CCTV and the Pleasure of Technological Control

Apparently, the CCTV doesn’t lie. What appears on the CCTV screen is accepted as visually accurate, even true. It seems to be the latest truth-telling device which TV networks have been using to expose the petty and heinous crimes committed by the poor. The TV image is manipulated in the news editing room, the internet broadcast might turn out to be a hoax, but the CCTV is regarded as the reality TV which faithfully records the Real.

The benefits of installing CCTV are easy to notice which probably explain the current obsession of authorities to prettify public places with surveillance cameras and the willingness of residential and business owners to connect their CCTV recording with the police network. To prevent crimes and quickly identify culprits, more and more people are summoning the power of the God-like eyes of the CCTV.

Bombarded with tabloid news that agitate emotions and overwhelmed with social problems that seem to be beyond their grasp, can we blame the public if they quickly embrace the comforting albeit illusory appeal of the CCTV? If fear is fed to the masses on a daily basis, crime deterrence measures like installing CCTVs will readily appear to be rational.

According to Herbert Marcuse, we live at a time when “technological controls appear to be the very embodiment of Reason for the benefit of all social groups and interests.” Jurgen Habermas added that “technology seems to institute more pleasant forms of social control and social cohesion.”

The first keyword to consider is control.

Elsewhere, the industry which perfected the art and science of installing CCTVs is legalized gambling. The objective is not exactly to protect the welfare of casino players but to ensure that gambling money is not lost. The cameras are placed everywhere to detect if dealers are stealing and if players are cheating. People work and play inside a casino with the knowledge that cameras are watching and recording their every move. They may not feel violated by the presence of the ubiquitous CCTV but their behavior is conditioned from the moment they entered the casino building. They might soon ignore the cameras after being seduced by the dazzling entertainment in the gaming area but their unconscious is aware that something or someone is constantly looking for a trace of evil deed.

The CCTVization of society is the application of casino surveillance technologies into a larger setting. The first victim is privacy. The loss of privacy. The killing of anonymity. The denial of the right of every person to be left alone, undetected and unknown. The precious private space is suddenly invaded by hidden and visible robotic eyes.

Perhaps, inevitably but tragically, the meaning of public space is also redefined by the rise of the CCTV phenomenon. The public space is supposed to embody the power of the uninhibited collective, the sacred space where the nameless can bravely assert their art, their love, and their politics. But today, it has degenerated into a danger zone because it is already infested with traffic and weather cameras which alternately perform national security and police functions. The public space today is actually where you reveal your identity to state authorities.

Furthermore, mainstream uses of CCTV are biased against the poor. What TV networks are willing to broadcast are CCTV recordings of crimes against property. Mysteriously, there are no available CCTV videos of high crimes in high society. Is it because CCTV screens proliferate in low income areas where residents are thought to be less concerned about privacy issues? Besides, the poor may not have enough money to sue the networks for violating their private domain. But the CCTV can do more than capture the inane habits of the masa. For example, expose the plunder, corruption, smuggling, and other serious crimes of the rich and powerful.

Interestingly, CCTV becomes more newsworthy if it documents the funny, absurd, and scandalous. Did man invent it to witness our foibles and follies? Maybe in the future it will have a better sociological use other than to confirm everyday that traffic in Edsa is heavy. Maybe this technology has more useful applications other than crime prevention, traffic monitoring, weather tracking, and surveillance of the poor.

To uncritically accept the rationality of the CCTV is to yield to the authority of Big Brother. CCTV cameras are not neutral machines since they are operated somewhere by highly skilled specialists who are not democratically accountable to the electorate. The god with all-powerful multiple eyes might be a small but secret unit of the bureaucracy whose mission is to identify the terrorist, criminal, and subversive in a crowded intersection. The magic and duplicity of the CCTV is to condemn every person in the flat screen as potential law breakers. In the eyes of the CCTV gods who do not lovingly watch over us, we are not persons with past, present and future but merely realtime subjects, targets, and anonymous dots. Treacherous because we are instantly judged by powerful others through the cold calculating lens of the CCTV.

There could be undercover units collecting CCTV data about us but we may be unaware of it. Who decides when to air the CCTV recording? What happens to the archived videos? Who has the universal key to access the various CCTV channels?

The long term effect of an omnipresent CCTV in society is not limited to the mainstreaming of a surveillance culture. More dangerously, it could make citizens more passive in the public sphere. The next generation will probably grow up having internalized the threat that Big Brother is everywhere, watching our every action.

But the evils of CCTV are difficult to establish. The second keyword to consider is pleasure. Who cares about privacy when social networking sites have distorted its value? Why complain against surveillance when ‘self-surveillance’ is a popular internet habit? When ordinary people voluntarily set-up webcams and CCTV monitors, what state reprisal is there to fear?

The problem, therefore, is not merely the over reliance on technologies to solve social problems. The deeper issue is the satisfaction that people derive from fantasizing the job of Big Brother.

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Politics as Sound Bite

One liners, sound bites, SMS and twitter reactions are inferior substitutes to a well-written political manifesto. The essence of a political standpoint can’t be adequately represented by 140 characters or even by hysteric rhetoric. Yes, a charming slogan or a witty phrase, and a fiery quote can agitate a crowd, inspire the electorate, and trigger a movement; but they serve to advance a broader political cause. After delivering the memorable spiel, the immediate task is to articulate the principles that sustain its politics.

Politicians are masters of the word play that’s why they must be constantly challenged to clearly and comprehensively enunciate their politics. The citizen must not always be a netizen who is sometimes content of simply engaging the politician in a twitter conversation. Politics should more than just trolling the most hated public servants or forcing politicians to adopt a campaign hashtag.

But micro politics seems to be the trend. No more political speeches in Plaza Miranda since they are already replaced by Gangnam dance spectacles. No more grand political manifestos since the preference of everybody is merely to chew political status updates in social networking sites. The politician as an ‘effective communicator’ must be ready to reduce his politics in a few words that can be presented on prime time TV, win more ratings for the media, and score high in the trending game. The experts in this reality show are Erap with his jokes and masa appeal, Miriam with her pick-up lines and intellectual reputation, and Chiz with his oratorical style when speaking on national TV.

Sound bites are politics in a hurry. Their purpose is not to enlighten but to entertain and score political points. But they do have a pragmatic value: They make the job of the media easier while enhancing the public image of politicians.

The drafting of sound bites is not always easy. It must be short, sharp yet sexy and spicy. It must sell some idea. Creativity is not enough; one must have a naughty imagination, familiarity with popular culture, and good grasp of the politics of the day. Political writers are actually closet showbiz reporters. There are popular politicians who are skilled in this information warfare.

Below are some of the selected SMS statements I sent to media reporters in 2012:

On the new raffle system of the Comelec. Voter education is still the most important task to avoid confusion in partylist elections. Raffle will eliminate one problem but I can foresee a new controversy: partylist groups asking people to vote for numbers instead of supporting an agenda of marginalized group. Lotto-fication of partylist election, the tyranny of numbers that would further confuse the electorate.

What would you do if today is the end of the world. Watch the sunrise and sunset with my family beside me. Spend fun moments with my two kids, will cook their favorite meals, and read books to them. Write an apology letter to enemies, thank you letter to dear friends. Spend a quiet evening with the love of my life. Read Genesis and then sleep.

On the cash transfer program. Time to review CCT and other so-called poverty alleviation measures. CCT is nothing but a band aid solution whose effectiveness has been exaggerated by the Arroyo and Aquino administrations because they have nothing else to offer end once and for all the inter-generational poverty in the country. To achieve the MDGs, the government should replace the CCT with a comprehensive program to address the roots of poverty and deprivation in the country. CCT will do nothing but worsen destituteness in the country.

On political surveys. Surveys are useful but should not be the basis for electing leaders. Unfortunately, Philippine national elections have degenerated into a popularity contest which gives undue advantage to showbiz starts, dynasties, and the business elite. Voting by popularity should be discarded as a taboo and bad electoral practice. Otherwise, the elections would remain a farcical process dominated by spin masters, black magicians, spoiled brats, and famous emptyheads. Surveys confirm that the senate race is a TV reality game masquerading as a dignified democratic exercise.

On the dominance of political dynasties. What’s good for one family is not necessarily good for the whole country. What’s good for the family business can ruin the democratic promise of elections. Is there no one else? Is this the best that Philippine politics can offer? Are we condemned to be hostaged witnesses to the waltzing and dancing of the same families on the political dance floor? Are there no other animals in the jungle aside from the horse traders, old porkers, political butterflies, corrupt crocs? Where are the angry birds?

Selecting the next DILG head. We have been hostaged by this Binay-Roxas factions since 2010; their squabbling represents partisan politics at its worst. The best man for the DILG post, I think, is someone who will be less immune or less intimidated by the warring factions. Unfortunately, there seems to be no neutral choice anymore since the Roxas-Binay tentacles are already embedded in the bureaucracy.

On the Samar-Balay faction. As a tragicomic political drama, it has no entertainment value. It’s an irritating, unnecessary bickering of factions in the house of the yellow gods. The people are helpless victims as ambitious politicians play out their personal feuds in the political arena. This is bad governance. Divisive, devious, decadent politics.

On the refusal of Congress to release the SALN of House Members. Omerta rules! Sadly, Omerta dominates in the Philippine House of Representatives. We are not supposed to behave like Mafia criminals who lead secret lives because we are elected public servants. Transparency demands that we disclose the SALN; FOI passage crucial in the promotion of good governance; Waiver, the logical next step in the anti-corruption fight after the Corona trial. Nothing to fear if you didn’t steal, nothing to hide if you didn’t commit an illegal act. SALN disclosure a matter of following the intent of the law. Privacy will not be violated. We are merely stating our net worth which every government employee must do; we are not signing up for the Big Brother show.

Waiver signing Hollow victory if anti-corruption fight ends with Corona. House leadership should prove that it’s ready to clean its own backyard by promoting the signing of waiver, which has emerged as an effective transparency tool. At the minimum, disclose SALN to the public. Otherwise, we will become House of Hypocrites. We will appear to be grandstanding, self-righteous politicians during the impeachment trial.

On the reported meddling of some church leaders. This is one divine intervention which we can live without. It’s anathema in a true and vibrant democratic, secular society. Of course religious leaders can preach, they can give spiritual guidance, they can comment on moral matters. They should convert sinner politicians and lead them to the path of goodness. But it’s unholy behavior if they use the sacred power of their church or sect to impose their dogmas on how leaders draft, debate, and vote on public policies. Politicians must listen to the demands of the religious constituency but there are other voices and views which they must consider too. They should ignore threats of election backlash.

On the Tulfo brothers’ threat against the Baretto-Santiago couple. It’s entertaining if it’s a TV soap opera but not funny when media persons issue those strong words on prime time. MTRCB should remind media networks to be more circumspect. Such language is not appropriate to be heard by children and it offends even the sensibilities of many adults. The public deserve quality TV programming, not the ghastly, nauseating type of entertainment disguised as public service.

On the reported ‘shadow cabinet’. PNoy’s dark knights in the Cabinet can easily degenerate into an army of darkness if they are allowed to perform their secret deeds without being accountable to the people

On the proposal to stop the Lady Gaga concert. I am confident that our Filipino youth is matured enough not to follow whatever bad influence that they can see being embodied by Lady Gaga while being able to appreciate her music. We survived 14 years of Martial Law. We can survive two nights of Lady Gaga since not all members of the young generation are going to see the concert.

On K-12 implementation. K-12 should not be rushed. There must be adequate preparation – teacher training, construction of additional classrooms, improvement of facilities. Otherwise, it’s bound to fail. Instead of being a solution, it could worsen the crisis of Philippine education. Crucial to K-12 success is the funding commitment of the government. Sadly, we have yet to see a substantial state investment in basic education. I fear that teachers will be blamed for the chaotic school opening arising from the haphazard implementation of K-12. I agree that K-12 will address the problem of short school cycle but it doesn’t solve the other fundamental problems besetting Philippine education like poor learning environment and high dropout rates.

Budget system. It’s a Marcos-era legacy when the Palace, through the DBM, asserts its control in the chamber. This policy reflects the undemocratic budget process, proof of how difficult it is for even the Speaker to assert his independence from the Palace. It’s time to reform the budget system, [make it] more participatory and transparent, [and push for] less control from Palace

On the Hacienda Luisita ruling of the Supreme Court. It’s unfortunate that the promulgation of the Supreme Court decision on the Hacienda Luisita case will take place at a time when there’s a bitter conflict between the Chief Justice and the president. For a long time farmers have been at the losing end because of partisan politics. The Hacienda case is a social justice issue and if ever the SC decides in favor of small farmers, it must be seen as a delayed legal recognition of the historical right of the hacienda workers; a necessary judicial intervention to end the half-century of criminal landlordism. The SC decision will not only affect the Cojuangcos since it will have a bearing on other haciendas which also adopted the infamous stock distribution option.

On Pacquiao’s decision to join a new political party. Maybe like the great Muhammad Ali, he floats like a butterfly. But as a political butterfly, he could lose the admiration and support of so many young people who expects him to shun the tradpol ways. He must sting like a bee; in short, he should fight and reject trapo politics. I also hope it won’t distract himfrom pursuing his other advocacies like wage hike, eliminating trafficking and sports promotion. After one defeat in the election, after two years of being a politician, and after many years of mingling with other politicians, Manny should know by now his real friends in politics. He should realize that he can already sustain his political career without being dependent on trapos.

On Noynoying. The Palace is out of touch with reality. Noynoying will be ignored by the public if it doesn’t have basis. But Noynoying is no longer an activist initiative, it has been readily embraced and popularized by the public, especially netizens. If the Palace isn’t aware of it, the public, not us activists, who are responsible for the popular usage of the term.

Student survey of impeachment. Senator Santiago should be reminded that the freedom which allows her to entertain us with her sound bites and one-liners is also enjoyed by the rest of the population. They (senator-judges) should appreciate that students are aware and are monitoring the trial everyday… Students also know how to cover their ears when politicians dish out arrogant remarks

Aquino dynasty. Aquino belongs to the most prominent family in the Philippines today – in fact to the most powerful political family in the past half century…Many people, especially presidential supporters, are expecting Noynoy to settle down, have children and continue the legacy of his family dynasty. It may sound feudal, but in the Philippines we simply implement Albert Einstein’s theory of relativity. That is, if you’re my relative, you can join politics.

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Indonesia’s Rising Star: Jokowi

Jakarta Governor Joko Widodo or Jokowi is a rising star in the Southeast Asian region. While Burmese President Thein Sein may be grabbing the most headlines of any Southeast Asian leader, Jokowi’s rapid ascent up Indonesia’s political ladder deserves more attention than it is given by the international media.

Who is Jokowi and why is his name being considered in the 2014 presidential race in Indonesia?

Jokowi is a former mayor of the central Javanese city of Solo who became famous because of his outstanding performance as a public servant. As city mayor, he eased business procedures, improved delivery of basic health services, reduced traffic congestion, and improved the living conditions of poor communities. In a country like Indonesia, where many citizens have grown accustomed to officials underperforming, Jokowi’s record of accomplishments is considered remarkable.

Jokowi received the largest number of votes in the first round of Jakarta’s gubernatorial election last July, and went on to defeat the incumbent in the second round of voting the follow September. Jokowi’s victory was particularly impressive in light of the lack of support he received from the major political parties who all invested their resources in his rivals.

Jokowi relied primarily on his credentials as a successful city mayor to win the support of the electorate, presenting himself as an ordinary person with the necessary political will to deliver quick results. Jokowi’s victory thus rested on a platform of hope and change that resonated strongly with the electorate and easily propelled him to victory over the unpopular previous administration.

His decision to partner with Basuki Tjahaja Purnama, a Christian and ethnic Chinese, was initially seen as controversial in a country that is predominantly Muslim and Malay. Ultimately his decision proved to be far-sighted, however, as the duo received much of the minority votes.

During his first week as governor, Jokowi made surprise visits to a number of government offices and quickly reprimanded those that were not providing services to citizens. This act earned Jokowi widespread praise from the public although some derided it as a publicity stunt. Still, Jokowi managed to convey the seriousness of his effort to improve residents’ interactions with their government.

Governor Jokowi appears intent on replicating some of the programs that proved to be successful during his tenure as mayor of Solo. For instance, he has started distributing health cards which grant beneficiaries free access to medical care. The government has already allocated Rp 800 billion (U.S. $83 million) for the program for this year alone. By next year Jokowi hopes to have 4.7 million Jakartans enlisted in the program.

Jokowi has also signaled his determination to reduce Jakarta’s notorious traffic congestion by developing a better mass transit system. He has further pledged to refurbish the city’s public vehicles, and plans on building low-costing housing options in commercial areas to reduce commuting distance.

But Solo is different from Jakarta and the latter’s problems are much more complex. To succeed in Jakarta Jokowi must do more than merely import the agenda that suited him so well in Solo.

Still, if he is successful he will continue to win new admirers among the people and media, positioning himself as a serious contender in national elections.

Written for The Diplomat

Cambodia’s “War” On Internet Cafes

Internet cafes are seen as information hubs in most countries, but in Cambodia the government seems terrorized by their presence. Last February, the government mandated internet cafe owners to set up surveillance cameras in their shops and register the names of all customers as a “crime deterrence measure.” Then it issued a new circular last month banning internet cafes within 500 meters of schools or educational buildings. The circular also prohibits internet cafes from extending their services to minors allegedly to protect them from cyberbullies and cybercriminals.

The Ministry of Post and Telecommunications justified the new order by reminding the public, especially parents, that criminals use “telecommunication means to commit offenses such as robbery, murder, extortion, illegal drug trafficking, human trafficking, pornography and other immoral acts, which have affected (Cambodian) tradition and social morality.” It also cited the youth’s rising addiction to several internet-based games.

The ministry warned that internet cafes located in the forbidden zones would be closed and their equipment confiscated. Shop owners would also face arrest and prosecution. The penalty could be higher if a cybercrime was committed in the cafe.

The new circular was immediately condemned as an anti-business measure since its strict implementation would force almost all internet cafes in the center of the capitol city, Phnom Penh, to close. Furthermore, small shop owners are worried about the threat of closure and arrest even if they didn’t directly commit petty cybercrimes in their establishments.

Travel writer Faine Greenwood predicts that the new decree “could easily be used as a rationale for unscrupulous sorts in the government to collect hefty bribes from owners if they want to continue operating.”

For human rights group Licadho, the new regulation is “a transparent attempt [by the government] to block part of the population’s access to independent sources of information through news sites and social media.”

“In a country where traditional media such as TV and radio stations are for the most part in the hands of the ruling party, the ability to access independent and critical voices through the internet is crucial,” it added.

This year’s laws are not the Cambodian government’s first attempts at imposing political-driven web regulations under the guise of protecting public morality. In 2008, it ordered the closure of an artist’s website for depicting bare-breasted Apsara dancers. In 2011, it asked local Internet Service Providers to block several “harmful” opposition websites. Even Blogspot was temporarily banned because it hosted several websites that were critical of the government.

It’s convenient for the government to raise the specter of cybercrimes to justify unreasonable and unnecessary regulations that could seriously harm local businesses and freedom of speech. Indeed, internet gaming addiction is a social problem but the solution is not to stop young people from having access to the internet but to teach them the value of moderation and responsible online behavior. Perhaps the government should focus more on how to improve computer access in rural areas, expand internet penetration, and enhance digital literacy among its citizens instead of outright banning internet cafes which alternately serve as virtual knowledge centers.

Written for The Diplomat

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The Disappearing Real in the Virtual

A new library building was recently inaugurated in a public high school in the quaint town of Mauban, Quezon. During the ribbon cutting ceremonies, the mayor proposed to use the facility as a Community eCenter. He added that PLDT, which has a signal tower in front of the school, might be persuaded to provide an internet connection to the center.

The lack of internet access in the school highlights several things. First, a telco investment doesn’t necessarily bring IT-related benefits to the community. It’s quite similar to the situation in other communities where the presence of a coal or geothermal power plant doesn’t bring down the cost of electricity in the area. Second, the virtual connectedness of cyberspace communities needs real and hard infrastructure investments. To go wireless in one community requires the planting of wires in another community. When we connect online, we are actually linked to some tower or cable unit in a remote location.

Assessing the initial IT investment in San Remigio in Cebu, the DOST noted the following: “At 25 kilometers apart, the (cellphone) towers are expected to provide only partial connectivity to several barangays but the wireless signal is expected to be clearer when more towers are installed.” The solution, then, to end ‘digital isolation’ is to send more broadband signals through the building of more cables and wires in the islands. Indeed, wireless seems an inappropriate word to describe the general IT process.

It must be emphasized that IT is more than just a fancy idea concocted in a controlled laboratory or happy workplace by some geniuses and geeks. To make it work in real life and in the real world, it has to undergo some messy and complicated processing. The shaping of the IT environment in a specific territory is not determined by software developers alone but also by politicians, bureaucrats, technocrats, and the media consumers. In other words, IT is just an Interesting Thesis sans political economy.

The pleasure and luxury of accessing the web wirelessly is made possible through the brilliance and labor of IT workers. They are, among others, the engineers, animators, undersea cable technicians, handset makers, electricians, and factory workers in the assembly line production. The current trend of mobile internet affirms that intelligent techies are creatively and tenaciously at work in Palo Alto and China. The amazing speed of the internet today (compared to the dial-up era of the 1990s) is the fruition and fusion of theory, experiment, and practice. The slow and meticulous bundling and unbundling of wires, cables, power circuits, transistors, chips, and codes gave us the hyper and hybrid virtual reality which we call the internet.

But there is a clarification to make: IT didn’t make labor redundant. On the contrary, its successful and widespread diffusion in society necessitated the continuous hiring of a new army of workers and e-workers. But alas, IT workers and their contributions are made invisible through advertisement alchemy and media spin. What is mostly recognized by society is the so-called pioneering work of IT CEOs and their hired scientists. These IT stars and billionaires are worshipped by the public as the new heroes and icons of our age. As a result, netizens want to be as cool as the IT marketer and they have become instant though unpaid preachers of the supposed benefits of a connected cyberworld.

But what is lost in the online conversation and technical translation is the embedded legacy of labor in every IT product, process, event, and phenomenon. We are constantly reminded of the amazing power of technology in solving the problems of man without recognizing the role of labor. Distracted and overwhelmed by the bits and bytes of data that feed our timeline, we are seduced into overestimating the influence of technology in our lives at the expense of recognizing man’s original and most precious asset: labor. Mental, Manual labor.

As we lose grip of what really counts as real in life, it gets reflected in our political priorities. We immediately and easily see the relevance of advocating for better digital infrastructure but we fail to appreciate the connection of improving the welfare of IT workers (those who install towers, cables, wires; and the minimum wage earners in manufacturing enclaves) and higher IT literacy and IT efficiency in the country.

But telcos and their money are not the essentials in fixing the digital darkness in society. A remote barrio in Aklan which established an e-center made this conclusion: “It only takes one boat and the collective bayanihan spirit of a community to bridge geographic and digital divides.” A boat? And bayanihan? – How traditional, how undigital, how simplistic. Yet, how very true.

IT is not a specialty of mentally gifted individuals. IT is not merely a business venture. IT is not a political goodie to be distributed by inept politicians. IT is a social process which requires social action and commitment.

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Philippines: Top Stories of 2012

Slightly edited version of an article submitted to The Diplomat

The impeachment of Chief Justice Renato Corona, the government’s “cold war” with China over maritime disputes in the South China Sea, and deadly tropical storms were the top news stories in the Philippines in 2012.

Accused of corruption, Corona was found guilty by the Senate impeachment court last May. Corona was also accused of protecting his patron, former President Gloria Arroyo, who is charged with several counts of election fraud and corruption cases. The historic trial lasted for almost half a year which Corona condemned as a political demolition job aimed at undermining the country’s judiciary. Indeed, Corona’s ouster has paved the way for President Benigno Aquino III to gain more influence in the Supreme Court.

The dispute with China also grabbed headlines this year. Many Filipinos see Beijing as a bully because of its claims over various islands in the West Philippine Sea (South China Sea). On several instances, the Philippine government has protested the presence of oversized Chinese fishing boats in its territorial waters. Unfortunately for the Philippines, it has failed to convince the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to issue a strong, unambigious denouncement of China’s ”aggressive behavior” in the region. The rift with China has pushed the Philippines closer to the United States.

But if the Corona political storm and the Chinese diplomatic storm were not enough, the Bopha (Pablo) tropical storm that battered the southern Philippine island of Mindanao and left a bloody trail of devastation last week. As of December 11, the storm had killed 714 people and injured 1,906 with 890 still missing. At that time there was also still 116,404 people scattered across 134 evacuation centers with 114,583 damaged houses (43,992 destroyed). Bhopa is the strongest typhoon to hit Mindanao, the country’s second biggest island.

The high number of casualties during recent storms reflects the fast deterioration of the country’s fragile ecosystem. The deadly landslides, mudslides, and flashfloods were not only caused by freak storms but also by polluting activities, especially mining.

Indeed, 2012 has also been a memorable year for the mining sector. Responding to the growing grassroots resistance to destructive mining operations, the government issued a new mining policy last July which aims to impose stricter environment standards and raise more revenues from mining. But an accident in the Philex mining site last August, which triggered the worst mining spill in the country, could further erode public support for the mining industry.

It has been a busy year for Congress as well which was able to pass several notable but controversial legislative measures like the K-12 education reform bill, an anti-cybercrime bill, and the sin tax reform measure. Congress will soon vote on the Reproductive Health Bill, which would provide universal access to contraception and sexual education. The proposal is being fiercely opposed by the influential Catholic Church hierarchy.

For peace advocates, they will probably cite the signing of a landmark peace agreement between Muslim separatists in Mindanao and the national government last October as the key event of the year. For the religious sector, they will remember 2012 as the year of canonization of Saint Pedro Calungsod, the second Filipino saint. For sports enthusiasts, they will highlight the Round 6 defeat of boxing icon Manny Pacquiao.

The year 2013 promises to be another exciting year for Philippine politics as voters and candidates prepare for the midterm elections in May.

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RH is a basic human right

3rd reading explanation of vote to RH Bill

Last week, I already mentioned my reasons for co-authoring and supporting the RH Bill. Today I wish to address some erroneous statements and assertions against this measure.

First, reproductive health, critics aver, is a foreign concept. But what do they mean when they say it is foreign or alien to Filipino culture? Is it an imported legacy similar to many of our organized religions? The components of reproductive health – maternal health, child care, adolescent reproductive health to name a few – are not foreign but universal principles. Like democracy, justice, human rights.

Second, critics argue that the introduction of reproductive health education will do more harm than good to our young people.

Why deprive young people of the right to be properly educated about their sexuality and reproductive health inside the classroom? We teach young people how to use a computer, how to drive safely on the road, how governments work; yet we do not want them to be knowledgeable about their own bodies, how to protect themselves from sexual diseases and gender violence?

RH education will not breed a new generation of promiscuous Filipinos; on the contrary it will be a very important intervention that will empower young people.

I agree, sex education has its limits in the same way that dangerous drugs education didn’t totally eradicate drug dependency among our students. But the integration of age-appropriate RH topics in the curriculum is a better alternative compared where young people currently get their facts about the angry birds and the wild bees in the academic webpages of Wikipedia, soft-porn magazines, and social networks.

Third, the RH Bill is criticized as a population control measure. This is the time to inform our people that the legislative battle is not only between the pro and anti RH sides. Even among RH advocates, there is a silent struggle between those who want to reduce RH as a population management tool and those who primarily seek to push the state to provide essential and free RH services to the people, especially the poor.

I am a witness to the consistent efforts of Gabriela and other women’s groups to expunge the dangerous population control provisions in the bill, and they have succeeded. Still, the RH measure could still be interpreted and implemented by bureaucrats, experts, and even health practiotioners as though it is a license to blame the poor for the country’s problems and demonize the impoverished from producing more babies.

The next battle, then, after the passage of the RH bill into law, is to ensure that its original aim of advancing women’s rights will not be distorted.

The RH Bill may still be loaded by one, two, or several lines that indirectly embrace the population control rhetoric but this is not enough reason to reject this measure. It is still, overall, a landmark legislative measure which can provide immediate benefit to our women, the poor, and the young.

Let us pass this measure again, not to control population but to advance the reproductive rights of our countrymen.

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November 2012: Protests Sweep Through ASEAN

Written for The Diplomat

U.S. President Barack Obama’s historic visit to Burma and the 21st Summit of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in Phnom Penh dominated news coverage in the region during the past month — and rightly so. Obama’s Burma trip put a global spotlight on the reforms being implemented by the civilian government in that country, while the ASEAN Summit exposed the continuing failure of the regional grouping to address the maritime disputes between China and several ASEAN member countries over the South China Sea.

But aside from these issues, the month of November was also memorable because of the phenomenal protests that took place across Southeast Asia. For example: The anti-government Pitak Siam (Protect Thailand) network mobilized 20,000 people in Bangkok; more than 15,000 participants joined Malaysia’s “Green Walk”; a bus strike in Singapore, the first labor strike in the city in almost three decades, stunned the city-state; and a peaceful protest camp set up by monks and farmers to oppose a copper mine project was brutally dispersed by Burmese riot police.

Pitak Siam leaders vowed to paralyze Bangkok on November 24 to force the ouster of Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra, whom they accused of being corrupt and a puppet of her brother Thaksin, Thailand’s former prime minister who was removed by a military coup in 2006. Pitak Siam was able to gather, by some estimates, more than 20,000 people in the streets, but it failed to sustain the crowd and attract more supporters which prompted its leader to announce the premature ending of the rally. The violence between protesters and police may have also discouraged Bangkok residents from joining the action.

Malaysia’s “Green Walk” was organized by the Himpunan Hijau group to protest the construction of the Lynas Advanced Material Plant in Kuantan, which is expected to be the world’s largest rare earths refinery. The “Green Walk” started with 70 participants in September. After two weeks and 300 kilometers of walking across the country, the “long march” ended in Kuala Lumpur with the number of marchers reaching over 10,000.

Kuantan residents and environmentalists have long opposed the project because of its possible detrimental impact on the health, safety, and environment of the community. Earlier last month, Malaysia’s High Court rejected petitions to stop the plant from beginning to process rare earth minerals, prompting some to organize the “Green Walk.”

Citing unfair treatment, about 171 Chinese drivers from the SMRT bus company staged a strike last month in Singapore, paralyzing five percent of bus operations in the city. The drivers were questioning the alleged higher salaries and benefits given to Malaysian workers. The strike was described as the first labor strike in Singapore since 1986. It has been so long that a strike was reported in the prosperous city-state that it took some time before the media and the public recognized the action as a labor strike. The Acting Minister of Manpower quickly denounced the work stoppage as an “illegal strike” and he was joined by hundreds of commuters who were stranded for several hours.

Despite antagonizing a segment of the commuting public and the official condemnation of the bus drivers, the strike yielded some gains for the workers who were finally given a small salary increase.

In Burma, six community campsites were established by monks, farmers, and activists to stop the China-financed copper mine operation in Monywa, Sagaing Division. Protesters have rallied against the environmental impact of copper mining and also against the large-scale displacement of farmers affected by the project. For the first time since elections, the government dispatched massive riot police to drive out the protesters. Government forces have come under criticism for using excessive force, including unleashing tear gas and water cannons against peaceful monks. The crackdown is a blow to Burma’s reformist image.

The various protests mentioned in this article made headlines in their respective countries, and embody larger political trends in these nations. “Green Walk” could be an election issue in Malaysia next year. The failure of Pitak Siam has affected the strength of opposition forces in Thailand. The bus strike of foreign workers in Singapore might be a sign of growing tension between local and foreign residents in the city state. The popular protest camp highlights the grassroots resistance against numerous development projects across Burma.

Bigger protests tackling the same issues might be organized in the next few months which could make 2013 a very exciting, yet socially tense, year for Southeast Asia.

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Kabataan Partylist Votes YES to RH Bill

Vote explanation to RH Bill

Mr Speaker, three days ago, December 10, pinagdiwang po ng buong mundo, kasama ang Pilipinas, ang International Human Rights Day. Ang RH po, kapag binaligtad ang acronym na ito ay HR. At ang ibig sabihin po nito sa pulitika ay Human Rights. And this is what the RH Bill is all about. It’s about our human rights because reproductive health is a human right.

I vote YES in behalf of all young people, especially those coming from poor families, who stand to benefit the most from the passage of this bill into law. Specificially, it addresses the right of young people to access relevant information, education, and essential health services.

I vote YES because our young people deserve to be given the proper knowledge about their bodies, about their sexuality, gender relationships, and reproductive health.

I vote YES so that in the future when a young person enters government health facility, he or she can freely and confidently ask guidance and medical advice about reproductive health, and feel no stigma or discrimination.

I vote YES not because I want this government to institute population control measures; but because I want this government to provide access to health services, including reproductive health services, to all, especially the poor. Para sa bata, kabataan, kababaihan, para sa may pamilya at walang pamilya, kasal o hindi kasal.

Ang RH Bill, tama po, ay hindi solusyon sa kahirapan, at kailanman po ay hindi ko tinuring ang RH Bill na sagot sa kahirapan. Pero ang karapatan sa kalusugan, ang karapatan ng mahihirap na matugunan ang kanilang reproductive health needs, ay mahahalagang rekisitos kung nais nating itaguyod ang isang maunland na lipunan.

I vote YES, Mr Speaker

December 13, 2012
House of Representatives

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Politics in the Time of Unli

These are unli times. Categories of the infinite pervade our everyday activities: bottomless, all-in, 24/7, unli, eat and drink all you can. Suddenly, a vision of limitless reality has appeared to be the new normal for people living in our small yet disordered society.

The High Priests of Big Business are assuring us that an unli lifestyle benefits all, especially the small income earners. Indeed, unlitexting has revolutionized how people communicate today. Unlimited web surfing and skyping gave tremendous advantage to OFW households. Food, and rice in particular, miraculously became abundant at an affordable price. Night work boosted opportunities for young people, allowing them to stay in the country with their families instead of practicing their skills in foreign lands.

The dark Manila of the past is now a bright city in the evening because of 24/7 work operations in outsourcing hubs. These glorified locales, however, are peopled by caffeine-addicted workers with robot-like efficiency who are also, unfortunately, the willing victims and purveyors of consumerism. They are the ‘walking wounded’ of urban decay who are easily seduced by the alluring visual and virtual netherworld of the new mediascape.

The rise of BPO centers redefined the space-time of workplace in the country and it led to the re-imagining of the graveyard shift. It effectively demonstrated the global-local continuum of capitalism; and more symbolically, the capability of the latter to obtain monetary value from seemingly lifeless spaces, processes, objects, and subjects.

For the poor, unli deals are useful product innovations not simply because of the price but also because of the necessary illusion they create about the less than ideal situation of the present. Through the unli offers, the minimum wage appears capable of buying more goods, experience, and class. In short, embracing the potential of unli becomes part of the poor man’s survival mechanism as economic difficulties continue to linger and worsen.

For the capitalist, the unli approach is a clever way of dumping the excesses of the anarchic production system into the market. The bundling of products at a cheaper price is nothing more but a business tactic to extract more profit.

Through the concept of unli, Real Existing Poverty is obfuscated by conditioning the minds of the public that they can continuously access and enjoy the perks of middle-class lifestyle for a very reasonable cost. Hypnotizing the poor to spend their precious cash on the non-essential unli goods is important for the stability of the system since it redirects the righteous and even revolutionary rage of the exploited into a mere consumer frenzy. At the same time, it allows the capitalist to sell his surplus goods.

Today, unli and other popular categories of the infinite are interpreted through corporate lens. But building a world of limitless possibilities has always been the unfinished project of man. However, it is the capitalist class which succeeded in turning this cosmopolitan ideal into a profitable and sustainable venture. Eat, drink, play, and indulge. Without limit, without risks, without controls.

It has distracted us from pursuing our other natural passion: politics. The dominance of the capitalist version of unli has depoliticized man’s political activities like eating, drinking, playing, and communicating.

Today it’s easy to imagine a daily routine of unlitxting, unlirice, bottomless drinks, and all-in gaming. We make plans based on the 24/7 operations of companies. But these unli categories are essentially political terms. Politics is the real limitless domain of man. Politics actually determines the particular reality of our 24/7 worlds. It’s unfortunate that the power of unli is used to serve the narrow objectives of Capital. It must be rescued from the iron grip of Capital to realize its full radical potential.

An unli commitment to develop new politics. Bottomless passion to make politics useful and positive for everybody. All-in political struggles. We are after all 24/7 political animals. Unli goodness, goodwill, solidarity – and not unli profit. Unli love is all we need.

It’s quite depressing that we find it convenient to pay for an unlirice yet we think that it’s impossible for us to support a campaign to end hunger or to struggle for the improvement of the living conditions of peasants. We can ‘ride and eat all you can’ but we can’t pledge to devote a brief time for a specific cause or advocacy?

When volunteering for a very negligible period of time is the preferred form of political engagement, the use of unli for hedonistic pleasures offered by capitalism becomes scandalous.

Behold the rise of unli-influenced human beings who believe that unli is a personal privilege that someone must buy in order to maximize its power. What is forgotten is the earth-shattering impact of unli if its power is unleashed by radical politics.

Unli and other categories of the inifinite represent the noble dream of mankind to build a better world. We should not allow their political value to be diminished and distorted by the beastly capitalist machine. Unli politics is an assertion of humanity. Unlimited Unli politics is the other name of revolution. To borrow a line from GMA-7, hindi natutulog ang balita, hindi natutulog ang pulitika. Gising araw at gabi.

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Human Rights Declaration Falls Short

The document is a proclamation of governmental powers disguised as a declaration of human rights.

This was the scathing reaction of more than 50 human rights groups in Southeast Asia to the recent unveiling of a Human Rights Declaration drafted by the 10-member nations of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).

The signing of the joint declaration was supposed to be the high point during the 21st ASEAN Summit in Phnom Penh but it turned out to be an embarrassing moment when civil society groups rejected it as an “anti-human rights instrument.” It was ASEAN’s chance to prove its adherence to the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) but instead it merely made itself vulnerable to criticisms that it’s an organization comprised of “human rights-hostile governments.”

The initiative to establish the region’s first joint declaration on human rights was discussed in Laos in 2010 by the ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights. Countless officials and experts from ASEAN member countries had a hand in the drafting of the declaration. Still, key stakeholders and human rights advocates complained that they were not consulted.

When the declaration was made public this month, it was immediately dismissed by regional human rights organizations who claimed it contained provisions that distort universal standards on human rights protection. In particular, they question the wording of the declaration’s general principles which balance rights with duties and responsibilities imposed by member countries.

“…the realization of human rights must be considered in the regional and national context bearing in mind different political, economic, legal, social, cultural, historical and religious backgrounds,” a controversial provision reads.

“The exercise of human rights and fundamental freedoms shall be subject only to such limitations as are determined by law solely for the purpose of securing due recognition for the human rights and fundamental freedoms of others, and to meet the just requirements of national security, public order, public health, public safety, public morality, as well as the general welfare of the peoples in a democratic society.”

Indeed, several fundamental rights were identified in the declaration like the right to vote, the right to participate in government, and the right to form and join trade unions, but these supposedly universal rights are apparently applicable only if they conform to existing national laws and policies.

Maruah, a human rights group in Singapore, argued that the declaration subverts the concept of human rights by defining them through the lens of national governments instead of affirming them as the absolute and irrevocable rights of individuals. Maruah also derided ASEAN’s decision to include “public morality” in the document, arguing that the term is “subjective and can be interpreted in such a manner that affects people, particularly women from fulfilling their rights.”

Philippine human rights network Karapatan worries that the loopholes in the declaration would be used by state parties in the region as a “blueprint for further rights violations.”

Meanwhile, the Committee to Protect Journalists noted in a letter to U.S. President Barack Obama that the document does not have a clear mechanism for enforcement.

Even the U.S. State Department—while stating, “in principle, we support ASEAN’s efforts to develop a regional human rights declaration”—said in a statement that it was “deeply concerned that many of the ASEAN Declaration’s principles and articles could weaken and erode universal human rights and fundamental freedoms as contained in the UDHR.”

Navanethem Pillay, the UN High Commissioner on Human Rights, joined 62 local, regional, and international civil society groups by going so far as to call on ASEAN to suspend the signing of the declaration.

Taken aback by the flurry of criticisms of the declaration, ASEAN Secretary-General Surin Pitsuwan defended ASEAN saying the organization and its members “have come a long way on human rights” and contending that the group is “looking at it [human rights] in a long timeframe” with the declaration being an important step in “a progression.”

ASEAN did the right thing in conceptualizing a regional human rights agreement but its attempt to refashion human rights to suit the national interests of its members is a serious attack on the principles of human rights. Perhaps it’s wise for ASEAN to review the implementation of the declaration and consult a larger pool of stakeholders as part of a possible parth forward.

Written for The Diplomat

Obama and Human Rights in ASEAN

Economics and security matters will probably the main issues which United States President Barack Obama will discuss with leaders of Southeast Asia when he attends the 21st Summit of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations in Phnom Penh.

Aside from Cambodia, Obama will make a historic and dramatic visit to Myanmar (Burma) which would formally signal to the world that the US is quite satisfied with the reforms being undertaken by the Burmese civilian government. Obama will also visit Thailand to bolster his country’s alliance with its oldest military ally in the Asia-Pacific.

Obama is expected to renew the commitment of his government to remain an active development partner and investor in the region. His comment on the maritime and border disputes involving China and several Southeast Asian nations is also eagerly anticipated by everybody. Obama might also use this opportunity to acknowledge the role of ASEAN member countries in combating international terrorist cells in their territories.

But since this is going to be Obama’s first foreign trip after being reelected, it’s hoped that he also includes human rights protection in his agenda.

For instance, Obama can remind both Burmese President Thein Sein and opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi about their important role in reducing the ethnic tension between Rakhines and Rohingyas in Arakan State. He can persuade both leaders to recognize that the issue cannot be resolved by merely invoking the rule of law. At the minimum, he can ask the government to review its hardline policy of denying citizenship rights to Rohingya people.

In Cambodia, Obama can cite the recent study made by Human Rights Watch about the rise of unsolved and unresolved extrajudicial killings in the past two decades, which coincided with the term of incumbent Prime Minister Hun Sen. Obama can also inquire about the numerous land conflicts which have led to intensified militarization of rural areas, displacement of thousands of villagers in development sites, and death squad killings of environment activists.

The strong bilateral ties between Thailand and the U.S. should not stop Obama, hopefully, from suggesting some amendments in the controversial Lese Majeste law, which is considered by many legal scholars as the world’s harshest. The law may have been effective in protecting the royal family but it’s also being used to harass government critics and prosecute ordinary Thais which have curtailed freedom of speech and expression in the country.

While it may be unpleasant and even undiplomatic for Obama to raise these sensitive issues, it would send a strong message to the world that his government is seriously committed to advance the human rights agenda in the next four years. If the U.S. government can secure military basing agreements and enormous trade deals with ASEAN member nations, maybe it can also use its influence to secure the freedom of political prisoners, the investigation of political killings, and the review of repressive laws in the region.

Of course, Southeast Asian leaders can always retort by reminding Obama that the U.S. also has a problematic human rights record; but at least there will be an exchange of views about these taboo topics that are not often included in formal inter-government meetings.

If human rights will not be on the agenda in the ASEAN Summit, and if Obama refuses to talk about it in his speeches, expect the rights movement to raise it in alternative summits in Phnom Penh, Rangoon, and Bangkok

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