Casino Economics in Southeast Asia

By admin | November 13, 2012

Written for The Diplomat

In just a few short years gambling has become the “next big thing” throughout Southeast Asia. Casinos are sprouting up everywhere drawing a record number of tourists, generating sizeable sums for national treasuries, and reshaping the economic profile of host communities. Unfortunately, casinos have also created a slew of social problems that governments are only now beginning to confront.

Recently, Singapore and Vietnam amended their casino laws to reflect the reality that gambling has been legal and even encouraged for many years in supposedly conservative societies. In the case of Singapore, it wanted tighter regulations on the casino industry to discourage low-income groups and the unemployed from participating. On the other hand, a proposal was submitted to Vietnam’s National Assembly Standing Committee that requires investors to declare registered capital of at least U.S. $4 billion and a minimum experience of 10 years in the business before a casino license is issued to them.

Suprisingly, Singapore has emerged as Macau’s closest competitor as the preferred place to gambling in the region, despite opening its first casino only two years ago. Casino profits are soaring but the drawback is that many local residents are burdened with gambling debts. As concern over this problem has grown, Singapore has intervened to thwart it. The government already prohibits “financial vulnerable” individuals from entering casinos, with about 43,000 Singaporeans reportedly falling in this category. More strident measures are still being considered.

Singapore could perhaps look to Vietnam for a model, as the latter country has banned all locals from gambling in the casinos. Currently, Singapore collects levies from local residents if they wish to play in the casinos but this has failed to discourage the local population, including the poor, from playing in the casino centers.

Meanwhile, Vietnam’s decision to impose stringent requirements for casino operators was naturally opposed by prospective investors who wanted to establish more gaming centers in the country. The business sector in fact has reminded the government that the new rules might hurt the tourism and gaming sectors. But the revised regulation could also indicate that the government is confident that Vietnam can continue to maintain its competitiveness in attracting more casino investments.

Indeed, Vietnam’s casino industry has been a bright spot in the local economy. It has thriving casino cities which contribute much-needed dollar revenues to the local coffers and steady employment to local residents. It’s only other rival in the Indochina Peninsula is Cambodia which has at least 25 casino gaming complexes, although the frequent opening and closings of casinos in the country makes the number difficult to pinpoint.

Vietnamese and Cambodian casinos are popular because they are officially banned in Thailand and China which share land borders with both Vietnam and Cambodia. It’s no accident that casino centers in Vietnam and Cambodia are established in territories that are accessible to gamers in Thailand and China. Why fly to Macau or Las Vegas if casinos are already within reach near the border?

Cambodia’s main market is the Chinese who come ready to spend a sinful amount of money in casino centers. Even the Chinese government is encouraging its citizens to play in Cambodia’s casinos, many of which are owned or operated by Chinese nationals. Last year, Cambodia earned more than $20 million from casino taxes.

Tourism is one of the leading drivers of economic growth in Southeast Asia. The rise of casino centers means that the region is aiming to reposition itself as a gaming and gambling hub and attract cash-rich tourists. Even the Philippine government has a plan to redevelop a coastal property in Manila and transform it into a global casino complex. Southeast Asia plus Macau could soon become the largest Las Vegas paradise in the world.

It’s interesting to monitor if Thailand and Indonesia will continue to outlaw gambling despite the existence of booming underground gambling markets in both countries. Already academics and other influential persons are making the case for legalization.

Casino economics could easily improve the tax numbers of Southeast Asian countries. But governments must think twice before prioritizing casino investments because they might not be prepared to handle the various social ills that can arise from gambling. It’s important to note that several Southeast Asian countries became economic tigers without legalizing gambling. But the success of Singapore’s casino experiment and the fast-developing casino industries in Cambodia and Vietnam could change how policymakers from other countries in the region view gambling and its potential in stimulating local economic growth.

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Populist Economics in Southeast Asia

By admin | November 11, 2012

Written for The Diplomat

Governments are spending vast sums to reduce crushing poverty. While the cause is a noble one the reasoning and approach may be faulty.

Populist economics is on the rise in Southeast Asia. Politicians have been actively adopting policies that aim to impress upon the poor that governments are doing something, however trivial, to improve their conditions. It is generally a positive development but is it sustainable?

Thailand’s Thaksin Shinawatra was ousted as Prime Minister in 2006 but has remained popular among the rural poor. In fact, his younger sister is the country’s incumbent head of state. What is the reason for his enduring appeal? Maybe the great majority, especially the poor, have not forgotten his various ‘gifts’ to ordinary Thais.

Under his watch, Thaksin provided a life insurance scheme for the poor, bicycle loans for students, scholarships for indigent students, loans for low-priced TV sets and computers, loans for the purchase of taxi cabs, and cheap housing for middle income urban families. Thaksin also built fitness and day care centers in rural villages, gave educational gift packages for every newborn baby, and lowered the school fees in the country.

The targeted delivery of high-impact services to the very poor segments of the population was a component in Thaksin’s economic program which came to be known as Thaksinomics. This proved to be highly successful, at least politically, in boosting the image of Thaksin as hero of the masses.

As expected, Thaksin’s critics accused him of resorting to populism to win the political support of the poor. But Thaksin was perhaps vindicated when his political enemies adopted his approach of giving special gifts to the poor. The administration of Abhisit Vejjajiva not only provided free bus and train rides and free water allowances to poor citizens, it also unveiled what it called nine “New Year gifts” to the people which involved, among other things, loan access for informal workers, registration of motorcycle-taxi drivers, recognition of street hawkers, maintaining the price of cooking gas and free use of electricity.

Yingluck defeated Abhisit’s party in last year’s elections and following her victory she immediately signaled her intent to continue the legacy of her elder brother when it comes to social welfare programs. Aside from reviving some of Thaksin’s programs like the rice mortgage policy, Yingluck has some new gifts to offer to her constituents. Some of the more to controversial among these include the commitment to raise the minimum wage and the entry salary for university-educated civil servants. Yingluck also vowed to distribute free tablet computers to first graders. She also set-up a women’s development fund to promote the well-being of the women sector.

Similarly, Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak has expanded the assistance schemes, cash handouts, housing and healthcare initiatives that are conceptualized to help the needy and jobless. The Bantuan Rakyat 1 Malaysia 2.0 program, which will begin dispensing aid in early 2013, is expected to cover 4.3 million households and 2.7 million single individuals aged 21 and older. 4.78 million households are said to have benefited from the program, BR1M, which didn’t cover single individuals.

Under the program, households with outcomes under RM 3,000 receive an allocation of RM500 (U.S. $167.48), while single individuals aged 21 or older who have a monthly income of RM 2,000 or less also receive aid.

Health care is another aspect of the program. It was already announced that 70 new clinics will be set-up next year. The facilities are expected to provide blood test services including cholesterol, glucose and urine tests. The government also plans to upgrade 350 clinics nationwide and distribute 150 dialysis machines in public hemodialysis centers nationwide.

In the states of Sabah, Sarawak and Labuan, the government also is seeking to uplift the poor by building 80,000 new houses with selling prices between RM100,000 and RM400,000 per unit.

Under the 1Malaysia Welfare Program, funds will be allocated to assist senior citizens, children, disabled workers, and the chronically ill. The government is also providing funding to train the children of Indian estate workers who do poorly on their exams.

Similar to Malaysia and Thailand, the Philippines has its own version of providing specific services to the poor. Known as Pantawid Pamilyang Pilipino Program or the Conditional Cash Transfer, it aims to help 4.3 million poor households by 2016. The program enrolls beneficiaries who are required to attend seminars before receiving cash gifts from the government. Parents are also required to send their children to schools and to report to the nearest health center for vaccines and medical check-ups. The program has been praised by the World Bank and, as of July 1st of this year, it had provided support to “3,041,152 household beneficiaries in 1,400 cities and municipalities in 79 provinces in all 17 regions nationwide” according to a government statement.

It’s quite possible that the Southeast Asian governments decided to adopt these populist measures to enhance their electoral and political success. But this does not work all the time. For example, Thaksin was still booted out of power by a military coup despite his popularity, while his successor, Abhisit, lost badly in the polls despite his administration’s New Year’s gifts to the poor.

Regardless of their real impact on electoral politics, there’s no denying that the so-called populist measures in the region have tended to strengthen national leaders’ ties with the poor.

After witnessing the poor conditions in Kampung Bantal, Najib offered his 1Malaysia Welfare Program as a key intervention to uplift the lives of the people there. “Folks here survive on basic necessities and their low income makes life even harder for them to cope. As a responsible Prime Minister, I must never allow people like the folks in Kampung Bantal to be left out from the country’s development,” Najib has said.

“Hardworking Malaysians should not be punished by the escalating cost of living. Therefore my government, while working hard to ensure persistent economic growth, will not compromise the interest of the poor and the working class,” he added.

Similarly, facing criticism for the supposed ineffectiveness of his cash transfer program, Philippine President Benigno Aquino III challenged the opposition to take their case directly to the poor. During his annual state of the nation address last July, Aquino said: “If you take issue with the fact that 5.2 million of the country’s poorest households can now avail of quality healthcare services without worrying about the cost, then look them straight in the eye and tell them, ‘I do not want you to get better.’ If it angers you that three million Filipino families have been empowered to fulfill their dreams because of Pantawid Pamilya, then look them straight in the eye and tell them, ‘I will take away the hope you now have for your future.’”

Populist measures often do benefit the party in power which is why scholars commonly discuss the possible politicization of poverty alleviation programs. In Malaysia, for example, some NGOs are questioning why politicians, instead of welfare agencies, are distributing the cash vouchers to beneficiaries.

Another concern is the sustainability of these programs which require a large amount of financing. This is being made clear in Thailand where Yingluck is facing a lot of difficulties in fulfilling all her campaign promises, in particular the commitment to raise the minimum wage.

Other academics are also arguing that that cash transfers and other dole outs are unimaginative and “band-aid solutions” to the chronic and systemic problem of intergenerational poverty. They want public funds to be used instead to build schools, health centers, and mass housing. Activists in the Philippines in particular have decried the expansion of cash handouts at the expense of other social service expenditures.

The rise of populist policies in Southeast Asia aimed at uplifting the disenfranchised is depressing proof that the impressive economic growth in the region has not been inclusive. Behind the glowing statistics revealed by robust stock market indexes, export numbers, and rising GDP rates is a story of a region suffering from extreme economic inequality. It is no accident that Thailand, which suffered badly in the 1997 financial crisis, was among the first to experiment with policies that seek to bridge the gap between the poorest of the poor and the rest of society.

Populist economics has its clear benefits but remains an inferior alternative to the more comprehensive approach of finding long-term economic solutions to the age-old problems of poverty, inequality, and deprivation.

Related articles:

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Posted in economy | Tagged | Leave a comment

Where do spouses live?

By admin | November 7, 2012

There was a time when La Vista Subdivision in Katipunan, Quezon City had three residents sitting as senators of the Republic compared to none for the whole island of Mindanao. Today La Vista is still home of the powerful and the very rich. In fact, its three most famous residents are all members of the 15th Congress, and they all live on the same street.

Aside from La Vista, where are the other exclusive domains of rich people in Metro Manila. Perhaps a reliable reference is the home addresses of members the House of Representatives, an institution which remains a house of multimillionaires. The House does not publish the residential addresses of its members but interestingly, the Congressional Spouses Foundation Inc. (CSFI) has released its official directory which features the contact details, birthdays, wedding anniversaries, and even home addresses of its members.

It’s good that spouses are more open in revealing the privileged hideouts of our legislators.

So where do the spouses live?

Curiously, only 34 members of the CSFI listed their homes in their respective districts in the provinces as their official residential addresses. It means majority of spouses are based in Metro Manila.

About 26 members are living in a condominium or townhouse. 12 members are living in Filinvest, 11 in Capitol Homes, 8 in Ayala Alabang, 7 in Valle Verde, and 7 in Forbes Park. Other prominent villages are Greenhills (6), BF Homes (6), Teachers’ Village (5), New Manila (5), Corinthian Gardens (4), Fairview (5), Dasmarinas (4), San Lorenzo (3), Loyola Heights (3), Loyola Grand Villas (3), and Pasong Tamo (3).

Many members are probably unaware that their colleagues are living in adjacent villages. For example in Tierra Pura, Tierra Bella, and Tierra Verde in Quezon City. There are members residing in the villages of Magallanes, Salcedo, Legaspi, and Bel-air in Makati.

Quite unusual that there are spouses or CSFI-nominated members of some Metro Manila legislators who are not residing in the city district of the House member.

Quezon City is clearly the home of most legislators, whether officially at work (Batasan) or in their private lives. Other top choices are Pasig, Makati, and Taguig.

The directory allows us to map out the residential homes of our legislators but it has its limitations too. There are 33 CSFI members who didn’t share any information about their home address. Furthermore, some CSFI members are not spouses but siblings, parents, children, and even staff members. The directory needs to be updated too because some members might be separated already with their spouses.

Still, the directory is useful for advocates of open government and good governance. Researchers can compare the listed address in the CSFI directory with the Statement of Assets, Liabilities and Net Worth or SALN of legislators. If the conjugal property in Ayala Alabang is not declared in the SALN, then the legislator has to provide the public with a convincing explanation.

A mapping project that focuses on the home addresses of legislators can provide a glimpse of the hidden world of politicians. Who are their neighbors? What do they see everyday that influence their views and decisions? How connected or detached are they from the rest of society? Are they living in luxury while surrounded by a sea of poverty outside their gates?

It can help us verify too if policymakers are living in the same residential hubs of contractors, corporate executives, lobbyists, and even retired generals. We can affirm the ‘truthiness’ of the statement that ‘political and economic power is concentrated in a few gated subdivisions in Metro Manila.’

The social networks may be expanding in the virtual world but it seems the social circles of the rich and powerful continue to be off-limits to most people.

Secrecy, privacy, confidentiality – these are the supreme, inalienable rights that rich people often invoke to ward off the probing eyes of dirty mortals. The same rights that the poor often surrender when they enroll for government welfare programs or when they stand in the way of commercial development.

In the name of privacy, the humble abode of legislators is not revealed to the public. But thanks to the innocent sharing of pleasantries and trivial information between spouses, this classified data is partially disclosed. Now we know that legislators who claim to be representatives of the poor spend their idle days and nights in lowly villages like Forbes Park, Corinthians, and Dasmarinas.

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Tribute to House Secretariat

By admin | November 5, 2012

Talumpati sa flag ceremony ng House of Representatives

Magandang umaga sa inyong lahat, mga kapwa ko kawani sa pamahalaan. Una, ako po ay nagpapasalamat sa karangalang magsalita sa ating flag ceremony ngayong araw na ito.

Matagal ko na pong iniisip kung matatapos ko ba ang aking termino nang hindi mabibigyan ng pagkakataon na maging panauhin sa ating lingguhang flag ceremony. Kaya ako po ay lubusang nagalak nang makatanggap ng imbitasyon na magsalita ngayong umaga. Dahil long weekend (napuyat sa kakapost ng pictures sa facebook), ang hirap bumangon kanina, ang bigat sa paa, at hirap kumbinsihin ang katawan na maghanda para sa trabaho. Pero para sa akin, spesyal ang araw na ito.

Mayroong lamang 52 weeks sa isang taon, at sa isang termino, hindi laglagpas sa 150 ang bilang ng mambabatas na makakapagsalita sa harap ninyo tuwing Lunes. Kaya para sa akin, mapalad ang mambabatas, at kami po ay mahigit 285 na ngayon, na napiling tumindig at magsalita tuwing lunes ng umaga. Kaya ang magsalita sa flag ceremony ay matuturing na privilege speech dahil ito ay tunay na pribilehiyo. [UPDATE: Buwanan na lang daw ang asembliya sa harap ng Batasan para sa flag ceremony]

Hindi lang simboliko ang mga flag ceremony. Lahat ng kawani ay magbibigay galang sa watawat at uulitin ang sumpa bilang lingkod bayan. Sa tingin ko mahalaga itong ritwal upang ipakita ang pagkakaisa sa loob ng institusyon at upang ipaalala sa bawat isa kung ano ang ating tungkulin sa taongbayan.

Ilang ulit na rin akong naimbitahan na magsalita sa mga flag ceremony – sa mga paaralan, munisipyo, kapitolyo, at maging sa ibang mga ahensiya ng pamahalaan – at pansin ko lang na andun lahat: ang principal, si kapitan, si mayor, si governor, mga konsehal, mga bukal, ang Cabinet secretary. At silang lahat, kasamang bibigkas ng panata bilang opisyal ng bayan.

Sa tingin ko, at ito ang aking munting mungkahi, dapat gawin din natin yun dito sa ating House of Representatives. Simulan natin ang tradisyon na bawat miyembro ng kamara ay inaasahang lumahok sa lingguhang flag ceremony. Hindi ba’t kamakailan lang ay naging isyu ang pagliban ng ilang Supreme Court justices sa kanilang flag ceremony? Panahon na siguro upang idagdag sa tungkulin ng mga mambabatas, kasama ang kanilang mga opisina, ang pagpunta sa mga flag ceremony, sa kanilang distrito o dito mismo sa Batasan.

Palaging nababanggit sa mga balita ang mataas na public trust rating ng House of Representatives. With due respect to my colleagues, dapat kilalanin ang mahalagang papel ng House Secretariat kung bakit positibo ang imahen ng HRep. Kayo ang tagapagtaguyod sa Kongreso ng mamamayan. Ang mga miyembro ay hindi permanente dahil may term limit, ang dominanteng political party ngayon ay baka minority na lang sa susunod, hindi lahat ay babalik sa 16th Congress. Pero kayo, kayo na mananatili sa institusyon ay saksi at tagapagpatuloy ng kasaysayan ng bayan. At higit pa rito, lingid sa kaalaman ng marami, kayo ang gumagawa ng kalakhan ng trabaho ng mga mambabatas.

Noong 14th Congress, nang ako po ay unang maging congressman, may nagsabi sa akin na ang Kongreso raw ang best retirement place para sa mga beteranong pulitiko. Sabi kasi niya kahit hindi ka pumasok, mananatili kang congressman. After three years and two terms, masasabi ko na may bahid ng katotohanan ang pahayag na ito. Pero dapat kong idagdag na madali o gumagaan ang trabaho namin kasi ang bigat ay pinapasan ng House Secretariat.

Walang dahilan para maging zero ang output mo dito sa Kongreso. Sa totoo lang, lahat ng aming dapat gawin, lahat ng aming pangangailangan ay ginagawa na ng House Secretariat. Paggawa ng batas o resolusyon? Nandiyan ang Bill Drafting. Research at pagsusuri sa budget, mayroon tayong CPBD. Salamat sa mga agency budget notes, nagiging matalino ang debate sa mga budget interpellation. Lahat ng dokumento, libro, mga materyaleshinggil sa maraming isyu ay handang ibigay sa amin ng secretariat. Kung kinakailangan ng RTD o policy briefing, maaari ding gawin.

Mayroon tayong legal service, library, security, engineering, IPRD, may media service na tumutulong para i-broadcast ang aming mga aktibidad. Salamat sa committee affairs at plenary service at ang aming mga maling grammar sa deliberasyon ay hindi mapapansin ng publiko at ng susunod na henerasyon kung babasahin ang mga House Journal at House records.

Hindi na kailangan ng mga tarpaulin para ibalita ng bawat isa sa amin kung ano ang aming mga programa. May sarili namang printing press ang Kongreso at dahil sa franking privilege ay pwedeng idiretso ang aming mga liham sa aming constituents.

Kung gayon, wala ng dapat pang gawin ang mambabatas kundi ang pumasok sa trabaho. Pumunta sa committee hearing at magpakita sa roll call sa plenary ng 4pm. Hindi ko maintindihan kung bakit tila ang hirap-hirap para sa ilan ang magpakita sa session samantalang tinitiyak naman ng House Secretariat na alaga at ligtas ang mga miyembro. May lounge (sira ang diet ng marami kapag Lunes hanggang Miyerkules; araw-araw kapag budget season), clinic, gym, day care, bangko, at hindi problema ang parking space.

Sinasabi ko ito hindi upang kumutya kundi upang una, ipabatid sa inyo na kung ano man ang kritisismo ng publiko sa work ethic ng maraming congressman ay hindi wasto at hindi akmang ilapat sa inyo; at pangalawa, magpasalamat sa inyong tulong, sipag, at katapatan sa paggampan ng inyong tungkulin. Mapalad ang 286 House Members dahil may efficient House Secretariat na gumagawa ng kanilang trabaho, araw-araw. Palagi kaming nagbabakasyon pero ang House Secretariat subsob sa gawain sa Batasan.

This is my second, and also my last term, as a youth representative. Gusto ko pong ipaalam sa inyo na sa nakalipas na tatlong taon, at home ako dito sa House kasi mababait, matatalino at may puso ang mga kawani. Maraming salamat po at magandang umaga.

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Politics is the Medium

By admin | November 2, 2012

Jose Rizal wrote Noli Me Tangere and El Filibusterismo in Spanish, a foreign language to most indios in late 19th century Philippines. But Noli and Fili became an instant hit among the masa, and the two novels succeeded in inspiring many people to rise up against Spanish colonialism. It was much later before they were translated into Filipino and English and only a few hundred original copies were actually distributed in the country because censors immediately confiscated the books. So how did the people learn about the Noli and Fili? How did they know about the famous characters in the novels like Crisostomo Ibarra, Simoun, Maria Clara, Elias, Basilio, Sisa, Padre Damaso? Were they agitated by a book they didn’t read? Did Noli and Fili spark a revolution even if only few people understood their literary merits?

The novels were written by the genius Rizal but their dissemination, popularization, and conversion from social novel to revolutionary manifesto were achieved because of politics. Rizal was not the first to stir the nationalist sentiments in the country. That Rizal dedicated his novel to the memory of Gomburza, the three martyred priests in Cavite, reflected the turbulent political milieu that time which could also mean that the situation was ripe for a major, and even revolutionary shuffling.

Like other great works of art, Rizal’s novels mirrored social reality. But they also fanned the burning desire for independence. The decision of authorities to suppress the novels, and the anti-Rizal church sermons only managed to further arouse the interest of the people about the controversial books and their author. Unknowingly, the state and the church were the initial publicists of Rizal.

The novels then gained material force when people began to pick bits and pieces from the novels and reinterpreted them to rationalize their particular situation and justify the yearning for change. The ideas embedded in the novels became subversive in real life when revolutionaries invoked them to recruit and mobilize more people against the Spaniards.

In short, publishing the Noli was not the only radical act. To write a novel that accurately depicted the struggles between the old and new order was a bold political statement. But using the novel to spread or block an idea enhanced the political value of the material.

Art becomes more than an art if the people integrate it in their political struggles.

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A propaganda material is a worthless piece of paper if it didn’t reach its intended beneficiaries. But reproduction of materials is not enough. Sample ballots are printed in the millions but their volume doesn’t guarantee election victory. Politics is crucial to determine the effectiveness of propaganda.

Kalayaan was the official paper of the revolutionary group Katipunan. The journal was meant to inform the people about the anti-Spanish struggle, and to increase the membership of the KKK. But Kalayaan only had one issue and circulation was very limited. Most of the indios in 1896 Manila were unable to read the paper. But the single issue of Kalayaan is credited for the phenomenal expansion of the KKK. How was this possible?

Political organizing broadened the reach of the paper. The Kalayaan echoed the political sentiment of the majority which KKK cadres consistently and aggressively articulated in their community work. The illiterate indios if recruited by the KKK could easily understand the political propaganda contained in Kalayaan. The Kalayaan readers and the overnight radicals enlisted by the KKK are both informed of the objectives and vision of the coming KKK uprising. In this way, the Kalayaan rose to become a sinister political specter in the eyes of the Spanish bureaucracy. Its real threat was exaggerated as it became more dangerous in the eyes of the enemies.

The success of Kalayaan proved that the distribution of information in society is not solely dependent on the actual reach of mass media networks. Politics, political tactics, political work can significantly enhance the limited influence of a media statement.

The primacy of politics over media or the multiplier effect of politics in shaping public information is evident in Philippine history. The radio delivered the news about the resistance movement during the Second World War but it was the relentless struggle of the people’s army that ensured the country’s liberation. The perseverance of the so-called mosquito opposition press during Martial Law should be commended but news about the anti-Marcos struggle was more effectively reported to the people, especially those living in the remote villages, by the underground communist network. A radio broadcast first signaled the call to troop to Edsa in 1986 but the people’s organizations which have deeper links in the grassroots were able to mobilize the massive crowd in the streets that ousted the dictator.

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Today, politics is equated with conversations. Citizens who fight over politics are content to be netizens who fight over rhetorics, semantics, and even hashtags. Those who passionately rejected the weapons of mass destruction in the past are now willing victims of the internet, the world’s weapon of mass distraction.

Media worship is shamelessly practiced. Social media is hailed as the new political battlefield where the ordinary mortal has the power to engage, criticize, and embarrass the powerful elite. The duty of everybody is to participate in the conversations hoping that it would lead to better political debates. But most of the time, netizens who are bombarded with bits and bytes of trivial data merely reiterate the opinion of an opinion of another person. The lazy ones do not even bother to repeat a commentary; they simply ‘like’ the comment of a comment.

Nothing wrong if citizens are still trying to comprehend the political content of the Information Machinery. What is worrisome is that everybody is jumping into the information craze without being guided by a major political project or political goal. Opinion-making is heralded as the new politics. What happened to political actions that dismantle oppressive structures? After independence, after democracy, the next great political act is to rant for the sake of transparency and openness?

There is a deluge of information in society but politics is lacking. Information in search of politics. Politics-less Information. The result is an infinite exchange of unoriginal views while the traditional political structures remain intact.

Disturbing that the goal of well-meaning political animals these days is to launch a viral video, a sensational graphic, a witty one-liner, an explosive status update. The political moment is the launching of a new campaign page in a stylish website. Collective action is reduced to crowdsourcing. Fine. But where is politics? Information for what? Information for whom?

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Posted in media | Tagged , , | Leave a comment

Sulong Baler

By admin | October 29, 2012

Mensahe sa piyesta ng Baler, Aurora

Binabati ng Kabataan Partylist ang mga kababayan natin sa Baler, Aurora na kamakailan lamang ay buong siglang pinagdiwang ang ika-403 taon ng pagkakatatag ng inyong bayan.

Isang malaking karangalan ang maging panauhing tagapagsalita sa inyong piyesta. Sa aking unang pagbisita sa Baler, agad kong nasaksihan ang mayamang kultura, kasaysayan, at mga tanyag na tanawin ng inyong bayan. Napamangha ako sa mga kuwento ng pagsisikap ng mga taga-Baler na itaguyod ang komunidad sa kabila ng maraming hamon, balakid, at mga pagsubok sa nakalipas na 400 taon.

Angkop ang pagtukoy sa pagkalinga sa kalikasan bilang tema ng piyesta ngayong taon. Ang yamang likas at biyaya ng lupa ay dapat bigyan ng proteksiyon para sa susunod na salinlahi. Dapat itong gamitin hindi para sa kapakinabangan ng iilan kundi para ipamana sa bagong henerasyon. Mainam na simulan ang paglinang ng maka-kalikasang kaisipan sa hanay ng kabataan.

Saksi tayo sa maraming sakuna nitong nakaraang dekada na kumitil ng buhay ng marami at sumira sa ating mga kabuhayan. Kalakhan ng mga trahedya sa bansa ay dinulot ng maduming aktibidad ng tao at ng ating mababaw na pagpapahalaga sa kalikasan. Nawa’y naunawaan na ng lahat, lalo na ng ating mga lider sa bansa, ang malubhang galit at ganti ng kalikasan kung hahayaan natin ang pagsalaula sa mga bundok at tubigan.

Kadugtong ng tema ng piyesta ay ang panawagan na magkaisa ang lahat upang ang kapaligiran ay manatiling malinis at payapa. Tunay na dapat maging iisa ang ating tinig sa ating pagsusulong ng pag-unlad na may respeto sa karapatan at kalikasan. Pag-unlad hindi polusyon. Pag-unlad para sa lahat.

Ang hamon ay para sa mga kabataan na pangunahan ang laban para sa kinabukasan na maaliwalas at malinis. Nag-aaral habang naglilingkod sa bayan; nagtataguyod ng maunlad at malinis na pamayanan; lumalaban para sa tama habang winawaksi ang mga maling gawi.

Ang modelo ng Baler ay dapat patuloy na pagyamanin. Isang bayan na hindi nakakalimot sa aral ng nakaraan habang nililikha ang kasalukuyan mula sa sama-samang pagkilos ng mamamayan.

Maraming salamat sa pagkakataon na maging bahagi ng inyong selebrasyon ngayong taon. Ituring ninyo ang inyong lingkod at ang Kabataan partylist bilang inyong dagdag na boses at kinatawan sa Kongreso.

Sulong Baler!

Posted in speeches | Tagged | 1 Comment

Radicalism. Reformism

By admin | October 16, 2012

Eschew reformism. Embrace radicalism.

Reformism is what we remembered in kindergarten; radicalism is what the school of life teaches us.

Reformism is when you expose a school bully to your teacher. Radicalism is when you question the schooling system that breeds bullies; then you move to replace it with a new one.

Reformism is the creative and smart campaigning within the limits of the existing political system. Radicalism is the forced intertwining of numerous reformisms to expedite the destruction of the old decaying system until a new order has emerged.

Reformism is what dictators prefer. The dictators, guardians of the eternal present, exaggerate the threat posed by petty reforms to make people think that reformist victories are enough to weaken and change the system.

Politicians whether of old or new stripes are natural purveyors of reformism. They misrepresent reformism as history-in-the-making when in fact it slows down the unveiling of new histories. They wanted to replace the old guards but are reluctant to surrender the perks of being in power. Unable to imagine a new political set-up where they can rule without challenge, they end up supporting minor causes and micro reforms that do not inflict any significant damage to the beastly machine.

Reformism is the tragicomedy of politics. Entertaining yet ultimately dull, necessary yet inevitably superficial, effective yet undeniably overrated.

A reformist goal once achieved should be the cue to intensify and raise the level of struggle. Unfortunately, the romantic reformists would insist to extend the debate over messy, trivial details. They often raise incessant noise over the supposed non representation, exclusion, non consultation of the foreign funded grouplings and other racketeers.

Reformism is what radicals actually do everyday. It features the basics of activism: live with the grassroots, identify the issue, research, inform, explain, educate, propagate, advocate, petition, organize, network, lobby, mobilize. Repeat.

But why stop with a single reformism? What’s wrong with multiple reformisms? Radicalism is multiple reformism, plus more. Radicalism is unlimited reformism. Combine the reformism of one sector with another sector, then advance a political demand that does not merely require some bureaucratic tweakings.

Why make the political process complicated? Because history (and political reality) has taught us that the dominant party in power would not allow a major disruption in the system. What they are willing to offer is to accommodate some peripheral reordering of some highly visible sub-pillars in the political-economic structure without altering the core of the system.

Radicals would participate in the process to argue their position without surrendering some non-negotiable demands. Their presence can either bring some valuable reforms or reduce the onerous and repressive features of state sponsored initiatives. But radicals, being radicals, would always push the limits of mainstream politics. They would unmask the seemingly bright potential of the status quo; and more importantly, remind the people that there is a better alternative.

For reformists, the alternative is to be recognized by the prettified exploiters as the glorified subalterns of civil society. For radicals, the alternative is to use the reformisms of the present to build a new world in the future. Radicals are part time reformists who believe that man is capable of achieving greater political victories instead of merely begging for crumbs from the state.

Reformists are closet radicals who got tired of waiting for the unfolding of History. Emptied of its radical essence, their politics becomes an attractive accessory to mainstream politics which is desperate of political validation. Regarded to be as more credible than traditional politicians, they are given the crucial task of transforming the great and fighting political enthusiasm of the grassroots into a non-antagonistic albeit cohesive lobby force.

To justify their disdain for militant politics, reformists insist they are able to generate concrete and immediate political results that allegedly alleviate the conditions of the poor. Radicals, according to reformists, are guilty of prolonging the unnecessary suffering of the people they aimed to serve.

But reformism cannot exist without the specter of radicalism.

The popular reformisms today were radical ideas of the past. The doable, practical reform measures of the present were once viewed as utopian imaginations. But old old radicals, despite the ridicule and persecution they received, fulfilled their political task and persevered until their wild ideas gained material force in society. If some radicals today seem less active in chewable reformisms, maybe because their attention is directed towards the struggle for the unpopular but essential radical politics that could evolve as the mainstream ethos in the future.

Reformists are easily absorbed by the state machinery in order to displace the subversives and ‘troublemakers’ in the open political arena. Reformists need the presence of radicals to terrorize the tiny clique of exploiters in society. Reformists often invoke the radical threat to force the state to accept and legislate reformist measures.

Radicalism created the so-called democratic space which reformists claim to be of their doing. Afraid of the creeping revolution, the state compromised by unleashing little waves of reform and welfare measures. The reforms were conceived to tame the revolutionary upheaval and not to please the self-styled reformists. The lesson is clear: The best approach to reformism is to launch an all-out radicalism.

Pity the persons who equate reformism as the pinnacle of political engagement. Radicalism, anyone?

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Southeast Asia’s Internet Dilemma

By admin | October 11, 2012

Written for The Diplomat

Surveillance cameras at internet cafés, harsh accountability standards for webmasters and the specter of self-censorship have many questioning the future of Internet freedom.

The rise of information and communication technologies has not only revolutionized how people interact with each other but also forced many governments to operate in significantly altered political landscapes.

In some cases governments can help unleash the full potential of an open and free internet; for instance, by ensuring that the web is accessible and affordable to all. On the other hand, governments can also seek to inhibit such access.

The latter seems to be the case in Southeast Asia where, under the cloak of exorcising the evils of cyber crimes, governments have enacted numerous laws that undermine the people’s internet freedom and civil liberties.

For example, the Cambodian government is enforcing legislation drafted earlier this year which requires internet cafés to set up surveillance cameras and to register users. It’s supposedly a crime prevention measure but critics have argued that it violates privacy rights. It could easily be used as well to harass online critics of the government. This fear is perhaps not entirely baseless considering that the government instructed local internet service providers to block several opposition websites a year ago.

Meanwhile, in Singapore, the proposed Code of Conduct for bloggers which didn’t get a favorable response from the local internet community was finally discarded by the government in favor of a Media Literacy Council. Established in August, the council is tasked to promote public education on media literacy and cyber wellness. But critics have questioned the lack of transparency in appointing the members of the council which is seen by some as another internet censorship tool. They are worried that the council might promote a narrow and twisted interpretation of media literacy to prevent netizens from freely expressing their views and sentiments.

Recently, the Philippines enacted the Anti-Cybercrime Law which aims to prevent cyberspace from degenerating into a “lawless realm.” But the law was described as a threat to media freedom by journalists who protested the last-minute inclusion of libel into the law. Instead of decriminalizing libel, which has been the demand of media groups for years, the government enacted a law which increased the prison term for libel. Furthermore, lawyers have cited a provision in the law which empowers the Department of Justice to shut down any computer data system that violates the law. Also, the agency has the authority to instantly censor harmful or illicit web content even if the evidence submitted to the government is not conclusive.

Like the Philippines, Malaysia has introduced amendments in the law which could curtail internet freedom. Under section 114A of the revised Evidence Act of 1950, law enforcement authorities are able to identify the persons who should be made accountable for uploading or publishing content on the internet. These persons are those who own, administer and edit websites, blogs and online forums. Also included in the amendment are persons who offer webhosting services or internet access. This means that a blogger or forum moderator who allows seditious comments on their site is liable under the law. An internet café manager is accountable if his customer sends illegal content online through the store’s WiFi network. A mobile phone owner is the outright suspect if defamatory content is traced back to his electronic device. Media freedom advocates have warned that the amendment could force online writers to resort to self-censorship and web moderators could disallow critical comments in order to avoid prosecution and harassment suits.

The Philippines and Malaysia may have been inspired by Thailand’s experience which has gained notoriety for using restrictive laws to punish government critics. Article 112 of Thailand’s criminal code is often described as the world’s harshest lèse majesté (anti-royal insult) law. The controversial law is often invoked to censor web content and shut down websites. Aside from webmasters, even ordinary citizens have been jailed for allegedly sending mobile phone text messages that insult the royal family. Scholars and activists have been demanding a reform in the antiquated law but the government has dismissed the petition.

Elsewhere, Vietnam has distinguished itself as the leading nation in the region with the largest number of jailed journalists (worldwide only Iran and China have more according to Reporters Without Borders). Even the Prime Minister has openly criticized some opposition-leaning bloggers whom he accused of fomenting disunity in the country. The government has taken up the habit of intermittently blocking popular social network sites and arresting bloggers accused of spreading subversive demands.

Governments in the region have justified the imposition of harsh web policies ostensibly to protect the rights of ordinary internet users and uphold public morality. While they pay homage to the positive wonders generated by the internet, they are also wary of the numerous crimes committed in cyberspace.

For example, Singapore’s Media Development Authority defended the creation of the Media Literacy Council by highlighting the need to instill awareness about the proliferation of illegal web activities that victimize the youth. “Social issues such as bullying, scamming, preying on the young and inappropriate comments have found new outlets and been magnified through the multiplier effects of the internet and social media,” the agency warned.

Similarly, the Cambodian government has also invoked public welfare concepts. It added that terrorist acts and other transboundary crimes which affect national traditions and cultural values are often done using telecommunications services.

Philippine Senator Edgardo Angara, the principal author of the Cybercrime Prevention Act, is confident that the law is necessary to bring out the benefits of the internet. “With this law, we hope to encourage the use of cyberspace for information, recreation, learning and commerce. By protecting all users from abuse and misuse, we enable netizens to use cyberspace more productively… Its enactment sends out a strong message to the world that the Philippines is serious about keeping cyberspace safe,” Angara said.

It’s convenient for governments in the region to raise the specter of cybercrimes and web misuse, but in many instances they exaggerated the threats to impose highly punitive measures and stricter media control. Their real aim could be to tame cyberspace and regulate it in the manner that they have successfully controlled traditional media. Web regulation has been deemed necessary because the existence of an unbridled new media has threatened the political hegemony of the political elite.

Online citizen movements have been quite successful in exposing the sinister motives of politicians who wanted to censor the internet but so far they have failed to prevent governments from implementing programs and laws that restrict free speech on the web. Southeast Asian governments, it seems, have been actively studying internet laws in the region and have been exchanging practices on how to effectively manage the dangerous potential of the internet. It’s time for Southeast Asian netizens to counter this disturbing regional trend with their own brand of regional cyber activism.

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Big Brother Obama

By admin | October 10, 2012

Published by the CNN

The Obama phenomenon that swept the world in 2008 didn’t end that year. Well, at least in the Philippines anyway, where it continued to inspire my compatriots to look for national leaders in the Obama mold.

Indeed, the 2010 Philippine presidential election was quite surreal, what with all the candidates presenting themselves as a kind of Filipino Obama. They all offered hope, they promised change, they tapped the power of the ubiquitous new media, and they mobilized young voters.

But there could only be one winner in that race: Benigno Aquino III, the son of former President Cory Aquino and democracy icon Ninoy Aquino. The similarities between Aquino and Obama were evident to many. Both were young senators before becoming presidents of their respective countries. They were catapulted to power at a time when there was a huge clamor for change amid the various aachallenges facing the two nations. The United States was reeling from the Wall Street financial mess, which also affected smaller economies like the Philippines. Both Aquino and Obama inherited the presidency from very unpopular presidents. In short, there was an expectation among the people in both countries that their new leader would deliver results fast, with substantial reforms in governance.

After four years in the White House, the Obama presidency seems secure, although critics say it has failed on many counts, such as reversing the downturn in the economy. Some have also accused Obama of merely expanding the policies of his much-loathed predecessor.

But Obama has remained a popular figure in the Philippines despite some U.S. criticism of his allegedly weak leadership. Many Filipinos are aware of Obama’s domestic troubles, but this doesn’t seem to put them off. Maybe they agree with Obama’s excuse that the country’s problems were caused by the mismanagement of the previous administration. (An argument, incidentally, used by Aquino who, after only two years in power, is already accused of reneging on his numerous campaign promises).

Regardless, Obama’s enduring popularity in the Philippines is not entirely a mystery. The Obama magic may have waned, but the leader of the most powerful nation in the world still has widespread appeal here. And believe it or not, there are still many Filipinos who consider the half century of American colonial rule as a benevolent episode in the country’s history. Most Filipinos are proud of their special ties with the United States, and they expect American politicians to honor this friendship.

In many Filipino eyes, Obama has done more than maintain good relations with the Philippines – he has taken bold action on affirming the earlier commitment of American leaders to protect the security and defense of the Philippines against external aggressors. Filipinos interpreted Obama’s pledge to “consult closely” with Manila as a declaration of support for the Philippines, which is currently embroiled in a maritime dispute with China. They are grateful also for the steady arrival of U.S. military assistance. In other words, the U.S. under Obama is still a Big Brother for many Filipinos.

As for Mitt Romney, he is also relatively popular in the Philippines, but he is known simply as the political rival of Obama. Unlike John McCain, who spent time at the U.S. military base in the Philippines during the Vietnam War, Romney seems to have no special connection with the Philippines. Yet if he wins, he will still get the support of Filipinos in the same way that George W. Bush was still warmly welcomed here despite his disastrous foreign policies. No American president has been rejected by Filipinos since the country gained its independence from the United States in 1946.

One issue that has the potential to influence the opinion of Filipinos with regard to the U.S. elections is business process outsourcing. Some Americans complain that U.S. companies have been outsourcing some of their services to other countries. Next to India, the Philippines is a leading outsourcing destination, meaning Filipinos are naturally wary of policy statements from American politicians favoring the reduction of outsourcing investments to other countries.

As a result of all this, expect Filipinos to be watching what the candidates say very closely.

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Malaysia’s Sinister Internet Law

By admin | September 24, 2012

Malaysians are right to protest the recent amendments that the government made to the Evidence Act of 1950. Although they deal specifically with the internet, the amendments could have wider implications on media freedom, democracy, and human rights.

Section 114A of the bill seeks “to provide for the presumption of fact in publication in order to facilitate the identification and proving of the identity of an anonymous person involved in publication through the internet.” In other words, the section makes it easier for law enforcement authorities to trace the person who has uploaded or published material posted online.

According to the amended law, however, the originators of the content are those who own, administer, and/or edit websites, blogs, and online forums. Also included in the amendment are persons who offer webhosting services or internet access. And lastly, the owner of the computer or mobile device used to publish content online is also covered under section 114A.

This means that a blogger or forum moderator who allows seditious comments on his or her site can be held liable under the law. An internet café manager is accountable if one of his or her customers sends illegal content online through the store’s WiFi network. A mobile phone owner is the perpetrator if defamatory content is traced back to his or her electronic device.

Critics of the amendment contend that under section 114A, a person is considered guilty until proven innocent. Their fear is not entirely baseless. Indeed, the Thai government has used a similar law to prosecute a blog moderator for an allegedly seditious comment which she approved to be posted on her website.

The Malayisn government has rejected these criticisms with one cabinet member calling some of the objections “childish.”

The Centre for Independent Journalism was quick to denounce the provisions of the bill which went into effect at the end of last month. It warned that “internet users may resort to self-censorship to avoid false accusations made under Section 114A. Bloggers, for example, may excessively censor comments made by their readers. As a result, Section 114A inadvertently stifles public discussion about pertinent political or social issues and protects public authorities, such as the State, from public scrutiny.”

Internet users signed a petition opposing the amendments and lectured the government about the importance of allowing online anonymity to protect the identities of human rights and democracy advocates. But the amendments, according to the petition, “reduce the opportunity to be anonymous online which is crucial in promoting a free and open Internet. Anonymity is also indispensable to protect whistleblowers from persecution by the authorities when they expose abuses of power.”

When the petition was ignored by the government, netizens and media groups organized an online blackout on August 14, which succeeded in mobilizing thousands of internet users. The global attention which the action generated was likely what convinced the Prime Minister to agree to have the cabinet review the controversial amendments. Although this announcement was initially welcomed by opponents of the amendments, the Cabinet ultimately upheld the amended law.

The amendments are supposed to empower authorities to prosecute people publishing seditious, libelous, and harmful content on the internet. But it doesn’t take a whole lot of imagination to envision how these same authorities could abuse the law to restrict media freedom, violate the privacy of individuals, and curtail the human rights of ordinary internet users.

written for The Diplomat

Sotto’s Plagiarism Scandal

When Philippine Senate Majority Leader Vicente Sotto III delivered a speech last month about the dangers of artificial contraceptives, he did not expect he would become embroiled in a heated and acrimonious debate about the sins of plagiarism, and not about his opposition to the Reproductive Health bill.

Sotto prepared a three-part speech aimed at convincing his colleagues and the public at large about the allegedly immoral and unconstitutional provisions of the controversial measure. But to Sotto’s dismay, no sooner had he finished his first presentation than he was accused of plagiarizing an American blogger. Sotto’s first reaction was to deny the charge, but his staff later admitted that some parts of the speech were indeed copied from a blog, but supposedly only for reference.

Sotto dismissed the plagiarism issue as something concocted by critics who couldn’t refute his arguments against the use of artificial contraceptives. He even complained of being the first senator to be cyber-bullied because of his commitment to block the passage of the Reproductive Health legislation.

But if the plagiarism issue elicited intense response from both old and new media, Sotto can only blame himself, his chief-of-staff, and even the Senate President, the latter of whom made ludicrous statements about the meaning of plagiarism.

According to news reports, Sotto said he can’t be held liable for plagiarism because it only applies “if you contend that the contents are yours… whether you give attribution or not.” Citing the opinion of Atty. Louie Andrew C. Calvario of the country’s Intellectual Property Office, Sotto even reminded his accusers that plagiarism is not a crime in the Philippines: “The crime of plagiarism is not defined in our laws, particularly the Intellectual Property Code and the Revised Penal Code. Neither can it be characterized as copyright infringement since it did not economically injure the author.”

Senate President Juan Ponce Enrile, a legal luminary in his own right, defended Sotto from the plagiarism charge. “He did not deny that the speech was a product of research. Meaning, there was attribution,” Enrile said in an interview. “Is there an idea in this world that was not copied from others? Once you release an idea to the public, unless you copyright it, it can be used,” he added in the same news report.

Meanwhile, Sotto’s chief-of-staff referred to the dissemination of the bible to justify the legislator’s actions, when he reportedly stated, “the Bible reached us today because the monks copied from the Greeks. Everything really started from a little copying. Even our image was copied from God. We are all plagiarists.”

He also said that the Philippines copied the United States Constitution. “We plagiarized the U.S. Constitution… but do they call us a plagiaristic country? No, because the law is based on precedent,” the chief-of-staff said in an interview. He added that “a blog is meant to be shared and we shared it.”

Sotto’s misfortune of being called a plagiarist continued this week when he was accused of plagiarizing Senator Robert F. Kennedy after it was exposed that the concluding part of one of Sotto’s speech was a direct Filipino translation of a speech made by Kennedy in 1966. Sotto has denied the accusation again.

This is not the first time that a high ranking Philippines official was involved in a plagiarism scandal. A member of the Supreme Court is facing impeachment after being accused of plagiarism.

The tragedy in Sotto’s case is that the issue could have quickly died down if he only apologized immediately to the offended blogger. But the senator could not be persuaded to admit his lapses, which is why everybody is talking and laughing about his plagiarism woes instead of his pro-life advocacy.

written for The Diplomat

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