three components: prevention, mitigation, and monitoring. Curiously, it assigned Malaysia to take the lead in prevention, Indonesia in mitigation, and Singapore in monitoring of haze – the three countries that are currently suffering.

In 1999, ASEAN adopted a “zero burning” policy targeted at plantation companies and timber concessionaires. Further, it enjoined member countries to develop and promote controlled burning guidelines for small farmers and cultivators. In 2002, the landmark ASEAN Agreement on Transboundary Haze Pollution was signed by the ten member countries.

In the past decade, ASEAN has spearheaded numerous activities to fight the haze scourge, which ranged from community level fire-fighting programs to high-level task force meetings of country ministers. Last October 2012, it even recognized the “substantive efforts” of Indonesia to prevent forest fires in the districts of Riau and West Kalimantan.

Clearly, ASEAN has done many things and used a lot of money to stop the dreaded haze, yet all have been ineffective. The haze has continued to return and worsen year after year.

Today there are demands for an ASEAN intervention to address the haze pollution. Indeed, ASEAN should act quickly but it should stop repeating what it has been doing for the past two decades. Albert Einstein purportedly once quipped that insanity is “doing the same thing over and over again and expecting different results.”

Instead of organizing another meeting, workshop, or conference, ASEAN should simply review its records, implement the action plan, enforce the anti-haze agreement, and punish companies that violate environment laws.

For Malaysian politician Charles Santiago, the option is clear for his country: “Keep a close watch on Malaysian companies in Sumatra and charge those that flout laws, for these companies have committed nothing less than a crime against humanity.”

Dengue Scare Sweeps Southeast Asia

Written for The Diplomat

Dengue cases have been rising dramatically in several Southeast Asian countries recently. Dengue (aka dengue fever) is a tropical virus with no known cure that is carried by the Aedes aegypti mosquito. It attacks most often in densely populated urban areas.

Singapore registered only 4,632 dengue cases in 2012 but this year the number has already hit 10,257 and continues to rise daily. This is unusually high for Singapore, which last experienced a dengue outbreak in 2005.

Last week, Thailand’s Ministry of Public Health confirmed that dengue cases are three times higher this year than last year. In the past six months, the kingdom has recorded 43,609 cases of dengue fever, with 50 resulting in death. There were only five dengue-related deaths in 2012. Thailand experienced dengue epidemics most recently in 1987 and 1998.

Meanwhile, dengue cases in the Philippines and Malaysia are slightly lower this year compared to the same period in 2012, but the situation nonetheless remains critical. The Philippines’ Department of Health reported 42,207 dengue cases, which is actually one of the highest figures in the region. Malaysia recorded 10,352 dengue cases in the past six months.

According to a recent survey, there are 123,206 dengue patients in six Southeast Asian countries. Alarmed by this creeping pandemic, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) marked June 15 as ASEAN Dengue Day to promote awareness and prevent the spread of the dreaded virus in the region.

Alongside raising awareness, Southeast Asian governments have implemented various programs to fight dengue. Singapore’s National Environment Agency has launched a “Do the Mozzie Wipeout” campaign, a community effort meant to remind citizens of easy and practical steps to disrupt the breeding cycle of the Aedes mosquito. The government also plans to distribute 1.2 million bottles of insecticide to all households next month.

For its part, the Thai government is in the process of establishing a dengue fever “war room” in every province to monitor dengue outbreak on the community level. To date, however, only 26 of Thailand’s 77 provinces have set one up.

The Philippines is promoting a similar community-driven program called Aksyon Barangay Kontra Dengue, which encourages Filipinos to join in the daily “4 o’clock habit” of dropping everything at 4 pm to look for dengue hotspots in homes.

Meanwhile, Malaysia has developed a GIS-based web portal called I-Dengue, which provides updated data on dengue clusters and other useful information such as how to avoid getting the virus.

Because of changing climate patterns and the inevitable rise of mega cities, the dengue virus will continue to terrorize many tropical nations. If left unchecked, it could lead to bigger outbreaks that governments may not be able to adequately handle.

Perhaps the intensified public information drive will wake everyone up to the seriousness of the dengue problem, The virus is one of many deadly communicable diseases in the Asia-Pacific.

Meanwhile, the ongoing dengue outbreak should remind governments to review their development programs. In particular, they should address the challenges posed by rapid urbanization. The epidemic should also prompt officials to improve the region’s health care delivery and the treatment of dengue patients.

In Singapore, netizens were outraged to learn that a dengue victim who died was made to wait five hours in a hospital. It led to the scrutiny of Singapore’s health care system, which some have criticized for being more responsive to the needs of the medical tourism sector than to its own citizens.

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The Spokesman as Politician

By admin | July 7, 2013

Which is worse: The politician liar, or the spokesperson who willingly and even gleefully lies for him?

In the age of hyper communications, the politician must be an expert communicator. But if he has problematic communication skills, the next best thing is to hire a butt double, oops, I mean a spokesperson.

The spokesperson must accurately and clearly articulate the views of his boss. He must deliver memorable sound bites to gain good media coverage, throw some deadly sarcasm aimed against political enemies, exaggerate the accomplishments of his principal, and address a controversy through doublespeak.

Spreading the truth is not the job of a spokesperson. After all, he is not a preacher. Truth is merely a bonus, an afterthought, since his primary goal is to protect the political career of his employer. He is effective if he is able to hide the insidious manipulation of information, or the sleazy re-packaging of half-truths and untruths as relevant public information. The people must never notice the poisonous spin concocted by PR rasputins.

To compensate for his deficiencies, an old trapo often hires a young, intelligent, good looking, and charismatic spokesperson. To handle the press, a media personality is recruited which exposes the incestuous link of corporate media and politics. Meanwhile, the dizzying almost mad exchange of information in the mediascape necessitates the appointment of several talking heads which leads to more confusion and truthwashing.

The spokesperson is a minion, a despicable minion. He tries to purify a misdeed through the magic of the spoken word. But in order to appear credible, he must believe his own deceitful words. Trapped in the web of lies, he speaks like an automaton. The will of the Master overwhelms him; he learns to ignore the value of ethics, conscience, honor, and empathy.

But the spokesperson is able to rationalize this behavior by viewing it as a necessary evil to pursue the cause of the greater common good. Or perhaps the spokesperson felt no legal and moral responsibility to defend his actions since he believes he was merely following the orders of his superior.

He is an unelected public figure who speaks and acts like a King but luckily escapes prosecution when his King is dethroned.

As chairman of the Commission on Elections, Benjamin Abalos was publicly defended by his spokesperson. But after his fall from power and when the people demanded accountability for the ‘Hello Garci’ and Maguindanao 12-0 scandals, among others, Abalos found himself being indicted by the same spokesperson in a TV program. His former accomplice in deodorizing the dirty reputation of Comelec is already carrying out the political agenda of a new superior.

But a spokesperson is not an innocent messenger. He is not a naive loudspeaker and underling in the bureaucracy since his work is crucial in ushering the rise of the Good or Bad side of politics. He distracts and entertains the public so that politicians and their other paid intellectual hooligans are free to implement their nefarious political plans.

Some spokespersons are eventually elected into public office. Others are rewarded either financially or by getting a lucrative post in the civil service or foreign service. Many have remained loyal to their employers and politicians who appointed them.

There are spokespersons who started out as idealists and promising young leaders of the country. What happened to them? Why did they abandon their ideals in favor of shallow intangibles like privilege and instant fame? They simply mutated into hateful political creatures after being overexposed to the netherworld of politics.

Indeed, they wielded influence, they walked in the corridors and meeting rooms of power, and they became the authoritative voice of mainstream politics. Unfortunately, they equated these with public service when they were simply the glorified propagandists of elite rule. Political propagandists who were overpaid, oversexed, and over there.

Corrupted by power and blinded by hubris, the idealist-turned spokesperson has become a tragic figure.

Related articles:

Here come the commies
Politics of Communications
Political morality

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Interview on Sabah, Taiwan, GDP

By admin | July 4, 2013

The Diplomat’s Jonathan DeHart spoke with Filipino activist, legislator and writer Raymond “Mong” Palatino about his country’s recent spat with Taiwan, the Sabah turmoil, and the Philippines’ impressive economic growth.

The Philippines has been through a lot politically and diplomatically these past few months, starting with the turmoil in Sabah and most recently in the spat with Taiwan. Now that the Taiwan-Philippine incident has played out, why do you think it became so heated? Further, how do you think the Philippine government handled it in the end?

The Malaysia and Taiwan crisis overwhelmed many people, including officials of the Aquino government. If the diplomatic row had involved China, I think it would have been less shocking to many Filipinos who are already used to our government exchanging heated words with Chinese officials over maritime disputes.

But people are not as used to such disputes happening with Malaysia – which recently facilitated successful peace negotiations between the Philippine government and Muslim separatist rebels in south Mindanao – or with Taiwan, which has maintained good relations with the Philippines despite the latter’s adoption of a One-China policy.

The Aquino government could have done more to quickly ease the tension. For instance, a formal apology should have been given much earlier to Taiwan. Remember how Taiwan rejected the first apology sent by Manila because it felt it was insincere.

I expect a fishing agreement to be finalized soon between the Philippines and Taiwan to prevent a repeat of the tragedy in Balintang Channel.

You wrote an article in The Diplomat in May titled “Panic in the Philippines Over Taiwan Diplomatic Crisis”, which generated heated discussion. What would you say to critics of your position in the article? Looking back now, do you think there was a sense of “panic” among ordinary Filipinos as the crisis escalated?

News about Taiwan’s decision to stop hiring Filipino workers and the harassment allegedly suffered by Filipino migrants in Taiwan was widely disseminated in the Philippine media. These stories affected how Filipinos came to understand the seriousness of the diplomatic crisis with Taiwan.

The crisis became more real for Filipinos who became really worried about the well-being of their friends and relatives working and living in Taiwan. For Filipinos who desire to work or do business in Taiwan, they were naturally distressed as well about their livelihood. Even the local tourism industry is reeling from the sudden cancellation of holiday bookings by Taiwanese tourists who are among the country’s top visitors.

For government officials, they have reason to panic over their apparent failure to fix the diplomatic mess since it could make things harder for the 80,000 Filipinos residing in Taiwan. They know there are no adequate domestic jobs that could accommodate Filipinos who might be forced to go home if the crisis escalated further.

This was the panic I was referring to in the article published in The Diplomat. I specifically emphasized that the military drills conducted by Taiwan near the Philippines didn’t bother many since most Filipinos are more alarmed over the economic threats issued by the Taiwanese government.

Before the incident with Taiwan, Manila was working through an equally complex diplomatic issue with Malaysia when the so-called “Sultan of Sulu” invaded the Malaysian state of Sabah. Looking back at the incident, do you see any longer term consequences from the event? And what are ordinary Filipinos saying about it now?

The Sabah tension was more complicated. Many Filipinos continue to regard Sabah as part of our territory. The so-called “terrorists” who “invaded” Lahad Datu are Filipino citizens. Jamalul Kiram III is recognized by many Filipinos as the legitimate Sultan of Sulu. Aquino feigned ignorance by simply announcing the formation of a study group to review our historic Sabah claim.

Instead of assuring Kiram and his followers that he is ready to assist them, Aquino nonchalantly advised them to go home. For those who believe that Sabah is part of the Philippines, and especially for the people of Sulu who think of Sabah as part of their ancestral domain, that piece of advice smacks of insensitivity.

At the time, there was a general sense of utter disbelief among Filipinos. We were obviously shocked by the Lahad Datu invasion and the shooting incident involving our coast guard and a Taiwanese fishing boat; yet we also felt powerless and many were clueless about how to resolve the situations, especially the Sabah incident. There was no sustained public discussion of the issues since the attention of the greater number of Filipinos was focused on the midterm senate and local elections.

Looking back, it was quite disappointing that the Sabah issue didn’t matter at all in the three-month election debates which started in February. No candidate or party raised the issue of Sabah to the electorate. Meanwhile, the Taiwan crisis exploded right after voting last month, which partly explained why it took some time for Filipinos to properly react to the issue.

Unfortunately for the Philippines, I think the Sabah incident has further derailed its bid to successfully reclaim Sabah. Accused of committing a terrorist act, Kiram has lost considerable political clout. Aquino has shown no interest in the Sabah claim and I think he will maintain this indifference. He can always argue that his government is still reviewing the documents pertaining to the Sabah issue.

The Philippines has recently experienced rapid GDP growth – the fastest it’s been in three years. What do you attribute this to, and do you think it’s sustainable? Further, what do you think the biggest benefits from this growth will be?

Curiously, former President Gloria Arroyo often bragged about the country’s strong economic fundamentals. It seems to be the one legacy she bequeathed to her successor. But then and now, so-called GDP strength has not benefited the poor. Or at least its benefits have yet to make a huge positive impact in the lives of many. The economic growth has not produced enough jobs and poverty rates have worsened in some urban areas. In short, the purported growth is too “hollow, shallow, and narrow.”

The growth is often attributed to the remittances sent by 10 million overseas Filipinos, which drive domestic consumption spending. However, it also means that the country is losing the best and brightest of its skilled workers. The hidden social costs of emigration should also be taken into consideration.

Business confidence seems to be improving, which the Aquino government claims is due to the reforms it has implemented in the last three years. But the bigger challenge is not just to entice more investors but to make economic growth inclusive. Instead of continuing the economic policies initiated by past governments, Aquino should present a new blueprint for progress. Something that doesn’t just involve the exporting of people, the anarchic plunder of natural resources, and the creation of artificial wealth through the entry of speculative capital into the local stock market.

How are young Filipinos responding to these regional diplomatic challenges? And are they embracing and capitalizing on the economic opportunities that come with the nation’s economic growth?

Again, the story of the strong GDP is not new. In fact, as just mentioned, it is one of the supposed achievements of the unpopular Arroyo government. Young people today can only sense a disconnect between what is being reported in media and the actual everyday situation for ordinary Filipinos.

The number of unemployed youth is soaring, including the college educated. Nothing much has changed the belief commonly held by young Filipinos that the best way to achieve their dreams is to emigrate.

Admittedly, the optimism that swept the nation after Aquino’s victory in 2010 is still there. But Aquino cannot sustain this optimism just by delivering good news to the people. The goods must be delivered soon or else this optimism could turn into frustration, which could affect the electoral chances of Aquino’s party in 2016.

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