Dear Neophyte

By admin | July 1, 2013

As I write this, there seems to be frantic race in Batasan to file the first set of bills in the 16th Congress. It’s a futile effort since the date of filing has no bearing in the calendaring of measures dictated by the powerful Rules Committee. Furthermore, being an early porker or early bird doesn’t guarantee the passage of a bill into law. During the 15th Congress, Ilocos Sur Rep. Ronald Singson beat everybody by being the first to submit his priority measures into the House records. However, this symbolic feat proved useless because he resigned anyway.

Despite the inconsequentiality of the act, many staffers were still forced by their principals to join the pre-SONA mad rush in Batasan. This is Congress, an institution obsessed with substanceless rituals and meaningless political gestures. Perhaps these are aggressively pursued to make people forget the open secret that Congress is a place infested with lazy politicians.

Indeed, the Batasan plenary is an underused government facility since Congress sessions are few and quorum is seldom achieved. It seems congressmen like to attend happy hours instead of session hours. In fact, many of them prefer to do business in the lounge, they bully civil servants outside the committee meeting rooms, and they spend more time and resources deodorizing their public image.

During my first term, a young dynast chided my neophyte behavior of reading the House Journals and Order of Business in the plenary hall. He said he was like me during his first year in office but eventually turned cynical after he realized that the Congress agenda is already pre-determined by the same cabal that controls the Palace.

Indeed, Congress has always been subservient to Malacanang. It is a Marcos legacy which proved useful to post-Edsa administrations. The live plenary session is actually just a show, a necessary spectacle to establish the fiction of an independent Congress.

The Presidential Legislative Liaison Office is literally behind the plenary session hall which enforces Palace directives in Congress. Its office is even closer to the plenary compared to the Speaker’s office at the second floor. Politician minions wanting to be close to the Big Boss perform snitching jobs in behalf of the PLLO. They are often dispatched to warn recalcitrant colleagues that if they want unimpeded access to Malacanang funds, it demands total acquiescence on their part at all times.

Diverse and even eccentric views are tolerated but dissenting views are censored and punished. There is plurality of perspectives as long as the final vote tally is assured in favor of the Palace agenda. No issue can be tackled without first securing the votes needed to win the debate.

Through this tactic, Congress remains a conservative institution immune from radical viewpoints. It seeks to redirect the attention of independent thinkers to bureaucratic and parochial issues; it blocks activist initiatives, it castrates the radical threat, and advances the elitist agenda through the use of elegant and enigmatic legalese. In other words, there is no turning to the Left in Congress. It is always on the Right and for the Right, even if it is not often the right and reasonable thing to do.

But the appeal of the Reactionary Right is practically difficult to ignore. It names itself as the truth of the present and this is loudly and widely echoed by the corporate-controlled press. In addition, it has at its disposal the whole knowledge-producing machinery of society. A politician can therefore easily and conveniently rationalize his decision to stick to the Right. He can dish out superficial statements and get rave reviews from the Establishment.

On the other hand, a politician who attacks the shaky grounds of consensus will be vilified. He who name things for what they really are, he who exposes the naked king, he who heralds the rise of the new will be dismissed as an odd political creature.

To escape the wrath of the gods, some reformists came close to collaboration by renouncing militancy in favor of compromise. They still speak the language of reform but they do so in order to make pure evil less evil in the eyes of the public. They willingly and shamelessly accept the trapo framework of addressing social issues: discuss the problem (even thoroughly) but the solution must not disrupt the core of the system. From time to time, I’m impressed with their progressive standpoint on some issues. But most of the time, they are simply former warriors who already succumbed to the dark side of the force. Tragic.

No person can enter and leave the glorified squalor without being scarred. A person can’t simply witness so many horrible deeds and continue to live without being affected by them. There are no survivors, even the activists who stubbornly clinged to their beliefs. They who went inside the dragon’s lair but failed to slay the beast.

Related articles:

Young politicians
Leftists in Congress
There and back again
Radicalism, reformism

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Singapore Tightens Grip on News Websites

By admin | June 26, 2013

Written for The Diplomat

Singapore’s new licensing scheme for news websites has ignited a flurry of criticism from netizens, press freedom advocates, and human rights groups, who have quickly denounced it as a draconian censorship measure.

On May 28, the Media Development Authority (MDA) announced that news websites reporting on Singapore that receive at least 50,000 views from unique IP addresses per month must secure a license. Further, according to a media statement, they must “put up a ‘performance bond’ of $50,000 and ‘comply within 24 hours to MDA’s directions to remove content that is found to be in breach of content standards’.”

So far, the government has identified ten websites, including Yahoo! Singapore, which are covered by the ruling. Besides Yahoo, all websites listed by the MDA are partly government owned.

Although the license is purportedly limited to mainstream news websites, some netizens who have initiated a petition against it worry that the vague wording in the new ruling “leaves the door open for blogs or any other site to be forced to license in the future without any change in the law.”

Singapore’s leading sociopolitical bloggers and commentators have also warned about the possible impact of the regulation “on fellow Singaporeans’ ability to receive diverse news information.”

An article in The Online Citizen added: “The new licensing regime has the very real potential to reduce the channels available to Singaporeans to receive news and analysis of the sociopolitical situation in Singapore and it is in the interest of all Singaporeans to guard against the erosion and availability of news channels that Singaporeans should rightfully have access to.”

For Siew Kum Hong, who once served as counsel for Yahoo in Singapore, the new regulation is a mistake since it “reinforces the perception that Singapore is a repressive place — which is precisely the wrong message to be sending to a globalised and networked world, when you are trying to build an innovative and creative economy where freedom of thought is so essential.”

Responding to the uproar online, the MDA assured the public that the license scheme is actually fair and will not undermine internet freedom. It reiterated that blogs are exempted from the regulation: “An individual publishing views on current affairs and trends on his/her personal website or blog does not amount to news reporting.”

In addition, it clarified that the content take-down clause revolves around “core content concerns that would threaten the social fabric and national interests of our country.” The MDA added, “Examples include content that incites racial or religious hatred; misleads and causes mass panic; or advocates or promotes violence.”

Despite the MDA’s assurances, netizens remain unconvinced. A movement called “Free My Internet” has been organized specifically to push for the withdrawal of the license scheme, which has already been successfully annexed by the MDA as a subsidiary legislation. Critics have also called for a public gathering at Hong Lim Park this Saturday to pressure the MDA and parliament to scrap the measure.

For unifying Singapore’s often divided netizens and inspiring a rare democratic protest, perhaps the MDA should be commended for issuing a controversial ruling.

Vietnam: Bloggers Arrested, Accused of Spreading “Anti-State” Propaganda

First published by Global Voices Advocacy

Truong Duy Nhat, Pham Viet Dao and Dinh Nhat Uy are three prominent bloggers who have been arrested in Vietnam in less than a month’s time. All are accused of spreading anti-state propaganda.

Truong Duy Nhat was arrested May 26 in Danang. Pham Viet Dao was detained in Hanoi on June 13. On June 15, Dinh Nhat Uy was taken into police custody in Long An province.

Vietnam has imprisoned 46 bloggers and democracy activists in 2013. The high number of arrests of hardline government critics or individuals that the government sees as “enemies of the state” could be related to the recently concluded confidence vote in the National Assembly.

The Prime Minister survived the country’s first-ever confidence vote but 30 percent of the National Assembly members voted against him.

Human rights groups and press freedom advocates immediately denounced the arrests. Many suspect that authorities are working to silence activists and dissident journalists who have been actively exposing corruption scandals involving top government officials.

Reporters without Borders warned that Vietnam could expect a global backlash if persecution of news providers is to continue:

We warn the authorities against any increase in the persecution of news providers. After the European Parliament’s recent resolutions condemning Vietnam’s arrests of bloggers and the international community’s calls for more freedom of information and expression in Vietnam, it should be clear that maintaining the policy of terror against bloggers and cyber-dissidents will only sideline the country internationally, including within intergovernmental mechanisms.

The abuses suffered by bloggers highlight the need to review some of the laws which the government of Vietnam has been using to silence its critics.

Article 88 of the Criminal Code which bans anti-state propaganda is often used to detain individuals who oppose the government. Article 258 of the Criminal Code punishes misuse of “democratic freedoms to attack state interests and the legitimate rights and interests of collectives and individuals” and carries a sentence of seven years in prison. The Prime Minister also issued a directive last year that ordered a crackdown on “reactionary” blogs.

Vague provisions in the law have allowed authorities to make some arbitrary arrests. For example, Dinh Nhat Uy is accused of posting “erroneous and slanderous” information about the communist government. Further, he allegedly posted photos and articles on his blog that “distort the truth and defame state organizations.”

A month ago, blogger Nguyen Ngoc Nhu Quynh—who blogs as Me Nam (Mother Mushroom)–was briefly detained in Khanh Hoa province for handing out copies of the United Nations’ Universal Declaration of Human Rights. She was reportedly arrested because she did not have a proper permit for distributing such materials.

Truong Duy Nhat, who blogs at “Another Viewpoint”, asserted that he is neither a criminal nor a reactionary:

I am neither a criminal nor a reactionary. There is nothing propagandistic or reactionary about the articles I post on ‘Another point of view.’ The police investigations, summonses and interrogations should be targeting reactionaries, anti-patriots and the interest groups gathering in banks, these insects who devour the people.

Regardless of their political opinions or critiques of the government, bloggers’ universal human right to freedom of expression should be upheld in Vietnam. Global Voices Advocacy will continue to follow these stories as they unfold.

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Blackouts, Politics, Conspiracies

By admin | June 23, 2013

Written for The Diplomat

Massive blackouts have hit several Southeast Asian countries in the past month, causing widespread panic, business losses, and even political controversy.

On May 8, a sudden outage in five power plants in the Philippines plunged 40 percent of Luzon Island into darkness, including Metropolitan Manila. Meanwhile, on May 21, mysterious lightning allegedly affected power transmission in Thailand, triggering the kingdom’s “biggest blackout ever” in its 14 southern provinces.

The following day, a crane error knocked out a major transmission line in Vietnam, immediately causing a ten-hour blackout across 22 provinces in the nation’s south. Affected cities included Vietnam’s southern commercial hub, Ho Chi Minh City, and Phnom Penh in neighboring Cambodia.

Three weeks after the Luzon blackout, Philippine energy officials admitted that they are still clueless as to what caused the power plants to malfunction. But at least they clarified that a total of 14 plants conked out during the unforgettable day of darkness.

Meanwhile, the Thai blackout inconvenienced eight million residents and was the country’s worst power interruption in 30 years. According to the Federation of Thai Industries, the resultant economic damage could reach 10 billion baht.

In Vietnam, the blackout affected a third of the country and was said to be the first large-scale power breakdown in 100 years. Cambodia suffered, too, because its power supply is partly provided by Vietnam.

Even if these blackouts were not connected to each other, they remind us that in the age of tablets and smartphones, governments that fail to deliver an uninterrupted power supply will quickly find themselves bombarded by angry comments from even the most apolitical of citizens – especially netizens. Further, politicians must answer not only persistent questions about the causes of blackouts; they must also debunk conspiracy theories – especially those that seem credible.

In the case of the Philippines, the power went off just a few days before the scheduled midterm polls, which led some to suspect that that unusual blackout could be a rehearsal to stage systematic electoral fraud. Indeed, power interruptions were reported on election day, but they seem to have been isolated cases.

Meanwhile, in Thailand, the blackout was concentrated in the south where Muslim rebels have been waging an armed insurgency since 2004. This fact prompted many residents to fear that the power outage could have been a prelude to an intense military attack. Soldiers were dispatched to assuage the public’s fear.

Some academics have taken another view, asserting that the blackout was a ploy by the government meant to influence public opinion in favor of building coal power plants in areas where there is strong community resistance to such projects. In the aftermath of the blackout, public opinion favors the resignation of the energy minister.

The blackouts, accidental or not, were too big to ignore and these should force Southeast Asian governments to review their power infrastructure. It is interesting that during the Luzon blackout, the proposal to use the Philippines’ mothballed nuclear plant was revived, triggering a lively debate about the advantages of harnessing the country’s renewable energy potential.

Finally, Cambodia must brainstorm other ways to generate power since it was already experiencing severe power cuts in recent months. The government needs to think of a fast solution before “powerless” citizens take to the streets and demand reliable electricity.

Officials in Phnom Penh – and the whole region for that matter – should learn from the experience of Burma, where protests arose in its major cities during a power shortage crisis exactly a year ago.

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Adventure Time

By admin | June 20, 2013

For a few minutes, I was King of Marinduque. It was in 2011 during a graduation event in Boac when province elders led by Governor Carmencita Reyes welcomed me by holding a putong ceremony. According to my lolo, one branch of the Palatino clan migrated and settled in south Marinduque.

After traversing a ‘river highway’ for three hours, we arrived in Upper Suyan in Malapatan, Sarangani. Our goal was to deliver medical and food supplies in a heavy militarized school. The village chief was close to tears when he told me that I was the first member of Congress, and the highest official of the land who visited their place. It was my turn to be teary-eyed.

In Olongapo, graduating high school students honored me by holding letter placards that bear my full name with each letter representing something about me.

Closer to home, students of Immaculate Conception Academy in San Juan gave me a very memorable gift for speaking about the 1986 Edsa revolt: an illustration board filled with personalized post-it messages.

I was joined by my family in Aurora when I was Baler’s guest speaker during its 403rd founding anniversary. Baler is a remote town in eastern Luzon rich in history and natural wonders.

After attending a public hearing on Dangerous Drugs in Pagadian, I joined some PDEA officials who organized a short tour around the lovely waters of Lakewood.

Manny Pacquiao is a Glanian but Glan’s most prized asset is its powdery white sand beaches. There, I came to realize the valuable role of small private schools in providing basic education in the rural areas.

From Bondoc to Tadian, we reached the tri-boundary of Mountain Province, Abra, and Ilocos Sur. On the road, we saw Mount ‘Clitoris’. A few weeks after that, I was able to swim in the cool waters of Suso Beach in Ilocos. Another amazing road trip is our long drive from Pagadian to Dipolog.

Thank you Mayor Hagedorn for hosting a dinner-cultural reception in Puerto Princesa. Thank you UP Diliman for including me in your freshman welcome video. To my friend Divs from Culasi, Antique for the fun itinerary. To PASUC (national alliance of state universities) and SK for our joint advocacies. Hello to my kumpare, Mayor JJ of Santa, Ilocos Sur. Pahinging Ipon fish.

My first graduation speech was in Siok, Koronadal. Meanwhile, I truly appreciate the invitation of St Mary’s, my elementary alma mater, to speak in their graduation event last year.

Some memorable flag ceremony activities in Commonwealth High, Ramon Magsaysay Espana, Bagong Barrio in Caloocan, Manila Science and Earist High. There are almost 300 members of the House of Representatives and I was privileged to be invited as guest speaker in the monthly flag ceremony event last November.

I talked about social media activism at the MIMAROPA IT Congress in Calapan and at the Visayas Blogging Summit in Cebu. I discussed the state of public education at the main campus of Don Honorio Ventura Technological University in Pampanga, Rizal Technological Univeristy, Cotabato State Polytechnic College, and in three campuses of Isabela State University. I signed a pledge for peace at an NSTP event in the field grounds of Mall of Asia. We organized a State of the Youth Address attended by SK leaders of Cavite and Laguna.

I discussed the impeachment trial to students of Roxas High and community leaders of Old Balara in Quezon City. I gave an inspirational talk to the youth of Pampanga at the Marque Mall. We joined Councilor (and now Congressman-elect) Alfred Vargas during the launching of Pinoylimpics, a celebration of Philippine Games, in SM Novaliches. For two years, we were entertained by ABS-CBN stars during their Christmas Special at the Araneta Center.

I joined the ribbon cutting ceremonies when we opened a classroom in Banga, South Cotabato; a youth center in Angeles, Pampanga; and a library in Mauban, Quezon.

I was one of the guests of Iloilo in their Dinagyang Festival. I also joined the celebration of the Cauayan Festival in Negros.

I was a resource person of the Baguio City Council in our opposition to the planned treeballing (read: cutting) of pine trees in SM City. Together with Davao City local officials, we conducted a consultation with nursing students about OJT fees. I also testified in the Senate about the skyrocketing, unregulated school fees.

Just recently, I was stunned by the beauty of Surigao del Sur’s ‘enchanted river’. Truly enchanting, mesmerizing. From the vantage point of the DOLE Kalsangi Clubhouse in Polomolok, I was overwhelmed by the majestic fields at the foot of Mt. Matutum. For the first time, I was able to visit Boracay’s fabled Punta Bunga Beach last February. Another must-see white sand resort is Initao, Misamis Oriental.

I attended the International AIDS Conference in Vienna in 2010. I played football in London as a sideline event in a gathering of young leaders from Europe and Asia. I got the chance to go inside the Blue Mosque and Hagia Sophia in Istanbul. I finally met Joma Sison in Utrecht.

I got lost in the subways of New York after speaking in the congress of the National Alliance for Filipino Concerns in New Jersey. In Los Angeles, I spoke about internet human rights in an Amnesty International event. In San Francisco, I talked about internet governance in a summit organized by activists and tech giants like Facebook and Google.

Global Voices authors met in Nairobi, Kenya. I discussed the country’s human rights situation in Hong Kong. Indeed, I was able to confirm for several times why Bangkok is an ideal venue to organize an international meeting. But if it is flooded, try Krabi.

Go treeplanting in the watershed of Boso-Boso, Rizal. Or a coastal cleanup in the Freedom Island of Manila Bay in Las Pinas-Paranaque. A power lunch meeting in Bohol’s Loboc River cruise. Enjoy coffee and the refreshing air of Banaue, Ifugao.

I was inspired by the brave stand of Odiongan people in opposing the entry of a mining company in Tablas Island in Romblon. I witnessed the church-labor dialogue in Cebu. I spent a night in a ‘liberated’ farming commune in Escalante City, Negros Occidental.

Philippine airport terminals are cold, dilapidated, dangerous buildings but somehow these eyesores are briefly ignored if you are in the company of friendly strangers. Travelling to unknown destinations is risky but I never experienced harm or felt threatened since I am joined by comrades and old friends in these trips. Besides, I am always distracted either by the breathtaking scenery or the gastronomic delight in front of me which gave me little or no time at all to worry about scary things like security preparation, natural disasters, and trapo monologues.

These are my official and semi-official trips as activist and legislator. As a blogger, I already wrote about some of them. There are more stories to tell in the future.

Years from now, I will share these adventures with my children. I will tell them that my fondest memories as a congressman were made outside the gates of hell…oops, Batasan. Of course I will entertain them with some juicy tales about the private lives of famous politicians but I prefer that they learn more from the heroic lives of ordinary Filipinos. Indeed, I met so many interesting and intelligent people in my travels. Most of them are simple folks who have insightful things to say about the state of affairs and the reforms that need to be undertaken in our society. They are new acquaintances who opened their houses to me, local leaders who willingly escorted and guided me in their hometowns, and young people who put their confidence in me and my party. It’s sad that I never saw many of them again because I’d like to thank them for being part of my journey. Their smile, their kindness, their wisdom will never be forgotten as I embark on my next adventure in life.

Related articles:

Local and foreign trips in 2009
Local campaigning in 2007

Posted in travel | Leave a comment

Thai Politics According to Yingluck Shinawatra

By admin | June 15, 2013

It was the speech everybody had been waiting two years to hear, but few in the international community immediately recognized it.

Last month, Thailand Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra traveled to the 7th Ministerial Conference of the Community of Democracies in Mongolia where she discussed the importance of democracy, good governance, and her perspectives on Thailand’s turbulent politics over the past decade. In particular, she defended her brother Thaksin Shinawatra, who was Thailand’s Prime Minister until being deposed by a coup in 2006.

The speech generated an intense domestic reaction, with Opposition personalities calling Yingluck a liar. As expected, netizens actively shared their views as well, but it was Thai Rath cartoonist Chai Rachawat who posted the most controversial remark by uploading a photo of Yingluck with this caption on Facebook: “Please understand that prostitutes are not bad women. Prostitutes only sell their bodies, but a bad woman has been wandering around trying to sell the country.”

Rachawat was quickly and widely criticized for insulting women and for portraying Yingluck as evil. In response, he claimed in a Bangkok Post interview that he did not insult anyone.

“What I meant was prostitutes are not evil because they sell themselves, not the nation,” he said. “However, a woman who sells the nation is evil. I did not label the prime minister as a prostitute.”

Despite this clarification, Yingluck still instructed her lawyers to sue Chai for defamation. In addition, Chai was charged with violating the Computer Crimes Act. This is the first time in Thailand that a prime minister has sued a citizen for leaving a comment on social media. It is common in Thailand to penalize netizens who insult the Royal Family, but not those who offend government officials.

Rachawat’s case has since become a cause célèbre involving media freedom and Internet rights. Human rights watchdogs noted that Chai was sued on World Press Freedom Day.

The perceived persecution of Chai seems to have emboldened Opposition groups to mobilize against Yingluck’s government. Out of nowhere, a so-called Thai Spring movement has emerged, urging citizens to express their frustration against Yingluck by signing an online petition.

This brings us back to the original issue: Yingluck’s controversial speech. So what exactly did Yingluck say that provoked Chai and others to insult her? For a start, maybe her kind words for brother Thaksin did not sit well with those who see him as an abusive and corrupt leader.

“An elected government which won two elections with a majority was overthrown in 2006,” she said in Mongolia. “Thailand lost track and the people spent almost a decade to regain their democratic freedom.”

She continued, “Thailand suffered a setback and lost international credibility. Rule of law in the country was destroyed… The people felt their rights and liberties were wrongly taken away.”

Further, her criticism of Thailand’s Constitution and political system probably angered some factions of the ruling elite:

“It is clear that elements of anti-democratic regime still exist. The new constitution, drafted under the coup leaders led government, put in mechanisms to restrict democracy,” she said. “A good example of this is that half of the Thai Senate is elected, but the other half is appointed by a small group of people. In addition, the so called independent agencies have abused the power that should belong to the people, for the benefit of the few rather than to the Thai society at large.”

Curiously, Yingluck cited the Arab Spring and the ongoing transition in Myanmar as examples of democratic movements. She also credited “people power” for her electoral victory. But these two points were overshadowed by Yingluck’s strong words against the Opposition.

On another level, perhaps the speech was controversial because it was the first time that Yingluck has clearly articulated her stance on divisive issues like Thaksin, the 2006 coup, the violent crackdown on the Red Shirts in 2010, and constitutional reform.

For some analysts, the speech revealed the true Yingluck. For critics, it exposed her as a mere puppet of her brother, who is living in exile outside Thailand. Yingluck may have spoken in Ulan Bator last month but perhaps her real target audience was her constituents, including enemies, in Bangkok.

No doubt, this speech will be remembered for a long time and it will be used by various political factions to advance their agendas. For better or worse, Thai politics has been energized by Yingluck’s speech.

Written for The Diplomat

On the Taiwan Diplomatic Crisis

If news reports correctly reflect public sentiment, it seems fair to deduce that worry and frustration are rising in the Philippines amid diplomatic tension with Taiwan, triggered by the tragic killing of a 65-year-old Taiwanese fisherman by members of the Philippine Coast Guard on May 9 in Balintang Channel.

Angered by the incident, Taiwan has made four demands: a formal apology, compensation, punishment for the guilty officers, and fishing talks. Taiwan has since stopped issuing work visas to Filipinos and has conducted military exercises near Philippine waters.

To make matters worse, Filipinos, especially politicians, did not immediately recognize the political and subsequent economic blowback of the May 9 shooting as their attention was focused on the May 13 midterm elections.

Taiwan’s military drill did not bother many people, but the economic sanctions alarmed Filipinos eager to work or do business in Taiwan, which is the Philippines’ ninth biggest trading partner. There are 87,000 Filipinos working in Taiwan, mainly in the manufacturing sector.

Accurate or not, news reports about Filipinos being harassed or harmed by angry Taiwanese has caused further anxiety, prompting some to ask if the government has a contingency plan or reintegration program for migrant workers who will be forced to return if the tension escalates. Further, Taiwanese tourists were reportedly leaving the Philippines in large numbers, hurting travel operators. The Taiwanese are among the top foreign visitors to the Philippines.

President Benigno Aquino III was quick to issue an apology on behalf of Filipinos, but this was rejected by the Taiwanese government as insincere. Taiwan failed to appreciate that Aquino extended the apology even before a formal probe of the incident began.

A delegation sent by the Taiwanese government to conduct an investigation in the Philippines released a report describing the May 9 shooting as an act of murder, further inflaming public opinion in Taiwan. Naturally, the Philippine government dismissed the conclusion and insisted that the investigation of the incident is not yet finished.

Further complicating matters, the Philippines cannot accede to a joint investigation due to its adherence to the “One China” policy. It is hoped, nonetheless, that the recent announcement of a “cooperative probe” between the two countries could help to break the diplomatic impasse.

So far, the Philippine Coast Guard is sticking to its story that the shooting was an act of self-defense after the Taiwanese fishing boat allegedly tried to cause its patrol boat to crash. But if reports are true that the shots fired were excessive, Coast Guard officials must then adequately explain this course of action.

Without prejudging the probe, perhaps the officials involved in the tragic shooting hoped to erase public doubt about the Coast Guard’s readiness to assert the country’s sovereignty in its territorial waters. In recent months, the Coast Guard was criticized for failing to prevent a Chinese fishing boat and a U.S. naval ship from entering and damaging Tubbataha Reef, a protected marine habitat. Consequently, many Filipinos view the Coast Guard as ineffective at patrolling the country’s waters and keeping the nation safe from smugglers, traffickers, poachers, and illegal fishers.

Was the alleged excessive force used against the Taiwanese fishing boat a deliberate act meant to prove that the Coast Guard can ward off illegal intruders from entering Philippine waters?

Hopefully, the probe will lead to justice for the slain Taiwanese fisherman. Filipinos also hope that the nation’s damaged relations with Taiwan can soon be repaired so that economic cooperation can resume.

Meanwhile, the Philippine Coast Guard must ask itself why it has utterly failed to prevent intruders from entering its waters– or successfully arrest them—and further, why it has failed to protect the country’s territorial integrity without igniting a diplomatic row.

Written for The Diplomat

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There and Back Again

By admin | June 9, 2013

The House of Representatives honored its own members last June 5 by distributing medals, plaques, and other mementos to first, second, and third termers of the 15th Congress. It was the most disgusting selfie moment of the year. What could be a more ghastly way of wasting taxpayers’ money than staging a superfluous pomp for so-called public servants which included the perennial absentee and non-performing legislators?

Even worse, the plenary body quickly and casually approved several bills and resolutions of national significance on its last session day which denied members and the public the opportunity to review these measures. This last minute omnibus approval of pending measures was caused by the failure of Congress to properly finish its legislative work before the start of the campaign period last February.

This is our House of Representatives – an institution incapable of concluding its primary function (apologies to the hardworking secretariat and staff) and a body of bloated egos which adjourned its third regular session by rewarding its lazy members.

It is the same Congress which supposedly holds the ‘power of the purse’ but unwilling to ‘steal’ even a centavo from Malacanang and realign it to social welfare agencies. Instead, it keeps intact the Palace budget loaded with corruptionable projects as long as pork is delivered in the districts.

Many of its members are unnecessarily harsh to civil service officials during committee hearings but they refuse to be critical against the President and his mafia in the Liberal Party. They pitifully cling to the party in power like parasites. Look how fast they dumped Gloria Arroyo in 2010.

The president and his budget chief, and not the speaker, are the overlords who control the votes of Congress members. This was most evident during the RH voting last December. The tragedy in the RH saga was not the embarrassing loss of the Catholic hierarchy but the unprincipled behavior of members who mysteriously disappeared in the plenary during the crucial hour of voting. It seems the fanatic anti-RH advocates were ‘persuaded’ not to vote in order not to antagonize the president.

Interestingly, the RH debate also exposed the state of mind of our legislators. Some speeches in favor or against the RH were quite tragicomic, pathetic even. How can we forget shocking open liners like ‘this is a matter of principle’ or ‘this is a conscience vote’? Did they just admit publicly that it’s the first time they voted according to principle and conscience?

Unfortunately, it was a revelation which didn’t sound new to the public. It seems legislators really have low reputations.

But can we blame the public for thinking that legislators are ‘superbads’ if what they often see is the imeldific lifestyle of politicians? Instead of receiving support, the poor are dismissed by arrogant public servants during non-election years. Morality is not seriously used as criteria in elections which allowed recidivists and low life rich criminals (plunderers and rapists) to occupy high positions in government.

But despite their negative image and sloppy performance, members of Congress continue to think highly of themselves. They exaggerate the impact of their trivial proposals while remaining blind to the real situation of their constituents. For instance, if they merely want to change a street name, they would laughably offer it as some kind of solution to a community problem. If they upgrade the status of a school, they want the community to memorialize this ministerial gesture in perpetuity.

They are part of a lawmaking body but prefer to act like executive officials distributing goodies to constituents.

Congress is actually an oversized democratic trapping. It claims to be the House of People bringing together district and partylist representatives under one roof in Batasan Hills, which is symbolically close to Payatas dumpsite. But in truth, it is the House of Lords – jueteng lords, drug lords, warlords, and landlords. It is the House of Multimillionaires and closet billionaires. It is male-dominated and hopelessly conservative. It is a bastion of elitism, sexism, parochialism, feudalism, and nepotism.

It gives creepy serious attention to the role it plays in the annual ceremonial event called the State of the Nation Address. The event, according to political analysts, represents unity in the country since members of the three branches of government are gathered in Batasan to hear the president’s report to the people. But it is a sham unity. Unity that lasts for only a few hours. After SONA, it’s back to normal for Philippine politics characterized by vicious infighting in the bureaucracy, petty squabbles among dynasts, the mad scramble to hoard the treasury, and the vindictive response of the nefarious ruling clique towards those who are opposed to its hegemony. The SONA gives us a glimpse of the nether world beyond the ‘gates of hell’.

Having said that, Batasan Hills is still a better workplace compared to the cramped complex of the Senate and other government centers. It has an exclusive lounge for members offering unli food and drinks; and attendance in the plenary is required for only a few minutes.

Obviously, Congress is a place to meet 50 shades of greying politicians who can be really friendly, jolly, and witty. It’s a semi-retirement hangout for veteran trapos whose life stories have also defined the political era of many provinces.

But Congress is not the place to revolutionize Philippine politics. It’s even a bad exposure to OJT wannabes. Try delivering a speech in a hall with 200 empty seats and desks. Participate in legislative debates regarding proposed laws that were already pre-determined by the Palace, foreign think tanks, and corporate lobbyists. Seriously focus on legislation while your colleagues are seriously focused on PDAF. Vote in favor of reform (Corona impeachment) only to confirm later that it’s part of a sinister Palace ploy to monopolize political power.

If Congress remains bankrupt, what option is left to our people desirous for change, revolutionary change? Where can our people place their trust, their present and future? If Congress can only delay the birthing of the new, what is to be done?

Fortunately, there exists a superior political alternative. My surreal descent into the bowels of the reactionary Congress has allowed me to further appreciate the power, the purity, the nobility of this alternative.

It is truly democratic – where the masses are participating and leading with great enthusiasm. Its agenda is defined by the people who have immersed themselves in the heat of the struggle. It is both a name and event which toppled tyrants, dictators and oppressive governments. It is about history and the making of history.

It is where I met humble men and women of remarkable intellect, idealism, and vigor. Kind and brave souls. Activists, Warriors, Comrades. Friends. My wife, my children. My family. My home.

What is this superior political alternative?

The Mass Movement. The People’s Movement.

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The Politics of Numerology

By admin | May 29, 2013

Written for The Diplomat

Numbers are important in explaining political issues and interpreting election results but they are rarely used to identify a person’s political affiliation, much less a person’s religion. In Southeast Asia, however, where numerology has retained its appeal among the masses, numbers are increasingly being used by politicians and religious leaders in support of a particular cause, ideology, or candidacy.

In Burma, the use of numbers as religious symbols has led to some disastrous consequences. Since last year, the 969 symbol was adopted by some Buddhist monks and quickly became the symbol for a fringe pro-Buddhist movement, which urges Buddhists to only shop at Buddhist-owned stores and avoid fraternizing – marrying, hiring or selling to – the nation’s Muslim minority. Unfortunately, the divisive movement sparked an intense anti-Muslim hate campaign that led in some cases to sectarian violence.

This is really tragic considering the “969” symbol was originally intended to promote peace. The numerological significance of the figure comes from the Buddhist tradition in which the Three Jewels (Tiratana) are made up of 24 attributes: nine special attributes of the Lord Buddha, six core Buddhist teachings, and the nine attributes of monkhood.

Its main proponent is the controversial Buddhist monk Ashin Wirathu (aka “Burmese bin Laden”), who has been accused of spreading anti-Muslim propaganda under the guise of protecting Buddhism.

Stickers, flags, CDs, and other paraphernalia bearing the 969 symbol are being sold throughout Burma. Further, consumers are urged to buy only at market stalls that have the 969 symbol. The aim is clearly to drive out Muslim vendors and traders who are unfairly being blamed by many Buddhists for secretly aiming to dominate the local economy. Muslims compose about four percent of Burma’s population.

This extreme form of Buddhist nationalism sees Islam as the enemy to be vanquished. In yet another numerological twist, the 969 movement is suspicious of the 786 symbol, used by Muslims in South Asia. Some believe that 786 cryptically points to a Muslim conspiracy to achieve world domination in the 21st century, since 7+8+6 add up to 21. However, this is a misreading of the symbol since 786 refers to the Quranic phrase “In the name of Allah, the Most Gracious, the Ever Merciful” whose numeric values add up to 786. In fact, Burma Muslims have long used the symbol to identify halal restaurants.

Perhaps Muslim merchants’ practice of putting the 786 symbol inside their shops infuriated many Buddhists who responded by supporting the 969 campaign.

Since last year, riots between Buddhists and Muslims have erupted in many parts of Burma, displacing more than 150,000 people. In total, estimates place the number of internally displaced persons in the country at 450,000. Directly or indirectly, supporters of the 969 and 786 campaigns have blood on their hands for distorting the peaceful doctrines of their respective religions and for inciting their followers to commit violence.

Unfortunately, Burma is not the only nation in the region plagued by politically incendiary numbers. But unlike in Burma, such numbers have not yet resulted in widespread violence.

In Malaysia, the number 505 with black background, or “Black 505”, has become a symbol of protest against the massive electoral fraud allegedly carried out by the ruling Barisan Nasional coalition in the country’s May 5 general election.

In the past week, thousands gathered in Kuala Lumpur and other major cities to protest the election results. Protesters used the 505 symbol to draw more people to the movement. A growing number of Malaysian internet users are also adopting the symbol on social networks to show their support for the cause.

And speaking of elections, the Philippines recently conducted its midterm polls, which saw positive results for candidates linked to the administration in power. Since 2010, election candidates have been using campaign posters and other election materials that bear their pictures, names, parties, political slogans, and – yet again – numbers on the election ballot.

Because of poll automation, voters need to remember not just the names but also the numbers of candidates on the official ballot. The result is the printing of election posters prominently displaying both crucial bits of data. Some may find it odd and confusing that politicians are asking voters to pledge their support for a number.

Indeed, numbers often overwhelm us. Benign by themselves, if they are co-opted for political or religious purposes – as seen in Southeast Asia – they can create more difficult, if not puzzling equations.

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Malaysia’s Election “Tsunami”

By admin | May 28, 2013

Written for The Diplomat

The word “tsunami” became politically controversial in the aftermath of Malaysia’s 13th General Election on May 5, which saw the ruling Barisan Nasional (BN) receiving a fresh mandate to lead the country, albeit with reduced votes and fewer parliamentary seats. BN has ruled Malaysia since the 1950s, making it one of the longest-running elected party coalitions in the world.

The word “tsunami” is being used to refer to the wave-like surge in votes coming from the urban areas of Peninsular Malaysia in favor of the opposition Pakatan Rakyat (PR) coalition, which almost toppled the BN majority. In fact, PR won 51 percent of the popular votes but due to distortion in the distribution of parliamentary constituencies, it only got 89 seats, to the BN’s 133.

Prime Minister Najib Razak sparked the controversy when he attributed the loss of several BN candidates to last-minute support given by Chinese voters to opposition candidates. He called it the “Chinese tsunami”. Election analysts have debunked this assertion.

While it is true that many Chinese are dismayed by some BN-led government policies, in particular the affirmative programs that gave preferential treatment to Malay citizens, their numbers are actually not significant enough to affect voting results. What really hit Najib’s administration was an urban tsunami, in which a swelling of votes for the opposition came from the nation’s multi-ethnic urban areas.

These votes reflect the declining popularity of Najib’s administration among urban professionals and young voters. Significantly, these voters comprise the demographic in Peninsular Malaysia who are very vocal, both offline and especially online, about public issues like corruption, good governance, human rights, election fraud and media freedom.

Making matters worse, Najib made the “Chinese Tsunami” remark while also calling for national unity and reconciliation. How can he now appear to be sincere? Beyond damaging his own support base, the comment could inflame race-based political sentiments, creating yet more divisions in multiracial Malaysia.

But Najib is plagued by a bigger problem. The opposition has refused to accept the voting results. On May 8, PR organized a protest near Kuala Lumpur that was attended by more than 60,000 people. Opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim vowed to hold more rallies in other parts of the country to prove that the popular sentiment in Malaysia is that of disgust with the fraud and other voting irregularities allegedly committed by BN and its supporters.

“I want to show Najib this is not a Chinese battle, this is not a Malay battle,” Anwar said before the crowd of 60,000. “We will go to every corner of this country to show we have the support of Malaysians.”

If this were an ordinary election, it would be easy to dismiss PR as an arrogant party refusing to concede defeat. But election watchdogs, scholars, and many in Malaysia share the suspicion that the recent election may have been less than fair and clean. Even the United States government has advised Malaysia to probe the alleged irregularities.

If BN truly intends to remedy the matter, it must immediately undertake electoral reforms. Otherwise, public discontent might unleash a backlash that the BN-led government cannot handle. Last year BN survived the Bersih (Clean) election reform rallies, Malaysia’s answer to the Arab Spring movement. But can it withstand the “Malaysian tsunami”?

Philippine Midterm Polls Give Preview of 2016 Presidential Race

Written for The Diplomat

Filipinos will go back to the polls on May 13, 2013 when the nation will hold its midterm national and local elections. In terms of numbers, there are 52 million voters out of a population of 92 million. They will be voting to fill 18,000 elective positions, including 12 senators, 229 district members of the House of Representatives and 80 provincial governors.

At the national level, the 12 senators who will be elected or re-elected will gain instant electoral advantage if ever they decide to run for president or vice president in the 2016 elections. Bearing in mind that the last three presidents, including the incumbent, were senators first, incumbent senators are aggressively competing for the top ranking in the senate race. In other words, this year’s senatorial election is a preview of the 2016 presidential election. This explains the attempted power grab underway by major parties in Congress, especially in the nation’s local government units.

In addition to serving as a preview of the next presidential race, midterm polls are often used to gauge the public approval rating of the incumbent administration. So far, administration candidates are doing well in surveys, reflecting the continuing popularity of President Benigno “Noynoy” Aquino III. In fact, the ruling Liberal Party has named its senate slate as “Team PNoy” (President Noynoy) in the hopes of winning votes from the president’s supporters.

The high public trust rating of Aquino is attributed to the reforms he has implemented since assuming the presidency in 2010. Perhaps the absence of a strong opposition bloc has also boosted Aquino’s popularity. Vice President Jejomar Binay, who comes from a different party and acts as the titular leader of the United Opposition (UNO), has chosen to be a quiet collaborator in the Aquino government.

Further, the opposition senate slate is not united by a clear political platform and their proposed policy reforms merely echo the programs offered by the administration. In short, the choice of voters is limited to officially sanctioned administration candidates and other candidates belonging to minority parties who are not necessarily opposed to the programs of the ruling coalition.

The lack of alternative candidates in the elections has frustrated many people and led to the rise of a citizen movement opposed to the dominance of political dynasties in Philippine politics. This year’s election is perhaps the first in Philippine history when politicians are being forced to defend the practice of enlisting members of the same clan to run for various political positions.

In the senate race alone, candidates include the nephew of the president, the daughter of the vice president, the son of the senate president, and the brother of an incumbent senator. Political dynasties are still expected to win big this year but at least there is a nascent political movement that is beginning to challenge the oligarchic control and feudal nature of Philippine politics.

One issue that emerged during the campaign period that deserves to be seriously addressed even after elections is the credibility of the automated election system. For the second time, the Philippines are conducting elections using an automated system, but there are growing concerns about the accuracy and reliability of the voting machines procured by the Commission on Elections. It didn’t help that the agency has refused to allow a third-party source code review of the software that will be used in the counting of election results.

On a positive note, compared to 2010 this year’s elections have featured less political intrigue and, bickering among candidates, and fewer fiery speeches. Be that as it may, next week’s voting results will determine the country’s political landscape in the next few years and will give a glimpse of what to expect in the 2016 presidential race.

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Leftists and Politicians

By admin | May 18, 2013

Viewed from the outside, the reactionary state apparatus appears to be a brutal and beastly machine. Viewed from the inside, this juggernaut looks enigmatic. Seductively enigmatic. Nevertheless, it remains a ferocious stinking monster. Its hypnotic stink, however, is camouflaged by trappings, rituals, symbols, and other elegant deodorizers which distort the gaze of everybody, including the beast slayers. A leftist who joins electoral politics is exposed to this nether world. Indeed, he is most vulnerable inside the ‘belly of the beast.’

It seems inevitable that a leftist is stripped of his warrior aura the moment he decides to join the ‘hunger games’ of the bourgeoisie. A street fighter in the battle arena of parliamentary politics. He will be seen as an eccentric spouting strange words and alien phrases. A moralist whose political ego will awkwardly collide with the laughable and pathetic vanity of the decadent class.

A leftist who becomes a politician is actually a pitiful individual, a crippled political creature. But he can escape the curse of compromise by stubbornly clinging to his beliefs; and more importantly, by strengthening his organizational link with the grassroots. In other words, he must remain an activist in both theory and practice.

Possessing a progressive (reformist) worldview is not enough. Without the backing and counsel of the mass movement, a leftist trapped in the bureaucratic maze (and haze) might erroneously equate his verbal jousting in the parliament with real political power. He might see no other platform to build the political edifice of the Cause other than the state machinery. In the end, he will embrace the legitimacy of the political apparatus whose foundation is based on the ruthless exploitation and manipulation of the poor. Tragically, he mutates into a rabid apologist of the ruling clique. He falls for the fleeting allure of illusory power and its overrated perks and porks. He joins the reactionary master in rejecting the alternative appeal and threat of the mass movement.

It must be emphasized that a leftist who finds himself in the inside of mainstream politics will always remain an outsider. He is inside the big circle but outside the loop. He is a somebody to many but a nobody to them. Equals under the law but unequals in so many levels. There is a mutual feeling of distrust and abhorrence. Everyday niceties prevail but the loathing remains. After some time, the leftist must escape the glorified squalor or he becomes numb with all the wheeling and dealing, horse trading, cheap bargaining, and unprincipled exchange of unpleasantries that surround him. He may be fascinated with his proximity to surreal politics but he is still offended by its perversity. The macabre parliament is no place for the squeamish.

So what can a leftist whose party is not in power accomplish in the bureaucracy? Well, nothing much. He can insert some really good reforms here and there but measured against the great political objective of societal change, his work is miniscule compared to the Parliament of the Streets and People Power. It is only through politics proper that a political institution is best judged and not by exaggerating some meaningless numbers, self-rated performance reviews, and paid tributes.

Naturally, a leftist has a concrete agenda to offer which reactionaries often dismiss as nothing more but foolish and dangerous fantasies. Some would insist that this agenda can be successfully integrated in the mainstream hierarchy by diluting its content and by exhibiting good manners in presenting them. This is the risk and dilemma that leftists often encounter. What exactly is the threshold of acceptable compromise, if ever such a thing exists? How can dissidence continue without being scandalous in the eyes of the opinion-making classes?

The presence of leftists in mainstream politics is often highlighted to prove the changing dynamics of Philippine democracy. Others go too far by arguing that the traditional elite is actually amenable to a power sharing scheme with the non-elite. Leftists must respond by being more aggressive in fulfilling their mission order which is to expose the bankruptcy of electoral politics and the rotten core of the exploitative social order on one hand, and spread the message of revolution on the other.

While politicians inflate their egos and pockets, leftists are focused on deepening their understanding of the state apparatus. The weak points are rendered visible to all, the deceptive parts are unmasked, the power players and their surrogates are identified, the magic of the behemoth is demystified and declassified. Soon, the hacking will commence. We are the source code review of the coming deconstruction of the order of things.

Related articles:

Hourglass politics
Young politicians
Reformism, radicalism
Blogger-politician

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Southeast Asia’s Twittering Heads of State

By admin | May 12, 2013

Written for The Diplomat

“Hello, people of Indonesia. I have joined Twitter to exchange greetings, views and inspirations. Nice to meet you.”

With these 140 characters, Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, or SBY as he is known, joined the Twittersphere on April 13. After two weeks of tweeting, SBY has gained more than 1.7 million followers and cemented his status as the most popular Southeast Asian leader, at least in terms of the number of Twitter followers.

SBY, whose term will end next year, seems to be enhancing his social media presence. Early this month, his government launched the @IstanaRakyat Twitter account to document his official activities. Aside from Twitter, Indonesians can send SMS messages direct to SBY. And for the old fashioned, SBY accepts letters via snail mail to P.O. Box 9949.

SBY’s initial tweets referenced the Boston bombing and political reforms in Aceh. Interestingly, he also tweeted summaries of the main points of his speech at the Nanyang Technological University in Singapore about the achievements and priorities of his administration. He claimed that his leadership inaugurated a “transformational decade” which made Indonesia’s trillion dollar economy the largest in Southeast Asia.

He also tweeted his advice to Arab Spring countries: “Muslims in Indonesia are comfortable with democracy and modernity. This may well offer valuable lessons to Arab Spring countries.”

SBY is not the first Indonesian politician to capitalize on social media tools in an attempt to influence public opinion, but his entry into the world of Twitter affirmed the growing significance of the Internet in Indonesian politics.

If SBY wanted some pointers on how to effectively leverage Twitter, he could turn to Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak, who has been actively using the ubiquitous microblogging site since 2008. Malaysia has two million Twitter users and Najib is the most popular personality of the lot, with more than 1.5 million followers.

Najib does not simply post his thoughts on domestic issues; he also interacts with Malaysian netizens. He once used Twitter to invite his followers to watch a live broadcast of his favorite football team. And when Korean singer Psy of “Gangnam Style” fame performed in Malaysia, Najib clarified on Twitter that no government funds were used in the public event. He has also hosted several meetups and other offline events with his Twitter followers.

Najib even described the May 5 General Elections as Malaysia’s “first social media elections.” Unlike in the previous 2008 election, Najib’s party has been aggressively reaching out to communities in cyberspace to campaign.

If Najib needed some tips on how to use social media to score a victory at the polls, he can ask Philippine President Benigno “Noynoy” Aquino, who boosted his chances by mobilizing online voters in the 2010 presidential elections. After winning the elections, Aquino maintained his high social media profile and now has more than 1.4 million Twitter followers. For good measure, Aquino also keeps several Twitter and Facebook accounts.

In one instance in September 2010, Aquino directly answered a Facebook critic who criticized the president’s supposed inefficiency and some of his cabinet choices. In his reply, Aquino pointed to progress and asked for more time before judging the results.

While SBY, Najib and Aquino have been relatively adept with social media, the transition to Twitter was not so smooth for Thai Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra, who was forced to delete her Twitter account in 2011 after it was hacked and used to send a number of tweets that were critical of the Thai government.

Overall, Southeast Asian leaders have made good use of Twitter and other social media tools to communicate directly with their citizens. Of course, Twitter will not instantly raise public approval ratings, but it can give leaders a tech-savvy image, which could raise their appeal with the younger population. The upcoming elections in Malaysia could offer another case in point.

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