Are Filipinos Malays?

By admin | March 10, 2013

Written for The Diplomat

If asked about their race, most Filipinos would identify as being Malay. Filipinos are taught in schools to be proud of their Malay heritage and encouraged to strengthen their ties with other Malays in Southeast Asia.

But Filipinos wishing to migrate in Singapore have to deny this fundamental identification because the Singapore government rejects the classification of Filipinos as Malay. But if Filipinos are not Malay, what ethnicity are they? Officially, Singapore recognizes immigrants from the neighboring Philippines as part of the racial category referred to as “Other.”

But why refuse the Malay background of Filipinos in the first place? Perhaps it has something to do with the special privileges accorded to the Malay minority in Singapore. Article 152 of the Constitution of Singapore states that the government “shall recognize the special position of the Malays, who are the indigenous people of Singapore, and accordingly it shall be the responsibility of the Government to protect, safeguard, support, foster and promote their political, educational, religious, economic, social and cultural interests and the Malay language.”

Some legal issues could arise if new immigrants from the Philippines are identified as Malays. They could be given special privileges as well. If this were to happen, the indigenous Malays in Singapore might not be in favor of it.

In fact, the recent publication of the government’s population strategy triggered a parliamentary discussion on the race status of Filipinos. Zainal Bin Sapari of Singapore’s Pasir Ris-Punggol district and a Malay-Muslim member of parliament asked for a clarification on the official race category for immigrants from the Philippines.

He said: “There are those who said that citizens from the Philippines (who are) accepted as Singaporean citizens will be categorized as Malays because historically they are considered to have the same roots as Malays. Is this true? If it is true, this would mean that even though the percentage is maintained, the identity and the meaning of the label ‘Malay’ will change.”

Singapore’s Immigration and Checkpoints Authority immediately replied: “This is not true. New Singapore citizens of Filipino origin are not classified as Malays. They are typically classified as ‘Others’ under the race category.”

Indeed, this was affirmed by Communications and Information Minister Yaacob Ibrahim who wrote on Facebook that Filipinos are classified as “Others” and not as Malays.

For Filipino immigrants, it must come as a shock for them to be told by Singaporean authorities that they are not Malays. To avoid immigration troubles, perhaps it is more convenient for Filipino workers to shade the “Others” category when filing paperwork than to insist that they are Malays.

But in fairness to Singapore, some scholars have also rejected the claim that Filipinos are Malays. They argue that ethnic Malays reside in Indonesia, Brunei, Malaysia and Singapore, but not in the Philippines. These scholars blame colonialism and erroneous Western ethnography for the inaccurate classification of Filipino as Malays.

Yet Philippine hero Dr. Jose Rizal is often called the “pride of the Malay race.” Malaysian opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim, for instance, has recognized Rizal as the “greatest Malayan,” calling Rizal an “Asian Renaissance Man.”

And what to make of the racial status of residents of Sabah? This territory is officially part of Malaysia but is also claimed by the Sultanate of Sulu, a local kingdom in southern Philippines. The people of Sabah belong to the Malaysian Federation. What would happen if the state became part of the Philippines?

Singapore’s racial politics may efficiently manage the influx of foreign workers, but they can also lead to confusion and incorrect assumptions. This is especially true in the case of their neighbors from the Philippines who are categorized as coming from the “Other” race.

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Southeast Asia: Politics, Gangnam Style

By admin | March 9, 2013

Written for The Diplomat

Judging from a recent outbreak of “Gangnam Style” politics in Southeast Asia, the K-Pop tune seemingly has no bounds.

On February 11 Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak hosted a Chinese New Year concert that included a performance by Korean pop superstar Psy. Just next door, former Philippine President Joseph Estrada, who is now running for mayor of Manila, wants to use a “Gangnam Style” jingle in his campaign. Meanwhile, last December Cambodian activists turned the horse-riding dance to a different end, using it to protest eviction of the urban poor.

In the case of Malaysia, Psy accepted the offer to perform in a concert organized by Malaysia’s ruling party in the known opposition stronghold of Penang. Psy supporters reminded the icon that his presence in the concert would be used by the ailing Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition, which has been in power since 1957, to win the support of young voters at the polls in Malaysia’s upcoming general elections. A crowd of around 30,000 greeted Psy, but it remains to be seen whether this can be translated into votes for BN.

Indeed, the concert became a blatant political affair. Prime Minister Najib introduced Psy to the crowd just minutes after he announced the distribution of 20,000 affordable housing units in the next five years.

The opposition countered Najib’s pop election hype and asserted that the multi-million ringgit fee paid to Psy should have been allotted for public projects. The government responded by saying that no public funds were used in the event.

Observers noted that when Najib mentioned Psy the crowd cheered ecstatically. When he mentioned BN the crowd responded less enthusiastically and some even booed.

As in Malaysia, “Gangnam Style” is enjoying an extended run in the Philippines, thanks to politicians using it in their campaigns. Former President Estrada has jumped on the bandwagon and said that he wants to incorporate “Gangnam Style” into his electoral jingle for his mayoral campaign in Manila. His ally and former Senate President Ernesto Maceda also took the song on board in his campaign for reelection to the senate.

Music industry reps have pointed out, however, that all candidates must first get permission from Psy and MCA Universal Music Group, which holds the license to the song in the Philippines, before putting any local twists on “Gangnam Style”. Otherwise, they could face charges for copyright violation.

According to some music executives, royalties for using foreign songs could top U.S. $25,000, depending on the artist.

Regardless, “Gangnam Style” inspired jingles can be heard playing across the country, making, Psy an unofficial kingmaker in Philippine politics.

If the repurposing of “Gangnam Style” has been geared towards elections in Malaysia and the Philippines, in Cambodia it became a song of protest. Last December, around 200 demonstrators marked the end of a series of events held to mark International Human Rights Day by doing the famed horse dance while chanting for land rights and social justice.

On the same day, around 11,200 Cambodians signed a petition to end illegal land evictions, which have affected about 400,000 people in Cambodia over the past decade.

As an entertainer, Psy can’t be accused of supporting particular political parties or candidates, but he does need to recognize that his hit song is being used for various political ends.

But politics aside, with so many Southeast Asians singing and grooving like Psy, 2013 may be remembered as the year when the region danced “Gangnam Style”.

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Kabataan Partylist: Legislative Advocacies

By admin | March 3, 2013

In the past four years, Kabataan Partylist has consistently advocated an education reform agenda in Congress. We pushed for better tuition regulation, higher budget for public schools especially tertiary schools, and protection of student rights.

Through our intervention, the Commission on Higher Education revised its tuition guidelines. It also formulated new standards to regulate nursing OJT fees and field trips. By proposing an amendment in the NSTP law, we blocked the measure that would make ROTC compulsory again. Our first legislative measure which was approved on third reading in the House of Representatives was the Anti ‘No Permit, No Exam’ bill.

We exposed the drastic cuts imposed by the Noynoy Aquino government in the budget of state universities. In fact, the demand for greater public spending on education was the clarion call in the historic campus strikes in 2010 and 2011.

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Our vision for a more progressive curriculum is reflected in our proposals to include the following topics in schools: good governance, Philippine Games, the life and philosophy of Andres Bonifacio, human rights, indigenous peoples, cinema appreciation, gender awareness, disaster preparation, and social media ethics.

We recommended the institutionalization of an alternative classroom learning day in all levels of schooling. We urged the scrapping of the practice of penalizing students if they use the national language inside schools. We reiterated our call to regulate, not ban fraternities in universities. We asked UP to offer an optometry course. We wanted the CAT in high school to be replaced by an NSTP-like program. The bill which would provide more government support to Special Education was consolidated with similar measures in Congress.

To promote non-formal learning especially among the out-of-school youth, we suggested a monthly free day in private museums. We also moved to expand, modernize, and digitize our public libraries.

Environment protection is another major advocacy of our group. We initiated congressional investigations on abandoned mines, the status of logging and mining permits in north Mindanao, the cutting of pine trees in Baguio, the Manila Bay reclamation in Las Pinas and Paranaque, the Padcal-Philex mining disaster in Benguet, the toxic waste dumping in Subic, and the massacre of the Tubbataha Reefs courtesy of the US Navy.

We appealed to schools to boycott theme parks which feature dolphin shows. We also proposed a styrofoam ban in campuses. We reminded the government to include animal welfare in the disaster preparedness program. We questioned the decision of the Aquino government to veto the budget provision about the use of the calamity funds for pre-disaster activities. We filed a resolution inquiring whether there is a comprehensive program to address the problem of e-waste in the country. We co-authored the ‘People’s Mining Bill.’

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With regard to IT promotion, we introduced the ‘Free Public Wi-Fi’ bill. We submitted resolutions on e-governance, quality of broadband services, and the declaration of internet access as a human right. We opposed the Cybercrime Prevention Act as one of the Supreme Court petitioners which questioned the constitutionality of the law. Aside from arguing for the repeal of the law especially its controversial provisions, we proposed the passage of a Magna Carta for Internet Users to remind policymakers and the public that internet legislation should not only focus on cybercrime prevention.

We defeated the proposal to abolish the Sangguniang Kabataan and pushed for the reform of the institution. We advised our young community leaders to focus on green endeavors, in particular, lead in climate change adaptation and mitigation activities.

Another important advocacy is the ‘BPO Workers’ Welfare and Protection’ bill which is part of our broader effort to advance the rights of young workers in the country.

To improve transparency, we proposed the live streaming of Congress sessions. We also recommended additional session days and a more open and democratic proceeding of the bicameral committee.

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Appendix

1. Kabataan Partylist filed 38 House Bills and 67 resolutions in the 15th Congress. We co-authored 156 bills and 181 resolutions. Click here to review our legislative output during the 14th Congress.

2. The ‘Anti No Permit No Exam’ bill was co-authored by 45 House members. It was adopted by the provincial council of Palawan and the city councils of Zamboanga and Quezon City.

3. The Quezon City Council adopted and passed our bills about the teaching of Bonifacio’s life, Philippine Games, and cinema appreciation in schools.

4. Kabataan Partylist voted in favor of the Reproductive Health bill. It opposed Aquino’s K-12 and the proposal to lower the minimum age of criminal responsibility.

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Collective Over Personal Privilege

By admin | February 19, 2013

Thirteen speeches in three years covering a broad range of topics such as education reform, labor rights, student welfare, environment protection, internet freedom, and nationalism. Salamat Carl, JM, Sarah, Bugsy, Rubelh, Marjo, Lean at sa lahat ng bumubuo sa @kabataanpl

1. The Tragedy of Philippine Education, May 18, 2009. First speech tackled the core legislative agenda of Kabataan Partylist: Education Reform. We highlighted the rising cost of schooling, deteriorating quality, and the thrust to privatize public higher education. Trivia: I took my oath as Member of Congress the following day, hehe, nauna ang speech kesa sa formal induction.

Mr. Speaker, I rise on behalf of fellow young Filipinos who are being robbed of their right to education and their future.

Unless the government reverses its present education policies and its thrust to hand over tertiary education to the private sector and until it flexes its muscles to stop the unabated hikes in tuition and other fees, it will certainly bury the confidence, hopes and great faith of the Filipino youth and the nation for a brighter future ahead.

2. The Call of Call Center Agents, August 17, 2009. Our effort to remind Congress and the public about the other side of the BPO sector, the country’s so-called Sunshine Industry

Isn’t it ironic, Mr. Speaker, how our call center workers are rendered voiceless in a voice industry?

3. Who Owns Malacanang? August 26, 2009. The speech also made mention of the infamous Le Cirque dinner of Arroyo and company in New York. But the main issue was about the unjustified policy of dispersing protesters near Malacanang

Sino ba ang nagmamay-ari sa Malacanang? Bakit off limits sa mamamayan ang tahanan ng kanilang pinuno? Bakit hindi puwedeng katukin ng mamamayan ang pinakamataas na opisina ng bansa upang iparating ang kanilang mga hinaing? Kakatwa ngunit mas higit na nakalulungkot na sa beinte pesos na lamang natin nasisilayan ang Palasyo.

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4. She-Who-Cannot-Be-Named-In-The-Plenary, August 4, 2010. My first speech in the 15th Congress and also my personal favorite. Harry Potter provided the inspiration on how to criticize Arroyo without mentioning her name which was still a taboo word during the early days of the new Congress

Today, there seems to be this worrisome obsession to find “unparliamentary” words in our speeches. It might send a bad signal to other members, especially to new members, that privilege speeches about the past government is ok, as long as they are not unpleasant to the ears of the supporters of “She-Who-Cannot-Be-Named-In-The-Plenary.”

5. On Campus Strikes, November 30, 2010. I announced the historic campus strikes which would take place the following day in most campuses of the country’s state universities. The protest was against the budget cuts imposed by the Aquino government.

…tomorrow’s campus protests will be different. For the first time in Philippine history, students, teachers, school personnel and university officials will hold a united stand in their respective campuses nationwide. Political bickering inside schools will be set aside for the meantime so that the public higher education sector will speak as one voice tomorrow.

6. Edsa Babies Unite, February 23, 2011.

I rise to speak about the 25th anniversary of the 1986 People Power and its impact on young people.

Thus I make this appeal to my fellow youth: Let a hundred unofficial People Power activities bloom. Let a thousand People Power debates contend. Bombard Edsa with our demands for genuine change, freedom, and pro-people governance.

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7. The State of Philippine Education, May 30, 2011. Response to the joint forum of Deped, Ched, and Tesda about the challenges confronting the education sector.

Clearly, the policies that govern our education sector have to undergo a merciless rethinking in order to save the hope our youth possess. Without breaking away from education measures that compulsively fuel the very same problems we’ve had since time immemorial, we cannot expect to provide quality and accessible education for our youth

8. The Right to Strike, September 26, 2011. After the successful campus strikes in state universities, Malacanang urged students not to participate in rallies. This was our response.

Encouraging the youth to study better isn’t wrong. What is unacceptable is the refusal to recognize that the youth become better educated if they are also immersed in the social and political affairs of the country. We need more student strikers, not less.

9. End the Killings of Environmental Activists! January 25, 2012.

Recently, our government proudly launched a tourism slogan “It is more fun in the Philippines” to promote the natural wonders of our country. This slogan, I am afraid, is blood-stained in light of the killings of environmental advocates like Doc Gerry, who precisely worked for the protection and preservation of our country’s natural beauty.

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10. Protect our Internet Freedom, February 13, 2012. Months before the rise of the anti-cybercrime movement, we reminded Congress to pass laws that would protect and promote internet freedom

What we should prevent is the introduction of measures that would restrict our ability to share information in the offline and online spheres. We shouldn’t allow paranoia to deceive us into passing laws that are aimed at weakening the people’s right to free expression and information. Congress should be more vigilant and aggressive in expanding our internet freedom. Congress must uphold the enactment of laws that would strengthen, rather than weaken, access to information and the Internet.

11. No to Subic Coal, May 21, 2012. Speech delivered after our consultation with Subic residents. We also filed Writ of Kalikasan petition.

But how long can Subic retain its appeal if the environment threats are not adequately addressed today? Will Subic continue to attract tourists if a coal plant is allowed to destroy not only the scenery but also the ecological balance in the area?

12. Ending the Culture of Violence, August 1, 2012.

The continuing proliferation of fraternity-related violence and the lack of convictions for perpetrators is a reflection of a society that condones a culture of impunity; a society where human rights violators run free and political activists get caught behind bars. To resolve this issue, we must remind our youth of the real value of organizations – and that is to band together for a common cause that will ultimately benefit, and not downgrade, society.

13. Ang Hindi Matapos-tapos na Himagsikan ni Gat Andres Bonifacio, November 26, 2012

Dumaan man ang mga dekada, magpalit-palit man ng administrasyon, wala pa ring pagkatapos ang himagsikang inilunsad ni Gat Andres Bonifacio.

Sa darating na Biyernes, ating gugunitain ang ikasandaan at apatnaput-siyam na kaarawan ni Gat Andres Bonifacio. Hudyat ito ng pagsisimula ng selebrasyong Bonifacio@150 – isang buong taong pag-alala at pagkilala sa ambag ng dakilang Supremo sa sambayanang Pilipino.

Higit sa lahat, panawagan rin sa kabataan na isabuhay ang mga aral ni Bonifacio, na patuloy na makialam at makisangkot sa mga isyu sa lipunan. Alalahanin natin kung anong kayang gawin ng sama-samang pagkilos, at huwag nating hayaang malunod ang ating ideyalismo sa alon ng naghaharing sistema.

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Rethinking ASEAN Integration

By admin | February 17, 2013

Written for The Diplomat

The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has plans to fast track the integration of its member countries over the next few years. Aside from encouraging cooperation through traditional diplomatic and cultural activities, there are also ambitious proposals for ASEAN to issue a single visa and currency, and even form a united regional Olympic team.

The advantages of a united ASEAN are easy to imagine. A cohesive ASEAN would likely bring tremendous benefits to Southeast Asians in the forms of more jobs, more tourists, stronger defense forces and improved camaraderie among competing neighbors. Besides, who would oppose the idea of unity and greater economic coordination in the region?

But ASEAN’s basic problem is not merely an absence of unity. Wasn’t unity the main objective of ASEAN when it was established in 1967? The fact that after four decades, the group is still pushing to integrate its ten member countries suggests a pretty significant failure to foster solidarity in the region.

Without undermining the laudable efforts of the ASEAN Secretariat, many doubt it can realize the One Community vision by its announced target date of 2015. How can it, if it continues to use the same approach that has singularly failed to unite its members to date?

ASEAN unity will remain an impossible vision as long as its members continue to demand it for the wrong reasons. In truth, each member nation views its association with ASEAN as a means to pursue its national interests. Sacrificing the national agenda to realize the regional good is largely an alien concept to ASEAN members. Member nations are in favor of unity as long as it doesn’t conflict with their respective national objectives.

To be sure, ASEAN has successfully coordinated aid and relief efforts when natural disasters have devastated the region. But the group should be more than the region’s answer to Red Cross.

But such instances are usually when ASEAN unity is invoked, namely, when a member is overwhelmed by a problem it can’t solve or when it is affected by a neighbor’s woes. Today, for example, we hear demands for ASEAN to intervene in Burma’s Rohingya Dilemma, maritime disputes in the South China Sea or West Philippine Sea, and human trafficking across the region. ASEAN’s next step will most likely be to decide whether to issue a joint statement to address these issues.

In the absence of disasters, and in between ministerial conferences, however, ASEAN has failed to engage in the essential task of building regional unity. ASEAN hasn’t even been able to prevent members from accusing each other of being bad neighbors. East Timor’s attempts to join the club have been blocked by Singapore, among others, which view its entry as a threat to their national interests, although the reason given to the public is usually East Timor’s internal conflicts.

Ultimately, ASEAN’s unwillingness to form a more united and powerful regional grouping has been exploited by global powers like the United States, China and Japan, which are aggressively promoting their geopolitical interests in the region. A unified ASEAN could challenge the political and economic resources of these big nations. Instead, each ASEAN member has preferred to negotiate individually. It’s tragic enough that ASEAN is not united. It’s more tragic to hear ASEAN members articulate and advance the interests of non-ASEAN superpowers during ASEAN summits.

At the minimum, a united ASEAN could prevent colonial powers old and new from dominating the region. But that’s just a start. After asserting its independence, it would be great to see ASEAN aspire to become a global power in its own right. With this vision in mind, perhaps it’s time to unite and promote the Southeast Asian way of life as a viable alternative to the world.

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Teddy’s Time

By admin | February 11, 2013

As legislator, Bayan Muna Rep. Teddy Casiño authored 110 measures, 7 of which were enacted into national laws. He became the fourth most prolific legislator of the 15th Congress without bombarding the records with filler bills and resolutions. His advocacies include, among others, human rights, environment protection, and promotion of Filipino industries.

As activist legislator, he has consistently championed the cause of the poor inside the Batasang Pambansa and in the Parliament of the Streets. For his steadfastness in unmasking the evil core of the system, he faced rebellion charges during the Arroyo administration. The intense hatred that reactionaries harbor against activist legislators was recently manifested when Noynoy Aquino singled out Casiño as a leftist senatorial candidate who is not doing well in the surveys.

Casiño is among the poorest legislators despite his three terms in the House of Millionaires. This fact alone should convince the cynics that moneymaking is not the motive of activists when they participated in the parliamentary elections. Actually, Casiño’s obscene lack of tangible possessions should no longer surprise us since he was merely continuing the tradition established by leftist legislators Crispin Beltran, Satur Ocampo, and Liza Maza who all remained poor despite completing three terms in Congress.

Before joining Bayan Muna, Teddy was Secretary General of multisectoral alliance Bayan. He once chaired the College Editors Guild, the oldest existing student group in the country. He was a columnist of Business World and briefly hosted the Hoy Gising TV news program. He served as People Power commissioner from 2001 to 2003. At a young age of 34, he was already recognized by the University of the Philippines as an outstanding alumnus for extension.

Unknown to many people, Teddy worked as writer of the Kilusang Mayo Uno labor center in the 1990s. Critics of Casiño often remind him of his middle class upbringing (he studied in La Salle Greenhills) to question his activist orientation yet conveniently ignore the singular importance of Casiño’s apprenticeship in the militant KMU.

After college in 1993, Casino could have chosen a lucrative career in the mainstream but he transcended the conservatism of his class and persevered as a full time activist. He aligned himself with the most radical labor group in the country which was at that time waging a fierce ideological battle against trade union reformism. He rejected the popular new age activism which some of his contemporaries embraced in order to become a propagandist of workers.

Today’s student activists must learn from Teddy’s example and immerse themselves in the daily struggles of the working class.

Casiño is known as a leftist leader who gained national prominence during Edsa Dos and later on became a combative critic of the Arroyo and Aquino administrations. But Casiño is also a remarkable representative of a generation whose formative years were influenced by the repressive martial law regime on one hand, and the anti-dictatorship struggle on the other. Casiño’s political record embodied the revolutionary idealism which People Power unleashed in those years.

But what separated Casiño and the activists of his generation from other self-proclaimed anti-Marcos warriors is their refusal to accept the reactionary argument that political radicalism has ceased to become relevant after 1986. More than that, they struggled hard to keep alive the idea that activism, resistance, and collective mass struggles are needed to build a better world. The dogged determination of activists to fight for the national democratic alternative is proof that they are not nattering negativists but fervent optimists. Besides, isn’t dissent an essential requirement for genuine democracy to function?

Casiño’s consistent bias for the poor as a militant activist must be contrasted against the vacillation of former progressives who now belittle and even ridicule the fighting enthusiasm of the mass movement; and the hypocrisy of Marcos benefactors who have rebranded themselves as champions of the oppressed. To dismiss Casiño as a traditional and even epal politician is an ignorant and unfair appraisal of his progressive platform of governance, his leftist politics, and his clean political record.

Casiño’s radicalism has often placed him in an ambivalent relationship not just with old porkers and born again reactionaries, but also, unfortunately, with self-styled reformists who disdain a radical critique of everything in favor of vulgar reformism, compromise, conformism, and even uncritical collaboration. They want Casiño to dilute his politics and make it more palatable to public opinion forgetting that the creation of new truths and the shaping of public consciousness are basic functions of politics.

Casiño’s political activism should be his natural advantage over other instant patriots in the senate race. His brand of politics should be his precious resource to challenge the dominance of money politics during elections.

What Casiño offers is politics that seeks to dismantle the brutal hegemony of landlords, compradors, and imperialists and replace it with a democracy that represents the interest of the oppressed majority. A dose of radicalism is what the country needs today to reverse the nefarious impact of elite rule in the past century. Casiño’s entry into the senate would give tremendous boost to the popularization of radical politics, and more importantly, inspire the grassroots to aim for bigger and more daring political victories in the future.

Related articles:

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Radicalism, reformism
Casino and Bello

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Think Out of the Box? Not if it’s a Balikbayan Box

By admin | February 7, 2013

We are often reminded by management experts to think out of the box. I agree. But if it’s a Balikbayan Box, think through it. The Balikbayan Box is not an ordinary box. it’s a travel luggage plus more. It’s a mini sari-sari store, OTOP in a box, the concrete ‘objectified’ affirmation that returning to one’s homeland is #morefun in the Philippines.

We all know that stuffing the Balikbayan Box is not simple. The OFW must be able to squeeze inside the small box the essential travel goods and everything that will remind him of his native land – clothes, pictures, immigration documents, food, agimat, religious icons. As baggage limits are reduced everywhere, the natural ingenuity of Filipinos becomes more useful. For returning OFWs, the challenge is to buy the right amount of imported goods as pasalubong for everybody in the village.

The exotic and often excessive content of Balikbayan Boxes does not mean Filipinos are overly materialistic. What it reflects is the nature of Filipino diaspora: our people are forced to be separated from their families because of the lack of livelihood and career opportunities in the country. When they leave, they want to bring something local or native in order not to lose attachment. And when they return, they feel it’s their duty to share their blessings with friends and loved ones.

To think through the Balikbayan Box is not to indulge in the parochial nor does it encourage traditionalist and narrow strategising. On the contrary, it forces us to be both practical and creative, cosmopolitan without losing our cultural ties with the homeland. The Balikbayan Box approach is the Filipino way of thinking out of the box. – February 4, 2013

What 2013 means?

There are two major events this year: The 2013 midterm polls and the 150th birth anniversary of Andres Bonifacio.

Campaign period will start next week although there was already premature campaigning during the 2012 Corona impeachment. The mainstream coalitions are LP and UNA – both factions are supportive of Pnoy. Where is the true Opposition? The leading senatoriables and even the major candidates in the local elections seem to belong to political dynasties, which further affirms the thesis that Filipinos are the principal practitioners of Einsten’s ‘Theory of Relativity.’

It’s difficult to watch the news today because we can’t decipher if a news story is a spin or not. Politicians are also bombarding us with issues identified by telemarketers and survey firms.

On the part of the administration, it highlights the anti-corruption crusade. Exhibit A: Corona impeached. Exhibit B: Cong. Gloria Arroyo is under hospital arrest. But what happened to the election promise of enacting the FOI proposal into law?

The second part of the equation ‘Kung walang corrupt, walang mahirap’ must be given emphasis. We breathe poverty everyday in this country and everyone seems to offer a solution to end this intergeneration curse. But the problem is not merely the wretched conditions of our countrymen; the appalling reality, the inconvenient truth, is the shameful inequality between the super filthy rich and the common tao. Adding more insult is the glorification of promiscuous wealth by corporate-controlled media.

Another tragedy in our distressed islands is the rapid degradation and plunder of our natural resources. Exhibit A: The massacre of Tubbataha Reefs courtesy of the US Navy. Exhibit B: Destructive mining operations in Padcal, Rapu Rapu, Claver. Exhibit C: Reclamation in different parts of the country.

Corruption is reign of greed. The system breeds poverty. And human activities pollute the environment. These are crimes of the new millennium which we inherited from the 20th century. It is called social injustice. What should we do? Who do we call?

Politicians, yes and no. It’s quite self-explanatory. Our intellectuals, but they are migrating and escaping to other lands. Our young citizens, of course! But beware because they often get distracted and hypnotized by the specter of hyper communications. The poor, the workers, the farmers, the small entrepreneurs – yes, in fact they are the most determined to effect real change in our society. Their plight and their struggles remind us that what they deserve to get is not ridicule, not even charity, but solidarity. – February 7, 2013

Environmentalism is not enough

Earlier, I mentioned some problems afflicting the country. I subscribe to the school of thought that these are caused by the structural flaws in our political and economic system. Therefore, no less than an overhaul of the system is required to propel the country forward. In the meantime, it’s also useful to improve our understanding of some of these issues.

For example, while environmentalism is already popular today, many Filipinos continue to act and behave as if our fertile lands and pristine waters are infinite. We take it for granted that our islands are surrounded by clean and fresh water sources that we seem to give little value to activities that promote water preservation. Perhaps our attitude would have been different if we were living in a landlocked country.

Recently, a foreigner suggested that we treat our natural resources like oil. This means the government must learn from the experience of oil-producing nations which are protective of their precious resource. Many of these countries were able to use the revenues generated from oil trading to invest in strategic ventures that would benefit the nation as a whole and substantially uplift the lives of locals.

Can we adopt the same vision in our booming mining sector? Perhaps yes, our mineral resources can be our ‘oil’ which will pave the way for national industrialization, boost economic activities in the provinces, and improve domestic production.

But we must harmonize this vision with another important principle: the value of preserving our natural wealth for the benefit of the next generation. In Romblon where marble mining is thriving, the residents there opposed the entry of a mining firm whose proposed operations would have covered several resource-rich islands. Lesson: A land use plan is needed to determine the areas the can be mined and those that must be ecologically preserved. Furthermore, the consent of the local community is required before development projects are approved. – February 6, 2013

Elephantile Inequality

Let us now discuss poverty. It’s not enough to state that the Philippines remains a poor nation. Some regions are poorer than others. Some islands have greater wealth than others. Economic deprivation is worse in ARMM compared to Luzon regions. The economic divide in the Philippines refers to the North and South. But in terms of income gap, the more accurate division is East-West

I’m mentioning this in reference to glowing news reports that the Philippine is no longer the sick man of East Asia (clap clap). We are now branded as a Rising Tiger. Agree, the economic fundamentals are improving. But what about the trickle-down effect? Are these numbers sustainable, do they have a lasting impact? The big elephant in the room is the elephantile inequality in the country. The Rising Tiger brand would mean nothing if the West part of the country moves ahead and leave behind the East.

Instead of Rising Tiger, I have another suggestion: Isn’t it more accurate to call our country a nation of Angry Birds?

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Fallen Drone. Grounded Minesweeper

By admin | February 4, 2013

Written for The Diplomat

A series of unfortunate mishaps in the past two weeks has afflicted United States military forces stationed in the Philippines.

On January 6th, a BQM-74E target drone that appeared to be of American origin was found floating in the waters off Masbate, an island province in the central Philippines. Although the U.S. was known to be flying reconnaissance drones to assist Filipino forces, Washington is not authorized to conduct aerial strikes with unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs).

Another incident occurred on January 17th, when the USS Guardian minesweeper ran aground on the South Atoll of the Tubbataha Reef, a no-sail zone and UN marine protected habitat in the Sulu Sea in the southern Philippines.

U.S. officials in Manila immediately moved to contain both controversies. In the case of the fallen drone in Masbate, the U.S. Embassy in Manila denied the drone was launched from Philippines airspace and insisted instead that it had been used in a naval exercise in Guam months earlier and ocean currents carried it into Filipino waters.

“The unarmed target drone that washed ashore off the coast of Masbate Island is an expended BQM-74E Aerial Target drone … launched from the USS Chafee during exercise Valiant Shield 2012 on Sept. 19, 2012, off the coast of Guam,” an embassy spokesperson said.

The Department of Foreign Affairs later backed this sequencing of events.

As for the grounded navy ship, the U.S. Pacific Fleet explained that the ship had just completed a port call in Subic Bay and was en route to Indonesia and Timor Leste to participate in a training exercise when the accident occurred. Representatives of the fleet initially blamed faulty mapping data for the grounding, and vowed to further probe the incident.

“While the erroneous navigation chart data is important information, no one should jump to conclusions. It is critical that the U.S. Navy conduct a comprehensive investigation that assesses all the facts surrounding the Guardian grounding,” said U.S. Pacific Fleet spokesperson Capt. Darryn James.

Between the mysterious small drone and the navy ship, which is still stuck in the pristine coral reefs of Tubbataha, the latter is clearly a bigger problem for the U.S. military. Criticisms of the drone incident have been mainly limited to anti-American activists and nationalists. With regards to the ship incident, however, these groups have been joined by environmentalists, local politicians, and concerned citizens in condemning the irreparable damage caused by the USS Guardian to the marine resources in the Tubbataha Reef.

According to the initial assessment made by the Philippine government, the USS Guardian damaged 1,000 square meters of the marine park. Moreover, the destruction to marine life in the area may continue to worsen as the recovery operation is expected to take two weeks. The U.S. Navy and Philippine Coast Guard must first siphon off all 56,000 liters (15,000 gallons) of fuel from the ship to avoid any spills— a process that has been delayed by rough waters— and then the vessel will be lifted from the area.

The Tubbataha Protected Area Management Board (TPAMB) has vowed to file charges against the USS Guardian for unauthorized entry and damage to the reef. Personnel of the TPAMB alleged that the USS Guardian was in “battle position” when Filipino marine rangers tried to approach the ship to assess the situation.

“It willfully trespassed. It wasn’t lost. It was the voyage of an intruder,” said Palawan province congressman Antonio Alvarez. “It boggles the mind on how a state-of-the-art ship with satellite-aided navigation and provided with the latest maps is unable to find its way at sea?”

The drone and minesweeper incidents would obviously provide additional ammunition to groups and individuals who are critical of the expanded presence of U.S. military forces in the country. The U.S. lost access to Naval Base Subic Bay and Clark Air Base soon after the Cold War ended but it conducts regular joint exercises with the Philippine military in many parts of the country.

In the past, communist and Muslim separatist rebels have accused the Philippine government of allowing U.S. troops to participate in actual combat operations. They have seized on the drone sighting in Masbate to bolster their case.

Furthermore, it was exposed last year that toxic waste from U.S. naval ships was dumped into Subic Bay. This scandal and the recent Tubbataha incident have infuriated environmental groups who claim that the presence of U.S. military forces in the Philippines is a threat to the country’s already fragile ecosystem.

Philippine government officials may be unconcerned with what happened in Masbate and Tubbataha, but not all Filipinos share this attitude.

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Sticks and Stones: Reining in Filipino Libel Laws

By admin | January 29, 2013

Written for The Diplomat

The inclusion of online libel in the Philippine anti-cybercrime law has raised fears that it would lead to the restriction of free speech and expression in the local internet community. It’s one of the issues to be discussed next week by the Supreme Court, which is set to hear oral arguments in relation to more than a dozen petitions questioning the constitutionality of the controversial new law. Inevitably, lawyers will have to review the country’s libel law which is criticized by media groups as being too repressive and excessive.

Under the country’s 83-year old Revised Penal Code, libel is a criminal offense that mandates a prison term of six months to six years and/or a fine of 200 to 6,000 pesos. But the fine could be much higher for arrested persons.

Veteran journalist Luis Teodoro noted that “the law against libel has primarily been used to suppress free expression rather than to address media abuse.” He could be referring to instances like the unprecedented 11 libel suits filed by the husband of former President Gloria Arroyo against 46 journalists, a move which was seen by many analysts as an attempt to stop the press from criticizing the Arroyo government.

But the libel laws can be used not just against hard-hitting journalists but also against crusading ordinary individuals. Human rights lawyer Jose Manuel Diokno is worried that the “laws on criminal libel are so broad and sweeping that they make everyone involved in the delivery of public concern a potential criminal.” Diokno added that “the mere prospect of a criminal libel suit, even without actual prosecution and punishment, is itself abhorrent to individual human rights because of its inevitable chilling effect.”

Indeed, even the United Nations Human Rights Committee (UNHRC) has described one author’s imprisonment under libel laws as “incompatible” with the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, to which the Philippines is a signatory.

The proposal to decriminalize libel has been demanded by the media sector for many years already. Instead of criminal defamation, the media is proposing a broad campaign for public media literacy and self-regulation to check and expose media abuses. But instead of decriminalizing libel, the government decided to extend the scope of the outdated and nefarious libel laws to the internet sphere.

Perhaps journalists, netizens, and concerned citizens should closely work together for the repeal of the draconian anti-cybercrime law; and at the same time, push for the reform of the repressive libel laws. Because even if the anti-cybercrime law is declared unconstitutional by the high court, the libel laws are still effective which prevent the media and the public from disclosing all information and the truth about sensitive political issues that are essential in a democracy.

The anti-cybercrime law may be today’s worst threat to free speech and expression but the Philippine criminal libel law is the original sin which must be exorcised once and for all.

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Malaysia’s January Spring

By admin | January 21, 2013

Written last January 14

So far, it has been an awful beginning for the year 2013 in Southeast Asia: Myanmar’s military launched airstrikes against Kachin rebels which dimmed hopes of a peaceful settlement of the civil war; prominent Laos activist Sombath Somphone has remained missing and has probably become a victim of state-sanctioned enforced disappearance; Vietnam convicted 14 Catholic bloggers and activists for allegedly participating in anti-government activities; and more than half a million families are still recovering from the impact of typhoon Pablo (Bopha) which hit the southern Mindanao island of the Philippines last December and was named the world’s deadliest disaster of 2012.

But if there is one reason to be cheerful today, it is the massive and peaceful gathering of Malaysians in the streets last January 12 in support of the multisectoral campaign for more democratic reforms in governance.

The ‘Himpunan Kebangkitan Rakyat’ (Uprising of the Citizens) rally, which was organized by Opposition forces and civil society groups, gathered more than 100,000 people inside and outside the historic Stadium Merdeka in Kuala Lumpur. Unlike the Bersih (clean) street assembly last April 2012 which was violently dispersed by the police, the Saturday rally called #KL112 by netizens turned out to be peaceful. There may be a disagreement between police forces and activists on the total number of people who joined the event but at least there were no throwing of tear gas canisters this time.

The rally had 10 specific demands, many of which have been articulated already by the Bersih movement like the call for clean, fair and transparent elections with an independent press.

Students repeated their demand for free education and they were joined by educators who urged the government to support the national language and preserve the mother tongue in schools.

Interestingly, there were place-specific issues such as the fair allocation for Sabah and Sarawak, a proposal to give 20 percent oil royalties for petroleum-producing states, and the defense of local heritage and traditional villages.

Other demands included the call for a green environment, better conditions for women, release of all political detainees, and protection of welfare of civil servants.

The issues raised in the rally are expected to be discussed in the General Elections this year, although Prime Minister Najib Razak has yet to announce the date of the elections. Through the rally, the Opposition probably hoped to show its popularity in the nation’s capital and win more votes to finally dislodge the ruling coalition which has been in power for several decades already.

But the huge turnout in the rally is less an indication of voter preference for the Opposition than a reflection of the rising dissatisfaction of many citizens against the policies of the government. Many people, especially the young, are clearly disappointed with the corruption in society, the systematic cheating in the elections, and the lack of transparency and public participation in governance.

There were people who joined the rally to simply express support for democracy. The remarkable collective display of political sentiment of thousands of ordinary Malaysians made the event even more meaningful as it taught many people the real essence of democracy.

Since 2011, Malaysia’s Bersih has become the region’s shining example of a citizen movement and direct political action by the people. It was initiated to simply call for voting reforms but it has quickly evolved into a popular movement for democratic reforms in society. The recent hundred thousand march in Kuala Lumpur has once again confirmed that Malaysians are showing the way on how to best practice democracy and assert people power in the region.

It has been a gloomy January for many human rights advocates working in many parts of Southeast Asia but the successful assembly in Kuala Lumpur last January 12 gave hope and inspiration that it’s still possible to make 2013 a memorable and happy year for democracy

Singapore’s Palmergate Affair

Written for The Diplomat

The most talked about political issue in Singapore last month was the sudden resignation of Speaker of Parliament Michael Palmer after he admitted to having an extramarital affair with the constituency director of the People’s Association (PA) of another district. Following his disclosure Palmer resigned as both the Speaker and Member of Parliament, as well as a member of the ruling People’s Action Party (PAP).

Predictably, this affair sparked an intense, lively, and even humorous discussion among Singaporeans concerning the sex lives of their public officials. Indeed, 2012 offered them much to talk about on this subject.

Early last year, for instance, Parliamentarian Yaw Shin Leong was expelled by the opposition Worker’s Party after allegedly engaging in an extramarital affair.

Meanwhile, former Central Narcotics Bureau chief Ng Boon Gay is currently on trial for allegedly soliciting sexual favors from a 36-year-old executive in exchange for awarding her firm government contracts. Similarly, Civil Defense Force Commissioner Peter Benedict Lim Sin Pang is facing 10 counts of corruption related to a sex-for-contracts controversy involving three separate women.

But the “Palmergate” scandal is particularly noteworthy because the issue goes beyond the personal sex life of the former speaker to raise questions about several aspects of governance and politics in Singapore.

First, Palmer’s resignation has left the constituents of Punggol East without a representative in parliament. But the government has not announced when it will hold a by-election to find a replacement for Palmer. After Palmer resigned, Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong issued a statement citing a constitutional provision that allows him to call a by-election but fails to specify a fixed timeframe in which he is obligated to do so. This suggests that it is time to improve the system of filling vacancies in parliament in order to ensure citizens are able to exercise their right to be represented in government.

Second, and more importantly, Palmer’s illicit relationship with a PA official may be a private matter, but it reveals the arguably inappropriate ties between PAP and the PA. In the modern age, the PA is largely a grassroots’ organization that aims to foster social cohesion among Singaporeans of different ethnic backgrounds, as well as serve as a neutral mediator linking the Singaporean government and the people. Thus, in theory the PA should not favor any party. In reality, however, many of the PA personnel are PAP appointees, supporters, and even politicians. “The uncomfortable truth that Singaporeans have to confront is that the People’s Association is literally in bed with the PAP,” writes political analyst Ng E-Jay. “A supposedly non-partisan statutory board whose professed aim is to build social cohesion and represent the interests of all Singaporeans is nothing but an extension of the ruling party, both in spirit and in substance.”

It’s unfortunate but understandable that “Palmergate” diverted public attention away from the labor strike conducted by Chinese bus drivers last month, the first such strike in Singapore in more than two decades. After all, labor unrest is just a less “sexy” topic than, well, sex scandals involving public officials. But the public attention being given to Palmergate also provides a good opportunity to initiate public conversations about important topics, such as choosing the right leaders, reforming the electoral system, and reviewing the mandate and operations of publicly-financed grassroots organizations.

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