Kabataan Partylist: The Next Generation

By admin | May 8, 2013

Before Kabataan Partylist, there were 17 youth groups which tried (but ultimately failed) to clinch representation in Congress through the partylist system. What is the ‘source code’ of our success?

Kabataan was founded by the country’s leading youth organizations: National Union of Students (established in 1957), College Editors Guild (established in 1931 which makes it the country’s oldest existing student group), League of Filipino Students (frontrunner in the successful campaign to revive student organizations during Martial Law), Anakbayan (‘Abolish ROTC’ lead convener), Student Christian Movement, and Karatula.

These groups have nationwide presence, broad constituencies, and a sterling record of fighting for student and youth rights.

The founding leaders of Kabataan were mostly student activists of the 1990s whose political consciousness was shaped by the ideological debates within the Left. They were joined by our generation who actively participated in the historic Edsa Dos event. The decision to join the partylist race was partly inspired by the phenomenal victory of Bayan Muna in 2001.

Kabataan (Anak ng Bayan) garnered 212,000 votes; or short of 40,000 votes to reach the 2 percent winning threshold. If the current formula in determining the winners in the partylist election were used in 2004, Kabataan would have secured a seat in the 13th Congress.

After the 2004 polls, Kabataan leaders were ‘veterans’ of the anti-Estrada movement who were already by that time greatly disappointed and angered by the mutation of erstwhile ally Gloria Arroyo into a ferocious political monster. Meanwhile, its younger members were becoming the most determined oppositionists and dissentients to the Arroyo government which was re-elected into power with questionable mandate.

When the ‘Hello Garci’ scandal was exposed in 2005, Kabataan and its network became an active voice and presence in the ‘Oust Gloria’ and ‘Katotohanan’ rallies. During the 2007 elections, Kabataan was already known as an anti-administration or Opposition partylist group.

Kabataan’s victory in 2009 was a milestone in the youth and student movement. For the first time in the country’s history, an elected youth representative is sitting in Congress. After years of defining and articulating the youth agenda in schools, communities, and in the streets, Kabataan was given the opportunity to bring this fight inside Congress.

The first decade of the 21st century was a period of intense and creative experimentation on how to tap and unleash youthful idealism and patriotism. Online activism and volunteerism became popular among the educated youth. Kabataan made some useful contributions by showing how to kickstart a cybercampaign or promote volunteerism (especially during disaster relief operations). Furthermore, Kabataan was consistent in reminding the youth that change and nation-building require long-term commitment, engagement, and even sacrifice.

Despite being denied of its right to serve a full term in the 14th Congress, Kabataan went on to receive almost half a million votes in the 2010 elections and was given a seat in the 15th Congress. The election victory was achieved even with scarce resources, the proliferation of partylist groups (187 groups competed in 2010), the red-baiting and harassment of the army, and the relative inexperience of our campaign coordinators (composed mainly of teenagers, college students, and individuals in their early 20s).

In 2010, Kabataan was still seen as an anti-Arroyo partylist group. But the rise of Noynoy Aquino also inspired our members to warn against deceptive populism, pseudo reformism, and landlord conservatism.

We dedicated our victory to members and supporters who became victims of extrajudicial killings and other state-sponsored violence during the Arroyo regime.

As youth representative, Kabataan pushed for the legislation of its core youth agenda. But more than this, it sought to disprove the accusation that young leaders can be easily co-opted by the corrupt bureaucracy.

Since last year, Kabataan has entered into a transition phase when it elected new officers and nominees who will lead the group in the 2013 elections and beyond. This is a new generation of Kabataan leaders and members – all of them became politically active after 2001 since they were too young during the Edsa Dos years. In other words, their political activism was influenced by the ‘war on terror’, the global financial crisis, and the ‘Gloria Resign’ campaign in the past decade. Meanwhile, its younger members are part of a generation whose exposure to progressive politics, unfortunately, is limited to the feel-good reformism of Obama and Noynoy.

Through its campaign paraphernalias, Kabataan has announced that it intends to ‘level-up’ the engagement of the youth in parliamentary politics, and Philippine politics in general. The challenge is to maintain its legislative work while participating in bolder campaigns to restructure the flaws of the country’s political economy.

It has to be wary against the rising bureaucratization of youth politics in the country. Or the tendency of some youth formations to simply demand some token membership in some minor agency of the state or its local satellites.

It has to be battle ready in the information warfare. The challenge is to continuously attract youth involvement at a time when everybody is always distracted or hypnotized by the dizzying freeflow of realtime data. Fortunately, Kabataan can simply review its tactics in calibrating online/offline activism and elevate it into theory.

The Aquino government is a master of truth manipulation. It can easily twist or spin an issue to improve its public image. The next three years is crucial to once and for all unmask its evil core.

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The Kingdoms of Southeast Asia

By admin | May 5, 2013

Written for The Diplomat

Southeast Asia has four monarchies, each with its own unique traits. Brunei is an absolute monarchy, while Thailand, Malaysia, and Cambodia have the constitutional form. The history of these monarchies, including their future prospects, is discussed in the March 2013 issue of the Kyoto Review of Southeast Asia. The essays in the volume give a fascinating overview of how these monarchies survived colonialism and the transition towards democracy.

In Brunei, Sultan Hassanal Bolkiah has been the absolute ruler since 1984. Professor Naimah Talib argues that the Sultan successfully wields centralized authority by promoting the ideology of Melayu Islam Beraja or Malay Islamic Monarchy. To accommodate the rising middle class, the Sultan welcomed educated elites into his government. To further strengthen his legitimacy, he used the country’s oil revenues (accounting for 70 percent of its GDP) to implement generous welfare programs which allow Bruneians to enjoy one of Asia’s highest standards of living. What’s more, there is no personal income tax in Brunei.

Constitutional amendments were introduced in 2004 to pave the way for so-called democratic reforms, but they only gave the Sultan greater powers. A Legislative Council was formed, but its members were all appointed by the Sultan.

Meanwhile, Cambodia’s past half century was dominated by one figure, Khmer King Norodom Sihanouk. He was King for two terms and abdicated twice. Throughout Cambodia’s tumultuous modern history, he served as head of state, premier, and even became a guerrilla leader who fought for his country’s independence. There was no Cambodian monarchy from 1970 to 1993, but Sihanouk became King again and continued to be a well-liked figure until his death last October.

According to Professor Charnvit Kasetsiri, Sihanouk was the first King in Cambodian history who made direct contact with his subjects, which probably explains his enduring popularity among the masses. monarchy in the 21st century.Sihanouk’s charisma could benefit his son, King Norodom Sihamoni, and ensure the continuity of the Cambodian

Malaysia’s monarchy is the least known in Southeast Asia, but it’s unique for having a system of elective monarchy. The current Yang di-Pertuan Agong (Head of State) is Abdul Halim, the Sultan of Kedah. Malaysians have been engaged in a lively public discussion about the monarchy’s role in modern times. Many have also criticized the lavish lifestyle of the royal families and scandals involving some in their midst.

For Professor Ahmad Fauzi Abdul Hamid, reviving the image of Malaysia’s monarchy might be possible through Tengku Faris Petra or Sultan Muhammad V of Kelantan, who is also Malaysia’s Deputy Yang di-Pertuan Agong: Fauzi wrote: “Being comparatively young and hailing from a state long ruled by the opposition, Sultan Muhammad V injected vigor into the monarchy with his simple lifestyle, humility, friendly disposition and avoidance of controversies which had beleaguered the Kelantan royal household.”

In Thailand’s case, aside from being the most popular political figure in the nation, King Bhumibol Adulyadej is also the longest-reigning living monarch in the world. But Professor David Streckfuss thinks the Thai monarchy is “at its all time low in terms of both popularity and legitimacy” and the next monarch will inherit a “debilitated and factionalized institution with no clear path on which to continue.”

What contributed to the weakening of the Thai monarchy? Streckfuss gives three core reasons for the decline. For one, he thinks that building a personality cult around the King is not good for the throne. “The more successfully the King as a person and his good works are portrayed, the weaker the monarchy as an institution becomes,” he wrote.

A second reason could be that some political activities, such as supporting coups and protests by some members of the Royal Family and the powerful Privy Council of Thailand have tainted the image of the monarchy as being neutral or existing above politics. Lastly, the excessive use of the lese majeste law, often described as the world’s harshest anti-royal insult regulation, has eroded the legitimacy of the monarchy in the eyes of many educated Thais.

These essays demonstrate the scholarly and political interest inherent in the four remaining monarchies of Southeast Asia, which survived the great upheavals of the 20th century. It remains to be seen if these institutions will play a prominent role in shaping the future of their societies, and whether they will coexist with greater democracy and transparency.

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Somchai, Jonas, Sombath

By admin | May 2, 2013

Written for The Diplomat

Thai human rights lawyer Somchai Neelapaijit went missing on March 12, 2004. Filipino activist Jonas Burgos was last seen on April 28, 2007. Lao development economist and educator Sombath Somphone disappeared on December 15, 2012.

The search for these missing activists has become a campaign for human rights promotion, not only in their respective countries but across Southeast Asia. Their names have become synonymous with the fight against enforced disappearances, kidnapping, torture, and other human rights atrocities, often carried out with apparent impunity.

At the time of his disappearance, then 53-year-old Somchai was handling cases in southern Thailand, a region ravaged by infighting between government troops and Muslim separatist rebels. Somchai was pursuing a case against police officers accused of torture when he mysteriously disappeared in Bangkok.

Jonas, the son of Philippine press freedom fighter Joe Burgos, was connected with a left-leaning peasant group when he was abducted by suspected state agents in a Quezon City shopping mall. There were witnesses who testified in the court that Jonas shouted ‘Aktibista ako!’ (I’m an activist!) while he was being dragged out of the mall.

Sombath is a popular NGO leader whose work with the Participatory Development Training Centre in Laos earned him the 2005 Ramon Magsaysay Award, known as Asia’s Nobel Prize, for community leadership. Sombath’s disappearance was captured on CCTV footage, which shows Sombath being stopped by police and then abducted by unidentified men. Sombath’s abduction is believed to be related to his advocacy for the protection of land rights for ordinary villagers.

All three cases highlight the inability of their respective governments to protect the human rights of their citizens, especially activists and civil society members who criticize politicians and public authorities. In particular, they expose the perpetration of kidnapping and abduction by state forces as unofficial policies or instruments used to silence dissidents, despite the fact that all governments in the region have embraced the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

Angkhana Neelapaijit, Somchai’s wife, has expressed disappointment that Thailand’s Department of Special Investigation has not made any progress at all with the case almost a decade after her husband was abducted. Meanwhile, Sombath’s wife Ng Shui Meng called the Association of Southeast Asian Nations a “toothless” agency for its failure to enforce regional agreements on human rights and democratic governance. Like Angkhana and Shui Meng, Edita Burgos, the mother of Jonas, was also discouraged by her government’s apparently insincere pledge to help find her missing son when a ranking military officer suspected of involvement in the abduction was promoted to a higher rank last December.

Perhaps the families and supporters of Somchai, Jonas, and Sombath are motivated by the support they continue to receive from people around the world. In March, even United States Secretary of State John Kerry asked the Laos government to release more information about Sombath’s case. Further, Edita Burgos asked the Philippine Supreme Court to reopen her son’s case after she received new documentary evidence identifying the abductors of Jonas as an intelligence unit of the 7th Infantry Division of the Philippine Army and the 56th Infantry Battalion.

The continuing search for Somchai, Jonas, and Sombath is also an ongoing campaign for greater human rights protection in Thailand, the Philippines, and Laos. The campaign has created public awareness that human rights legislation must be backed with political will and commitment in order to effectively prevent more human rights abuses.

In the case of the Philippines, this means that the signing of the landmark Anti-Enforced or Involuntary Disappearance Act of 2012 last December must be followed up with substantial action and procedural reform. Only by taking these concrete steps can the new administration prove that human rights violations are no longer tolerated.

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New Politics

By admin | April 24, 2013

Politics is about man’s infinite search for the most effective way of organizing societies. It mirrors the imperfections of man and thus it remains an unfinished project, an incomplete thesis. But it stands for a greater ideal. Through politics, man can conquer nature and become the god master of the world. The political man is the beast with a purpose, the animal with spirit, the subject who becomes a militant agent of History.

If politics is infinite, it means that there are always new ways of doing politics. A successful political formula has to be continually tested, challenged, and reformulated – if it must remain relevant. New politics is actually a misnomer since politics proper is about the invention of truths, the unveiling of the Idea, the birthing of the new.

Unfortunately, politics today is reduced into electoral politics. It has become synonymous with the stench of parliamentary politics despite the brave efforts to link it with the idea of democracy. Worse, political practice is no longer about rupturing with the old since it merely advocates the repetition of past events, the pathetic romanticization of conservative values.

Modern political practice has been codified already. There exists an unofficial (and unspoken) rule book which identifies the politically-correct or formulaic way of doing things. The professional, the amateurish, and the lumpen are united in enforcing this code. It is the code of the lazy and satisfied, the guardians of the eternal present, and those who refuse to think the new.

The political situation is dangerous for those who offer original thoughts. They are condemned for deviating from tradition. Dismissed for ignoring mainstream ethics. Ridiculed for experimenting with bold ideas, practices, and utopian dreams.

Innovation is welcomed as long as it conforms with the rules established by the great powers in society. Change is encouraged but it must not disrupt the core of the system. Radical agenda is tolerated if it’s advocated through polite and civilized means. Everyone is free to be eccentric and unique but follow the rules and behave, or else!

Achieving inner peace is the only acceptable and most endorsed form of revolutionary act. Collectivism, in theory and practice, is demonized as standard examples of bad politics.

What is to be done? There are textbook definitions of responsible citizenship. But beyond good citizenship is the duty to restore the original disruptive power of politics. Defiance of the rules that perpetuate the illusory appearance of the status quo. The willingness, the stubbornness to create new rules and new ways of doing things. The openness to ‘abnormal’ and taboo perspectives and practices.

The readiness to march with friends and especially strangers in the road less travelled. To risk everything, to make the supreme sacrifice in order to reach the destination. The journey towards the unknown guided only by the egalitarian promise of new politics. Man as political animal is a dreamer. Dream the dream.

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Deadly Nationalisms

By admin | April 23, 2013

Nationalism was the powerful and revolutionary idea which inspired and mobilized the people of colonized countries in Southeast Asia to fight for their political independence after World War II. Then, post-colonial governments invoked it to unify their nations against real or imagined foreign aggressors.

In the era of globalization, nationalism became appealing once more for people who wanted to preserve their local identity and culture, especially in developing nations with governments that are suspicious of the Western promotion of the Washington Consensus.

On the whole, nationalism is useful and even necessary to stabilize the hegemony of nation-states. But its unifying power could also turn deadly if allowed to mutate into xenophobia, creating race-based prejudices, ethnic hatred, and religious conflict.

Today, there seems to be a surge of this deadly brand of nationalism across Southeast Asia.

Burma is embroiled in conflict as riots between Buddhists and Muslims flared up anew in the towns of Meikhtila, Minhla, Moenyo and Latpadan. More than 40 people have already been killed in the two weeks of conflict, while shops, houses, and places of worship have been burned to the ground.

President Thein Sein blamed the violence on religious extremists “who exploit the noble teachings of religions and tried to plant hatred among people of different faiths for their own self-interest.”

Buddhism is a state religion in Burma. Meanwhile, Muslims comprise about four percent of the country’s population.

What is most unfortunate in the Meikhtila riot is that it was a mere private dispute in a market which turned ugly and became a bloody riot in a town where Buddhists, Muslims, and people of other faiths have historically lived peacefully as neighbors.

The civilian government must immediately investigate the possibilities that someone or some groups deliberately instigated some of the recent violence in Burma. It should also probe its police and army officers who are suspected of being involved in the riots, as reported by Tomas Quintana, UN special envoy on human rights in Burma.

Francis Wade speculates the riots could also reflect the disturbing rise of anti-Muslim sentiment in Burma. Likewise, dissident scholar Maung Zarni warned against “genocidal Buddhist racism” whose proponents “have chosen to pursue a destructive nationalism that is rooted in the fear of losing property, land, and racial and religious purity.”

While religious nationalism is stoking the flames of violence in Burma, the issue of national identity has triggered a divisive debate in Singapore. The Singaporean government’s population strategy published in January mentioned the protection of a so-called “Singapore Core” as it continues to accept more foreign workers and immigrants to reverse the country’s shrinking and aging population.

Many Singaporeans rejected the proposal to increase the number of foreigners and demanded that Singapore remain a country of Singaporeans. More and more Singaporeans are blaming the influx of foreigners for rising prices, worsening traffic, and difficulty finding jobs. Fortunately, the heated debates on the meaning of Singaporean identity and citizenship has not escalated – at least for now

The motivation to define an authentic citizen is not limited to Singapore. In 2006, researchers from the Chulalongkorn and Mahidol Universities in Bangkok claimed that they have already identified the Thai gene sequence – the so called “true Thai” DNA. Moreover, the Filipino genome project was revived in February, eliciting discussions on Filipino race and ethnicity. While the scientific basis of these initiatives is benign, the results can easily be appropriated by ultra-nationalists to bolster racist agendas.

Meanwhile, Malaysia has allegedly stolen Indonesia’s cultural heritage, provoking nationalist outrage on the part of the latter. While Indonesia and Malaysia have good relations as neighbors, they often clash over the ownership of certain cultural icons. In 2009, Indonesia accused Malaysia of stealing Balinese dance. Last year, an Indonesian education official claimed that Malaysia has misappropriated seven Indonesian cultural products as part of its national heritage.

Territorial wars are natural triggers for nationalist propaganda, as seen in the way that the Cambodia-Thailand border dispute in Preah Vihear sparked an intense ultra-nationalist hate campaign in both countries. Meanwhile, the self-proclaimed Sultan of Sulu wanted to reclaim Sabah for the benefit of the Philippines, but the Malaysian government insists that Sabah will remain part of Malaysia forever.

written for The Diplomat

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Graduation Speeches

By admin | April 13, 2013

As legislator in the past three years, I delivered 12 graduation speeches in three elementary schools, four high schools, four colleges, and one Tesda institution. They include five public schools and 7 private schools.

Graduation and Recognition Day ceremonies are long, formal, but always fun. They are school events which unite students, teachers, administrators, parents, and the whole community. An annual ritual which is sacred to graduates and even to parents.

It is always a privilege to be invited as commencement speaker because it means the school believes you have something insightful to share with the students. And I do really enjoy giving graduation speeches because almost everybody is listening. Even the most bored student has to pretend that he is paying attention to the speaker.

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I often begin with a joke…

Maraming bago sa araw na ito: Bagong linis ang inyong mga sapatos, bagong plantsa ang inyong mga damit. Lahat naligo sa araw na ito (Hopefully). Makapal ang make-up ng mga kababaihan, yung iba may kulay ang mata, inubos ang spraynet at gel sa buhok, abot hanggang dito ang amoy ng inyong mga pabango.

Then I follow it up with homage to parents:

…pinakamasaya sa araw na ito ay ang inyong mga magulang. Pag nagkaroon na kayo ng anak na nag-aaral, lubusan ninyo ng mauunawaan ang kanilang sakripisyo. Paano nila pinagsabay ang trabaho habang nag-aalaga ng bata, paano araw-araw ay may baon o pagkain kayong kinakain, paano araw-araw ay nakaplanstsa na ang inyong mga uniform sa umaga.

Another way of giving tribute to parents…

Pero pinakamasaya ang mga magulang natin. Mamaya habang naglalakad kayo papunta dito sa stage, kung pwede lang sumigaw ay isisigaw ng inyong mga magulang na “Anak ko yan.” Mamaya pauwi ipapakilala kayo sa lahat ng tao sa daan, kahit hindi nila kilala, at buong pagmamayabang na sasabihin na bagong graduate ang kanilang anak. Umaapaw sa galak ang puso ng inyong magulang dahil ang kanilang anak, na dati rati’y isang inosenteng musmos na walang alam sa mundo, ay kinikilala na ng komunidad bilang isang edukadong indibidwal. Marami sa mga magulang natin hindi nakatapos ng kolehiyo kaya nagsikap sila nang husto para kayo ay makapag-aral at matupad ang inyong mga pangarap.

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Teachers are given special mention (of course, I’m a teacher by profession):

Tuwing graduation ay nasusubok muli ang katatagan ng ating mga guro. They are among the bravest people in the world. Marahil nalulungkot kayo ngayon dahil iiwanan ninyo na ang hayskul kung saan nakilala ninyo ang inyong mga kaibigan at BFF. Pero sa totoo lang, mas malungkot ang inyong mga guro. Pagkatapos ng apat na taon, ang mga batang kanilang inalagaan, tinuruan, at ginabayan ay aalis na lang ng bigla. Alam nilang bahagi ito ng propesyon; alam din nilang ang pagtuturo mismo ay walang katumbas na salapi kundi ang kaligayahang maging bahagi ng inyong buhay; at alam din nilang ang iba sa inyo’y bibisita sa hinaharap pero ang karamihan siguro hindi na muli makakabalik sa kampus para makamusta ang inyong mga guro. At sa darating na hunyo, bagong schoolyear na naman; bagong batch na gagabayan, tuturuan, at mamahalin. Ganito ang buhay sa paaralan, transient ang mga estudyante. Darating, mananatili ng ilang taon, at aalis din tungo sa kanilang bagong mundo.

Last March 21, I went back to my high school alma mater and reminded the honor students about the value of critical pedagogy:

Una, mag-aral. Tama. Seryosong mag-aral. Tama. Matataas na grado. Tama. Pero nag-aaral para saan, para kanino? Para sa akin, makitid ang dahilan kung nag-aaral ka lang para yumaman sa hinaharap. Naimbento ang paaralan bilang institusyon hindi upang pagsilbihan ang pansariling interes ng mga indibidwal kundi para sa pangkalahatang kagalingan ng komunidad. Mag-aral para may ambag ka sa sibilisasyon ng tao, at sa pag-abante ng karunungan.

…huwag magpatali sa tradisyon at nakasanayan. Experience life, not virtual life. Pana-panahon isara ang cellphone at internet at makisalamuha sa kapwa. Hanapin ang kahulugan ng buhay sa piling ng iba, kasama ng iba, at para sa kagalingan ng iba. Maging kritikal sa lahat ng nagaganap, sa inyong buhay, sa inyong pamilya, sa paaralan, at sa ating komunidad. Gamitin ang inyong boses para ihayag ang nasasaloob.

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Some pointers on the dangers of IT-worship and the basics of education:

Don’t equate research with search. Don’t equate reading with the posting of status updates. Don’t equate writing with texting. So future high school students, go to the library not google and wikipedia. Read a novel or a short story, read the classics of literature – they broaden our horizon and imagination; and sabi nga ng DOT, reading is more fun than stalking your friends on Facebook. Write letters in the traditional way and don’t use texting or even jejemon language in your emails. Why? Because letter writing is a basic skill that you can use when you apply a job, when you request something from the government, and even when you compose a love letter.

The power of imagination…

If there is more powerful achievement than education, it is imagination. You are college diploma holders and you are officially recognized by the community as educated individuals. But it doesn’t mean your mind is only reserved for strictly academic and technical matters. It’s equally important that we use our mental abilities to dream of new things and new ideas. Education has taught us how to open a laptop, write our thesis, and research our assignment on the web; but imagination allows us to rethink our way of doing things and forces us to create innovations. A generation ago, the idea that personal computers can be portable, keyboard-less, and wireless was unthinkable. Actually, most of the great and wonderful inventions that we enjoy today were once ridiculed as wild ideas.

I admire college graduates who are academically proficient and ‘obese’ with too much information. But our world will reserve a special place in recognition of dreamers, innovators, and social revolutionaries whose out-of-this-world imaginations have fundamentally changed the way we live. Again, I emphasize the value of imagination.

When writing college graduation speeches, I address the graduates first as successful students, then as new members of the labor force, and finally as young Filipino citizens. I often speak about the value of history in our society:

Critical thinking is also useful to preserve our past, defend our cultures, and assert our future. We are constantly reminded about the coming of the future but what about the preservation of the past? I am mentioning this because I am worried about the ignorance of many people about our history and the diverse cultures of the Filipino nation. How can we be globally competitive if we are ignorant about our identity?

Graduating class of 2011, the world outside will tempt you to just think of yourselves, to forget about your community, to forget about collective. I hope that you will not to succumb to this temptation. May you continue to be guided by the memory of your heroic past, a past that is forcing its way to be recognized in the present, to change the present.

Don’t waste the gift of time….

The gift of youth shouldn’t be wasted. What’s this gift that the youth inherently possess? It’s neither beauty nor vanity but time. Time is what we have which our elders have already lost and wanted to reclaim. But we also grow old if we throw away our ideas and ideals. We can remain young by being faithful to our chosen mission in life.

I often try not to discuss my personal life but it seems impossible when you are invited to speak in your alma mater.

Many people assume that I became active in public affairs because of my UP education. It’s correct. But I also credit the formative years I spent here in St. Mary’s which allowed me to easily recognize the value of public service and citizenship in my high school and college years. How can I ignore the influence of St. Mary’s when our founder, Mother Ignacia, is recognized by many historians, including our national artist Nick Joaquin, as one of the pioneers of the women’s movement in the country? The Beaterio, to quote Joaquin, “is the most enduring creation of native enterprise.”

Graduation in Siok

And my advice to new graduates who are ready to conquer the world:

Maging mas mapangahas sa pagbubuo ng mga bagong ideya. Ang kumpetisyon ay hindi dapat kung sino sa inyo ang unang kikita ng isang milyong piso o makakabili ng kotse o makakapagpatayo ng mansion; dapat ang labanan ay kung sino ang mag-iiwan ng pangmatagalang impluwensiya sa lipunan. Sino ang susubok ng mga ideyang hindi pa naisip ninuman? Sino ang lilikha ng mga bagong teorya na pakikinabangan ng komunidad?

I was inspired by the idea of love and loving when I wrote this speech: “Magmahal na parang walang bukas”

Walang mas makapangyarihang ideya sa mundo maliban sa ideya ng pag-ibig. Pag-ibig sa bayan ang dahilan kung bakit nagbuwis ng buhay ang mga bayaning dinadakila natin. Noong Lunes ay Araw ng Kagitingan. Pag-ibig sa pamilya ang inspirasyon ng milyun-milyong OFW kung bakit natitiis nila ang maging malayo sa bansa. Pero pag-ibig din ang dahilan ng maraming kasawian, kalungkutan, at kasamaan sa mundo. Madalas napagkakamali kasi na pag-ibig din ang agresyon. Pero ang pag-ibig na tama, kahit labis, magbubunga ng mas maraming kasiyahan.

Turo ng simbahan, humayo kayo at magparami. Graduates, humayo kayo, magparami at maghasik ng karunungan at pagmamahal sa mundo.

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Sabah and the War of Meanings

By admin | April 11, 2013

Two weeks ago Malaysian armed forces dispersed a group of armed Filipinos who arrived in Lahad Datu on February 9 to assert the ancestral claim of the self-proclaimed Sultan of Sulu Jamalul Kiram III.

According to Malaysian authorities, the clashes have claimed the lives of 63 Sulu rebels. But Abraham Idjirani, spokesman for the Sulu sultanate, insisted that only 26 of the 235 members of the royal army were killed. Malaysia’s security dragnet led to the detention of 408 people who were charged for numerous offences.

In a related development, eight Filipinos were charged in the High Court in Tawau for attempting to wage war against the state and could face the death penalty for violating Section 121 of the Penal Code.

The standoff may be over, but it has created a humanitarian crisis encompassing both Filipinos and Malaysians living in Sabah. Malaysia’s Federal Land Development Authority has 1,500 evacuees in Lahad Datu alone. The Philippine government reported that 1,500 undocumented Filipinos in Sabah arrived in the southern coastal towns of Sulu and Tawi-Tawi on March 13.

Meanwhile, some Sabah residents are complaining about the impact of the military operations in their villages. Andrew Ambrose, coordinator of the Sabah Coalition of Human Rights Organizations told reporters in Kuala Lumpur, “Militarization and the presence of security forces have created many roadblocks restricting the movements of the indigenous peoples in their foraging for food, harvesting, hunting and fishing.”

It is encouraging to see that Malaysia and the Philippines are cooperating to address these humanitarian concerns. However, it remains to be seen whether the two neighbors will sit down and tackle the Philippines’ dormant Sabah claim. The prospect of an international intervention or even the involvement of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations to resolve the dispute is also remote.

While both governments work toward a solution and all await the announcement of the final body count, it is probably worth reviewing how the conflict in Sabah was interpreted by different people. Perhaps this will help better understand the complexity of the Sabah issue and aid in recognizing the futility of reducing its significance to the public declarations of mainstream politicians.

It is a fact that Malaysia is paying an annual fee of U.S. $1,500 to the Sulu Sultanate. Malaysia says it is cession fee but Kiram asserts that it is rent. Former Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad has already advised the government to stop making the payment.

While Kiram is ridiculed as the illegitimate ruler of the sultanate by Malaysia and international media outlets, in the Philippines he is widely acknowledged as the rightful leader. In fact, Kiram was even included on the senatorial ticket of former President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo in 2007.

When Kiram’s followers arrived and occupied Lahad Datu, they were seen as invaders, intruders, insurgents and interlopers. Interestingly, however, they were not immediately labeled thugs, criminals or terrorists. When Philippine President Benigno Aquino advised the private Filipino army to return to their homes in Mindanao, Kiram asserted that they were already home.

Malaysia started calling Kiram’s followers terrorists when its armed forces began dispersing the group on March 5. A statement released by the Malaysian Minister of Foreign Affairs reads: “Malaysia considers this group as terrorists following their atrocities and brutalities committed in the killing of Malaysia’s security personnel, two in Lahad Datu and six in Semporna, Sabah.”

Meanwhile, in the Philippines the “terrorist” tag is not the only word that has elicited controversy. Philippine Social Welfare Secretary Corazon Dinky Soliman y Juliano was criticized when she called them balikbayan (returning to country), a term reserved for overseas Filipino workers. Instead of refugees, some lawyers prefer to call the evacuees Internally Displaced Persons to remain consistent with the position that Sabah is still part of Philippine territory.

The war over meanings will continue to intensify as long as the Sabah ownership issue is not settled. In the meantime, diplomats, historians, and politicians from all sides will continue to present evidence to bolster their contradictory positions to the public.

If Kiram’s followers intended to revive public interest and discussion about the Sulu Sultanate’s ancestral claim over Sabah, then we can say that they have succeeded—at least for now. Whether the debate generates anything beyond confusion is yet to be seen.

written for The Diplomat

Sabah and ASEAN

Many Filipinos want the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to intervene in the Sabah crisis, which began when armed followers of the self-proclaimed Sulu Sultan Jamalul Kiram III occupied parts of Lahad Datu on February 9 and vowed not to leave until Sabah is returned to the Sulu Sultanate.

After waiting three weeks for the members of the Royal Sulu Army to voluntarily surrender, the Malaysian military launched a full-scale attack against the group on March 5. The continuing operation has claimed the lives of at least 62 people, including Filipinos, locals and Malaysian police.

The standoff created a humanitarian crisis, which continues today as the Malaysian police search for the remaining armed followers of the Sulu Sultan in villages inhabited largely by Filipino immigrants. There are about 800,000 documented and undocumented Filipinos in Sabah. There are reports that Sabah residents with Filipino ancestry have been harassed by Malaysian authorities who are desperate to catch the leaders of the Royal Sulu Army. The Philippine government has recently decried the abuses and discrimination allegedly suffered by Filipinos in the area.

As more Filipinos leave Sabah daily to escape the violence, many have asked ASEAN to encourage all parties to avoid further bloodshed and rescue displaced Filipino families. Indeed, ASEAN could use its powers of persuasion to remind both the Philippine and Malaysian governments of their obligation to ensure the safety of the civilian populations in both Sabah and the southern Philippines. ASEAN has also been urged to hold talks with all stakeholders in the Sabah ownership dispute.

But it may be wise to temper expectations about ASEAN’s ability to intervene in the crisis. After all, this is the same body that proved ineffective in stopping the human rights violations committed against Rohingya Muslims across the region. It is also the same grouping that remained silent after Thai and Khmer soldiers exchanged gunfire along the Thai- Cambodian border.

If ASEAN can’t manage to issue a joint statement about the maritime dispute in the South China Sea or West Philippine Sea involving its own member countries and China, how can we expect it to take a position on Sabah? Even today, Malaysia’s claim to Sabah is still disputed by the Philippine government?

Still, ASEAN could always surprise us by taking decisive action on the Sabah issue and leading international efforts to resolve the crisis. But if ASEAN refuses to be dragged into the row, perhaps it’s wise and even more appropriate to ask international institutions like the United Nations to step in.

In fact, some of the region’s disputed borders were largely resolved by the International Court of Justice, such as the Preah Vihear temple and its surroundings, which Thailand and Cambodia both claimed as their own; not to mention the competing claims of Singapore and Malaysia over the island Pedra Branca.

But this would take time and the humanitarian crisis in Sabah needs urgent attention and action. Human rights groups are concerned about the situation for Filipino migrants in Sabah, especially undocumented workers who might be wrongly labeled as members of the Royal Sulu Army.

The Malaysian government has barred Philippine media groups from covering the situation in Lahad Datu to prevent biased reporting. This has raised concerns that inadequate news coverage could lead to a cover up of serious abuses and human rights violations.

The UN and ASEAN must ensure that all state-enforced measures in Sabah conform to international human rights standards. Further, it is imperative that these international groups extend humanitarian assistance to affected individuals and families in both Sabah and the southernmost islands of the Philippines.

While it must ultimately be resolved, the best course of action for the moment may be to set aside the issue of Sabah ownership so that relief can be delivered to evacuees, refugees, deportees, and displaced families.

written for The Diplomat

Conspiracy Theories Surround Violence in Sabah

Philippine President Benigno Aquino and Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak smell conspiracy behind the decision by some 200 armed followers of Jamalul Kiram, the self-proclaimed Sultan of Sulu, to occupy parts of Lahad Datu in Sabah.

Although Sabah is part of the Malaysian Federation, the Sulu Sultanate in the southern Philippines has claimed the state as its own. There are an estimated 800,000 documented and undocumented Filipinos residing in Sabah.

Kiram’s armed followers arrived in Lahad Datu on February 9 and vowed not to leave until the sultanate’s claim is settled. After waiting three weeks for the private soldiers to surrender voluntarily, the Malaysian armed forces launched ground and air strikes yesterday. According to reports, as many as 8 Malaysians and 19 Filipinos have been killed in the fighting over the past week.

The death of Filipinos in Sabah may have forced Aquino to appear on national television to defend the Philippine government’s refusal to support the “hopeless cause” of Kiram’s followers. Aquino also hinted that his government is building a case against certain “persons of interest” who might have provoked the Sultan of Sulu to order his men to occupy Lahad Datu.

In a press conference on March 4, Aquino said: “We are aware that there are those who conspired to bring us to this situation – a situation that has no immediate solutions. Some of their identities are clear to us, while others continue to skulk in the shadows. The family of Sultan Jamalul Kiram could not possibly have settled on this course of action alone.”

Aquino added that the government is verifying reports suggesting the involvement of people connected to the administration of former President Gloria Arroyo. He warned, “To the people who are behind this, even now, I tell you: you will not succeed. All those who have wronged our country will be held accountable.”

Meanwhile, Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak is suspicious about the timing of the Sabah incursion, which took place just as Malaysian political parties are preparing for general elections due in June. Some opposition figures have been accused of instigating the crisis by encouraging Kiram to take drastic action in Sabah in exchange for autonomy once the opposition coalition grabs power this year.

The opposition rejected the charge and turned the tables back on Najib and the ruling party. The opposition accused Najib’s government of launching a full-scale attack against the so-called Royal Sulu Army to divert attention from the army’s failure to protect the country’s borders. They also accused the ruling coalition of exploiting the issue to win the support of Malaysian voters – especially in Sabah where the opposition is slowly making inroads.

The timing of the violence in Sabah – during election season in both Malaysia and the Philippines – has created an atmosphere in which everything that political actors involved in the drama say or do can be reduced to an election stunt.

In normal circumstances, conspiracy theories can be readily dismissed. The picture is blurred, however, when the sources of such theories are no less than the president and prime minister of two neighboring countries.

There may well be conspirators and traitors in the two countries and arrests might soon take place. But the Sabah dilemma won’t easily go away. Conspiracy or not, the lesson is that it’s no longer acceptable for Malaysian and Filipino politicians to deliberately avoid tackling the issue of Sabah ownership.

Perhaps the time has come to settle this debate once and for all. The escalating violence in Lahad Datu should embolden the leaders of both countries to work out a lasting solution to this persistent problem.

Should they fail to do so, there appears to be no lack of those who would continue to ignite the dispute in Sabah to advance their own interests.

written for The Diplomat

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Makabayan Legislators

By admin | April 2, 2013

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Teddy Casino, Bayan Muna. Forceful during interpellations but never offensive. Witty without being disrespectful and condescending. Uncompromising, critical, always ready to engage in intelligent discourse. His progressive ideas are brilliantly packaged in a language that can be easily understood by everybody. He re-introduced the fighting agenda of the Left to the new generation. As legislator he battled many evils of society while valiantly proposing the protection of small industries, local heritage, and the welfare of the oppressed. Aside from being the iconic image of the Left in the 21st century, he is an outstanding representative of a generation who fought in Edsa and continued to struggle for a better and new Philippines. (Read more about Teddy in my previous blog post)

Neri Colmenares, Bayan Muna. Human rights lawyer and Palarong Pambansa chess champion. People’s lawyer par excellence. Authoritative and credible expert on Writ of Amparo, partylist law, and Negros cuisine. Meticulous and cleverly ruthless during budget deliberations and legislative interpellations. There was a time when a befuddled Budget Secretary Abad complained against what he called “Colmenares’ Mathematics.” One of the very few lawmakers who can deliver a privilege speech without reading from a prepared text. He was part of the prosecution team during the historic Corona impeachment trial in 2012. Unknown to many people, he was one of the youngest political prisoners and torture victims during Martial Law. Pamangkin niya si Angel Locsin.

Tonchi Tinio, ACT Teachers. Education reformer, scholar activist, social media savvy and unofficial IT connoisseur of the House. One of the most visible, active, and articulate legislators in the House plenary. Aggressive and successful in promoting teachers’ welfare but also very vocal and knowledgeable on other issues like reproductive health, US imperialism, and cybercrime. Direct in delivering his critique, imaginative in conceptualizing his alternatives, and radical seems an understatement to describe the depth of his political standpoint. The only male member in the Committee on Women and Gender Equality. He was part of the bicameral committee which endorsed the RH bill. His House Bill 2142 which seeks to raise the salary grade of public school teachers from salary grade 11 to 15 is co-authored by more than 180 representatives.

Paeng Mariano, Anakpawis. The poorest representative of the 15th Congress but the ‘richest’ in terms of militancy and consistency in advocating a more radical and egalitarian politics. The best resource person who can explain the ‘congenital defects’ of the land reform program or CARP and the deceptive CARPER law. A living legend of the peasant sector, he can narrate and summarize the heroic struggles and court battles of hacienda farmers. He has passionately asserted the necessity of implementing a genuine agrarian reform to solve poverty in the countryside. He is a true intellectual of the masses who can convincingly connect the various sectoral and grassroots demands to the national democratic movement.

Luz Ilagan, Gabriela. The voice of Mindanao and women in Congress. Steadfast in her commitment to improve the lives of poor women, especially the people of Mindanao. She often lectures policymakers, bureaucrats, and fellow representatives about the feminization of poverty and migration. She exposed the destructive impact of mining and other polluting activities in upland lumad communities. She led fact-finding missions and on-site human rights hearings in numerous militarized communities in Mindanao. A champion of women legislation like divorce, anti-discrimination, anti-trafficking, and RH. A veteran public servant, she served as councilor of Davao City for two terms. She taught English in Ateneo for many years, and interestingly several of her students became her colleagues in Congress.

Satur Ocampo, Bayan Muna. Journalist, peace negotiator, political detainee for 12 years, and revolutionary activist since the 1960s. He is already a familiar face of Philippine politics when he entered Congress in 2001. For being a radical truth-seeker and for truly working as the people’s representative, he faced rebellion charges during the Arroyo years. He was already tirelessly exposing Arroyo’s corruption, abuse of power, human rights atrocities, and other criminal acts when Pnoy and Liberal partymates were still cozy with the ruling coalition. His exemplary performance as legislator and statesman is an inspiration and lesson for those who seek to serve the people in the government. Three years after the end of his term, he is still seen as the quintessential leftist legislator.

Liza Maza, Gabriela. Peminista na, radikal pa. She epitomized the modern Gabriela, the Filipina as activist. Finally, a woman legislator who understands feminist causes, the history of the women’s movement, and the significance of integrating women’s issues in the national liberation struggle. She, along with other visionaries and progressives, persevered in crafting laws to stop all forms of violence against women and children. She was very critical in exposing the prejudices, abuses, and other brutalities suffered by women, especially the marginalized women. She was always speaking in behalf of battered housewives, trafficked women, prostituted children, and maltreated workers. More importantly, she never failed to emphasize the importance of women standing up, speaking out, and fighting for their rights and human dignity.

Joel Maglunsod, Anakpawis. Firebrand and agitator (in the most positive sense) inside and outside congress. Diligent representative of the working classes in the 14th Congress. Aside from achieving a perfect attendance in the session, he was always the first to enter and the last to leave the plenary hall. He was active in delivering privilege speeches almost every week raising awareness about the plight of workers, the relevance of a legislated wage increase, the impact of rising prices on low-income families, and the bankruptcy of the government’s economic policies. He once exposed the military’s Order of Battle which allegedly included his name. A veteran activist from Mindanao, he can thoroughly and most emphatically discuss the political situation in the island: the exploitation of the Mindanaon by local and foreign plunderers on one hand, and the thriving people’s movement on the other.

Emmi de Jesus, Gabriela. Martial law fighter, pioneer in the women’s movement, nanay namin sa kongreso. Calm and polite when discussing policy issues; always prepared with her sharp analysis of the burning issues of the day. She gave a comprehensive critique of the misnamed and overhyped conditional cash transfer program of the government. Persuasive in her arguments against the privatization of hospitals and other health services. Consistent in her demand for better and pro-poor housing program. Very credible and compelling in her criticism of the unacknowledged population control agenda in the RH bill. She can defend its pro-women provisions but she can also identify some dangerous aspects in the framework of the bill.

*The other Makabayan reps are Joel Virador and Siegfred Deduro of Bayan Muna. Unfortunately, I didn’t have the chance and honor of working with them in the 12th and 13th Congress.

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UP Multisectoral Alliance

By admin | March 29, 2013

Talumpating binigkas sa pagtitipon ng UP Multisectoral Alliance, College of Engineering, Marso23.

Ilang segundong katahimikan po ang ialay natin para kay Kristel, isang Iskolar ng Bayan na pinagkaitan ng karapatang makatapos sa pamantasan ng bayan…..

Binabati ko ang lahat ng kalahok sa makasaysayang pagbubuo ng Multisectoral Alliance ngayong hapon. Alam kong marami sa ating mga kasamahan ay kasama ng pamilya ni Kristel ngayong oras; pero kailangan din nating ituloy itong napakahalagang pagtitipon na isinasagawa natin ngayon dahil ang layunin nito ay para din sa pangmatagalang interes ng mamamayan, lalo na ng mahihirap, na nag-aaral dito sa tinatawag nating pamantasan ng bayan.

Napangiti po ako nang mabasa ko ang imbitasyon kasi nakasulat dun na ang institusyonalisasyon ng MSA ay sinimulan ng student council noong 2000, ito yung schoolyear na kung saan ang inyong lingkod kasama ang STAND-UP ay pinamunuan ang USC. Landslide po ang pagkapanalo namin noon.

Sa totoo lang po, nakalimutan ko na ang mga detalye ng pagbubuo ng Community Rights and Welfare (CRAW) at ng MSA. Pero para sa nakakabatid ng oryentasyon at programa ng STAND-UP, hindi na dapat ipagtaka kung bakit kasama sa aktibidad ng USC ang pagtataguyod sa kapakanan ng buong komunidad ng UP.

Noong bago ako sa STAND-UP, ipinaunawa agad sa amin na dapat magkaisa ang lahat ng sektor sa loob ng pamantasan. Bilang bagong estudyante, medyo naguluhan ako. Hindi ba ang pamantasan ay binubuo lang ng estudyante, guro, at mga administrador?

Kaya naiba ang mundo ko at ang pagtingin ko sa mga bagay-bagay nang ipinaliwanag sa amin ang elitistang batayan ng ganitong pagtingin. Pinamulat sa amin na ang UP ay isang komunidad, isang dinamikong komunidad na binubuo ng iba’t ibang sektor. At ang mga mag-aaral ay hindi dapat hinihiwalay ang sarili sa ibang mga sektor. Dahil magkakaugnay ang ating sitwasyon, dahil bahagi tayo ng isang pamayanan, dahil sa ating pagsasama ay mas tumitibay ang ating hanay.

Naalala ko, kapag nagpaplano ang mga aktibistang grupo noon, miyembro po ako ng Center for Nationalist Studies, hindi lang naming binibilang at hinahanay ang mga kolehiyo kundi pati mga komunidad sa paligid ng kampus.

Naging Basic Masses Integration officer ako ng STAND-UP. Noong halalang 1998, sa komunidad namin binuo ang Kalakap o Kabataan Laban sa Karahasan at Pandaraya sa eleksiyon. Taong 1998 din binuo ang Anakbayan, ang komprehensibong organisasyon ng mga kabataan; at marami sa mga kasapi nito ay mga mag-aaral ng UP at mga kabataang naninirahan sa paligid ng kampus.

Nasabi ko kanina halos hindi ko na tanda ang mga detalye ng MSA nang kami ay mamuno sa USC. Pero ang alam ko, kasama namin ang guro, empleyado, manininda, at mga drayber sa panawagang patalsikin si Erap. Bago yun may koalisyon laban sa kartel ng langis. Regular ang mga pulong kung paano palalakasin ang laban ng mga sektor – kampanya para sa badyet sa edukasyon, kampanya para sa dagdag na benepisyo ng mga kawani ng pamantasan, kampanya laban sa demolisyon, at iba pang panggigipit sa mga komunidad palibot ng UP.

Ang pormal na pagbubuo ng MSA ngayong araw ay tunay na makasaysayan. Pormal nating inaanunsiyo sa buong bayan na dito sa pamantasan ng bayan, nagbubuklod ang lahat ng sektor para isang tinig at isang hanay tayong titindig sa mga susunod na laban. Ipinagpapatuloy natin ang progresibong tradisyon na kung saan ang mga iskolar ng bayan ay nakikipagkapit bisig sa mga manggagawa at iba pang aping uri ng lipunan.

Marahil isa rin itong pagtatangka o pamamaraan upang itama ang mga kasalanan ng UP. Ang UP na umagaw ng lupa sa mga magsasaka at mga maralitang naninirahan noon dito sa Diliman, Tandang Sora, Katipunan at Krus na Ligas. Kinamkam ng estado ang lupain para pag-aralin ang mga kabataan – magandang layunin pero hindi sapat na dahilan upang isang tabi na lamang ang mga taong umaasa sa lupang ito para sa kanilang buhay at kabuhayan. Sana ituring natin itong pagbubuo ng MSA bilang pagbibigay galang din sa mga maralitang pinatahimik at tinaboy ng estado upang itayo ang matayog na pamantasan ng bayan.

Pormal nating binubuo ang MSA ngayon pero sa totoo lang, kahit wala pa ang MSA, marami na rin tayong tagumpay na nakamit. Dahil sa matagalang paggigiit na ang UP ay isang malaking komunidad na binubuo ng iba’tibang sektor, napagtagumpayan natin na kilalanin ng administrasyon ng UP sa maraming pagkakataon ang boses ng mga sektor na ito. Siguro mamaya, iisa-isahin ng mga susunod na magsasalita ang mga matatagumpay nating kampanya. At yung iba ay nakasulat sa ating orientation paper.

Ang natatandaan ko, pagkatapos ng Edsa Dos, kasama namin ang mga kawani na nagbigay ng hamon sa bagong pangulo ng bansa, si Gloria Arroyo, dun mismo sa palasyo ng Malakanyang.

Dapat ipagmalaki ang pagbubuo ng MSA. Kakaiba ito, natatangi sa bansa, at radikal na hakbang. Saan ka makakahanap ng alyansa sa loob ng pamantasan na kung saan may boses at representasyon ang mga labandera at manininda?

At dapat lang, dahil ang UP ay may tungkuling patuloy na maghapag ng mga mapangahas na panukala at mga aksiyon na ang layunin ay para gawing mas demokratiko ang buhay at pag-aaral dito sa loob ng kampus. Sa UP unang minungkahi ang pagkakaroon ng student regent; at ilang dekada itong pinaglaban. Ngayon mayroon ng batas na dapat may student regent sa Board of Regents ng lahat ng state universities. Tapos sumunod ang faculty regent. Ngayon ang UP ay may staff regent. Ang pagtataguyod sa MSA ay kaugnay ng mga naunang panukalang nabanggit ko. Ibig sabihin, ang MSA ay isang paghahamon sa estado sa isang banda, at sa kabilang bahagi naman, ito ay pagpapakilala sa publiko at paalala sa iba pang pamantasan na possible, posibleng-posible, ang pagsilang ng isang alyansang kinabibilangan ng mga inaakalang magkakahiwalay na grupo o sektor sa loob ng isang malaking pamantasan.

Walang lugar ang MSA sa isang intelektuwal na institusyon, sa isang pamantasang may kumplikadong burukrasya? Hindi ba’t ganyan din ang argumento noon nang tinutulan ng estado ang pagkakaroon ng student regent at faculty regent? Mag-aral na lang daw ang mga estudyante, magturo ang mga propesor. Huwag ng makialam sa pamamahala ng kampus. Kaya tunay na magandang balita ang pagbubuklod natin ngayon dahil ito ay magiging modelo para sa iba pang pamantasan. Pagpupugay sa inyo na bahagi ng makasaysayang pagtitipon ngayong araw.

At napakamakabuluhan ng napili ninyong tema: Magbuklod para itaguyod ang pamantasan ng bayan, para sa bayan. Dalawang magkaugnay na paksa ito: Una, dapat ang UP ay manatiling pamantasan ng taongbayan, nagbibigay serbisyo sa taongbayan, at pinag-aaral ang mga matatalinong kabataan lalo na ang mga nanggaling sa mga mahihirap na pamilya. At pangalawa, dapat pinaglilingkuran ng UP ang interes ng bayan, hindi ng kapital, hindi ng malalaking negosyante, hindi ng mga pulitiko, at mga aroganteng teknokrata.

Tinutumbok ng inyong tema ang tinahak na direksiyon ng UP nitong mga nakalipas na dekada. Tila ang pamantasan ng bayan ay naging pamantasan ng mayayaman. Nakalimutan ng marami, lalo na ng mga namumuno na ang pamantasan ay dapat para sa bayan. At para sa akin, ang dapat sisihin ay walang iba kundi ang kaisipang neoliberalismo na ugat ng polisiya na magbawas ng pondong bayan para sa mga serbisyong lipunan, kasama ang edukasyon. Ito ang lason na bumulok sa kaisipan ng mga ating mga lider, burukrata, at mga teknokrata – mga mababait na indibidwal pero hinubog ng ideolohiyang elitista. Ang edukasyon, tulad ng ibang serbisyo, ay tinuring na kalakal na hindi dapat ibigay ng estado kundi dapat ipagbili. Handang ipagkait sa mamamayan at ibigay lamang sa kayang magbayad, sa mga mayayaman.

Nitong mga nakalipas na taon ay nasaksihan natin ang mga mapapait nitong manipestasyon: budget cut, tuition increase, pagbenta ng mga ari-arian, at iba pang porma ng komersyalisasyon. Pawang papatindi ang komodipikasyon ng edukasyon sa pamantasan ng bayan.

Tama na gawing prayoridad ng MSA ang pagtataguyod sa isang pamantasan ng bayan, para sa bayan. Labanan ang tangkang isapribado ang iba’t ibang serbisyong dapat binibigay ng libre o abot-kaya para sa ating mamamayan.

At mga kasama, sa pagbubuo ng MSA, ay may tagumpay na tayong nakamit. At patuloy tayong aani ng tagumpay. At patuloy na titibay ang ating ugnayan. Ang UP, ang UP na tahanan ng mga board topnotchers, senador, mga pangulo ng bansa, ang UP na binubuo ng 493 ektarya, pero higit sa lahat, ang UP na binubuo ng 24000 students, 1500 teachers, 1369 employees, 1800 contractuals, 394 drivers, 63 small vendors, at 20000 residents. Ito ang UP na nakikita ko ngayong araw. Ito ang kinakatawan ng MSA, ang pinakamahalagang alyansa sa loob ng kampus.

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Singapore’s 2013 “Robin Hood” Budget

By admin | March 27, 2013

With its 2013 budget, the Singaporean government has devised a series of programs and incentives to promote quality growth and build a more inclusive society, especially for its children, low-income workers and the elderly.

Presented to the public on February 25, the budget aims to tighten policies on foreign workers, provide a three-year transition support package to small and medium businesses, strengthen productivity incentives, and develop capabilities for new growth industries.

Specifically, the government is responding to the growing public call for a reduction in Singapore’s reliance on foreign labor. Towards this end, the government is increasing levies for foreign workers in all sectors and offering U.S. $5.3 billion in support to businesses. It has launched a manufacturing plan worth $500 million and is setting aside an additional $90 million for the Satellite Industry Development fund. Both moves are expected to generate new jobs over the next five years.

A controversial but popular proposal under the Wage Credit Scheme will allow Singaporean employers to raise wages in the next three years with the government co-funding 40 percent of the increases. The program will cost $3.6 billion over a three-year period. The wage subsidy will end in 2016, when Singapore is scheduled to hold its next general elections.

Additionally, businesses that spend a minimum of $5,000 in productivity activities in a given year will receive a dollar-for-dollar matching cash bonus, according to the plan. A corporate income tax rebate of 30 percent of tax payable capped at $30,000 per year of assessment will also be given to assist companies. A one-year 30 percent road tax rebate for goods, vehicles, buses and taxis will save businesses yet another $46 million.

In addition to promoting growth, the government also aims to build an inclusive society by promising to promote social mobility, sustain a fair and progressive system of taxes, strengthen social safety nets, and provide direct assistance for living costs.

Educators welcomed the announcement that the government will more than double its spending on the pre-school sector over the next five years to more than $3 billion.

Residential property owners will benefit from lower taxes as well. The Workfare Income Supplement will provide additional benefits to older workers. Through the Public Assistance Scheme, couples will now receive $90 more per month. About 10,000 government pensioners will benefit from the proposal to increase the Singapore Allowance to $280 per month and the raising of monthly pension ceiling to $1,210. Retirees living in three-room flats will receive $3,000 in benefits while a middle-income family living in four-room flats will receive $1,500.

Meanwhile, registration fees for mid-range and luxury cars are to be raised.

Some have called the proposal a “Robin Hood” budget because of the higher taxes imposed on the wealthy to generate funds for the government’s various populist schemes. Others have described it as a “corrective budget” which seeks to reverse the economic losses suffered by Singaporeans in the past decade. Still others prefer to name it a “bridging budget,” which seeks to address widening social inequalities in the prosperous city state.

Ravi Philemon, executive director of a charity and member of the National Solidarity Party, expressed disappointment in article he penned for The Online Citizen.

“The three biggest hurdles this nation faces are inequality, falling total fertility rate, and a rapidly ageing population. In tackling these three problems, Budget 2013 did not go far enough,” Philemon wrote.

In an opinion piece published on Sgpolitics.net, Ng E-Jay was even less optimistic. “(It) contains nothing new,” Ng wrote. “There have been no radical suggestions, no sacred cows slaughtered, and indeed, no fundamental changes made. All its measures have been tried many times in the past, under different guises and at different levels.”

Meanwhile, Finance Minister Tharman Shanmugaratnam assured the public in a speech that the government will continue to play an active role in “enabling Singaporeans to achieve their fullest potential, and in enabling them to lead fulfilling lives.”

Shanmugaratnam added a word on the responsibility of every citizen to create a more prosperous country. “It is not about incentives, grants and subsidies. It is about a spirit of responsibility that will determine whether we will transform Singapore by the end of this decade.”

Written for The Diplomat

Indonesia’s Bill on Mass Organizations

The Indonesian parliament is set to approve a bill that would amend the law governing mass organizations. Human rights groups and experts have warned against the repressive provisions of the new legislation.

The latest draft requires mass organizations to adhere to the country’s 1945 Constitution and the principles of Pancasila, a state philosophy about the belief in one God.

Specifically, Article 21 of the bill stipulates that mass organizations are “obliged to maintain the unity of the state, uphold morality and ethics and nurture the country’s religious and cultural norms.” Further, Article 61 prohibits “receiving or giving illegal support from and to foreign agencies”, and “promoting teachings that are against Pancasila”.

Maina Kiai, UN Special Rapporteur on the rights to freedom of peaceful assembly and of association, reminded Indonesia that state regulations should not harm the principles of “pluralism, tolerance and broadmindedness.”

Heiner Bielefeldt, UN Special Rapporteur on freedom of religion or belief, added that “freedom of religion or belief has a broad application, covering also non-theistic and atheistic convictions.”

Media groups have also voiced opposition to the proposed regulation. “How can journalists not mention ideologies, which are against Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution, in their publications?” asks Amir Effendi Siregar of the Independent Coalition for the Democratization of Broadcasting.

Meanwhile, local groups worry that the bill will give broad powers to the government, which corrupt authorities may use to undermine the independence of mass organizations, especially those critical of government policies. They also raised concerns about some of the restrictive administrative requirements governing foreign organizations.

For example, the bill empowers the government to review the activities of local mass organizations every three years, and every year for foreign organizations. Authorities can also use financial audits of organizations to grant or deny permits to existing groups. There is also a proposal that would allow the government to suspend associations without a court order.

Under the proposed bill, foreigners who want to establish a mass organization must be residents of Indonesia for at least seven consecutive years and deposit more than $1 million of their personal wealth in the association. Once accredited, foreign associations are forbidden to carry out “practical political activities” or fundraising or activities “which disrupt diplomatic ties”.

To put all of this in perspective, it is important to note that mass organizations flourished in the country after the downfall of President Suharto in 1998. Today, there are at least 19,000 registered mass organizations under the Ministry of Social Affairs while the Ministry of Religious Affairs oversees more than 9,000 groups.

The initiative to replace the 1985 Mass Organizations law was initially supported by many people who wanted the government to regulate local groups such as the often violent Islamic Defenders Front (FPI).

Indeed, the new law would ban activities that promote “racial conflict, blasphemy and violence”, which are covered by the country’s penal code, as legal analysts have pointed out.

Indonesian legislators have dismissed the opinions of UN experts and hinted that they might approve the controversial measure next month. But local opposition to the bill is growing.

The National Commission on Human Rights, Indonesia’s national human rights institution, has voiced its apprehension over some of the bill’s provisions. Meanwhile, the Coalition on Freedom of Assembly, which is made up of 22 mass organizations, is urging the government to withdraw the draft legislation.

They argue that the new law could subvert the rights to freedom of association, expression and religion, which are essential in a democratic society.

To prevent an unnecessary confrontation with civil society groups, the Indonesian government would be wise to delay approval of the bill. Then, after taking other views into account, parliament would be able to adopt broader human rights standards in a revised draft of the law.

Written for The Diplomat

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