Thailand’s Provocative Protesters

By admin | December 9, 2013

Written for The Diplomat

News of Thai protesters occupying several government buildings in Bangkok reminded many of similar provocative rallies which shook the nation’s capital in 2008 and 2010. Indeed, one way to analyze how the current crisis will unfold is to review how various political forces reacted in the past.

In 2008 the People’s Alliance for Democracy (PAD) or Yellow Shirts conducted daring street actions for several months to force the removal of the elected government, whom they accused of being a proxy of ousted Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra. Thaksin was removed in a coup in 2006 but his party has remained victorious in the polls.

PAD adopted the color yellow as its protest color in honor of King Bhumibol Adulyadej, the most revered figure in Thailand.

PAD was able to occupy Government House in August. Protests continued until September when the group was able to disrupt railway operations and flights at Phuket International Airport. PAD upped the ante in November when they were able to surround the parliament building. They also paralyzed air travel in the country by occupying Bangkok’s two major airports. PAD withdrew from the airports after eight days when the country’s top court ordered the dissolution of the ruling party, which forced the prime minister to step down. Further, the court disqualified allies of Thaksin from running for public office again.

The victory of PAD led to the rise of the Red Shirts, who adopted the color red just to differentiate themselves from the Yellow Shirts. The Red Shirts were neither leftists nor anti-royalists, but many of them were supporters of Thaksin. They were vigorously opposed to the government of Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva whom they denounced as illegitimate.

The Red Shirts adopted the tactics of their yellow counterparts in order to undermine the administration. They often mobilized in the streets in 2009 to call for a new round of elections. They even stormed the summit of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations. But it was only in early 2010 that they were able to occupy various parts of Bangkok.

Next, the Red Shirts established protest camps in the city as they pushed for the resignation of Abhisit. After two months of protesting in the streets, they were forced to disperse when soldiers were deployed to disband the protest camps. Violence escalated on May 19 during the final assault operation of the military which led to intense street battles, riots and looting. The retreating protesters also burned several buildings in the city, including the country’s biggest shopping center, the stock exchange, two TV stations and several banks. Scores were killed and more than 400 were injured during the clashes.

Abhisit and some military officials were subsequently charged with murder for ordering the protest crackdown.

Abhisit’s party lost in the parliamentary elections and he was replaced by Yingluck Shinawatra, the younger sister of Thaksin.

Since her first day in office, Yingluck has been ridiculed by her political enemies of being a mere puppet of her fugitive brother, who is in exile after a local court found him guilty of plunder two years ago.

She recently supported an Amnesty Bill, which critics believe would “whitewash” the crimes of her brother. The senate rejected the measure but it didn’t stop opposition forces from mounting large rallies in the capital last month.

Last week, more than 100,000 protesters stormed the streets of Bangkok calling for the ouster of Yingluck and the end of Thaksin rule in the country. Meanwhile, the Red Shirts also mobilized to show support for the embattled leader.

The ongoing protests highlight not just the deep political divisions in Thai society but also the unresolved issues that haunted the country when Thaksin was ousted from power. But while politicians vie for dominance, it is ordinary Thais who get hurt or killed in the street battles organized by the warring factions of the elite.

Indonesia Strike for Pay Hike; Thai Protest vs. Amnesty Bill

Written for The Diplomat

More than 100,000 workers have joined a nationwide two-day strike to press for higher wages in Indonesia. Meanwhile, approval of the controversial Amnesty Bill in Thailand’s parliament has sparked a series of protests throughout the country.

The October 31 strike in Indonesia was preceded by several weeks of labor actions, factory shutdowns, and union agitation in the country’s industrial centers. The strike gathered thousands of workers in the streets which disrupted production in some cities.

Aimed at pressuring the government to raise the minimum wage by 50 percent, the strike was partially successful since it only yielded a 9 percent wage increase for Jakarta workers. Earlier this year, the local government raised the minimum wage by 44 percent.

The Joint Labor Secretariat cited the income gap between workers and business owners in justifying the demand for a salary increase: “Even in our workplaces, although there is a mountain of profit for the business owners, there is not even a drop for us, except cheap wages, just enough to keep us alive for work the next day.”

But aside from the pay hike demand, the striking workers are also petitioning for universal healthcare, the abolition of outsourcing or contract employment system especially in state-owned enterprises, and passage of a law to protect domestic workers.

The last demand is also being lobbied by human rights groups which have decried the exploitation of domestic workers. There is no law in Indonesia which guarantees the basic rights of domestic workers, such as receiving minimum wage or a weekly day off.

The strike was generally peaceful although it once again confirmed that labor unrest is rising in the country.

While Indonesian workers were asserting their economic demands on November 1, their Thai neighbors on the other hand were decrying the passage of the Amnesty Bill which would give blanket amnesty to those who committed political offenses since the 2006 coup.

After a 19-hour debate and despite the walk-out staged by the opposition, the parliament was able to approve the bill last Friday. The senate will tackle the measure in the next few days.

The bill is supposed to promote reconciliation in the country but opposition emerged after it was reported that the amended version of the measure would benefit corrupt politicians and human rights violators.

In particular, the opposition said the bill will “whitewash” the crimes of former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra who fled the country after being found guilty of plunder by a local court.

Thaksin was deposed by a coup in 2006. His younger sister, Yingluck Shinawatra, is Thailand’s prime minister today. According to Thaksin’s critics, the bill will allow the former leader to return to the country and recover his wealth which was sequestered by the government.

Interestingly, the Amnesty Bill is also being rejected by the allies of the government, namely the Red Shirts. The group feels “betrayed” since the bill will also grant amnesty to former Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva (now leader of the Democrat opposition party) who is accused of ordering the bloody crackdown of anti-government protests in 2010. Almost a hundred Red Shirt members died during the violent dispersal in 2010.

In other words, the bill is being criticized by both the opposition groups and government supporters.

A protest, which attracted 10,000 people, was quickly organized while parliament was debating the measure. Thailand is bracing for bigger protests and intense political conflicts in the coming days as more groups continue to express opposition to the bill.

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Daang Matuwid at Mabuting Pamamahala

By admin | December 6, 2013

Talumpating binigkas sa Escaler Auditorium, Ateneo de Manila, Nobyembre 29, 2013

Ang unang slogan ni Noynoy Aquino noong 2009 ay ‘Hindi ako Magnanakaw’. Star-studded pa ang ginawang music video na nilahukan ng maraming artista na may hawak na sulo. Patutsada ito sa pamahalaan ni Gloria Arroyo na kumaharap ng maraming kaso at iskandalo ng korupsiyon. Pagpapakilala rin ito ng magiging pangunahing mensahe at kampanya na bibitbitin ni Noynoy at ng Liberal Party sa nalalapit na halalan.

Subalit medyo hindi ito nag-click sa masa; marahil ayaw ng marami sa panibagong pangako. Mas sikat noon ang mga advertisement ni Manny Villar; yung ‘si Villar ang tunay na mahirap, si Villar ang tunay na may malasakit at ipinanganak sa dagat ng basura’. Para kay Villar, ang kalaban ay kahirapan.

Marahil bilang tugon, naglabas ng bagong slogan ang kampo ni Noynoy: ‘Kung walang corrupt, walang mahirap’. Inugnay ang pagnanakaw ng pera ng bayan sa kahirapan sa bansa. Naging malakas na panawagan ito noong buong panahon ng kampanya.

Si Villar ang malakas na kandidato na humamon o pumantay sa popularidad ni Noynoy sa simula ng kampanya. Si Villar din ang target ng slogang ‘Daang Matuwid’. Kung maalala ninyo ang ang mga ad ni Noynoy, may pinapasaringan siyang lider na gumagawa ng liko-liko na daan imbes na tuwid na daan. Tinutukoy niya ang alegasyon na naglagay ng double insertion si Villar sa budget ng C-5 at Daang Hari na tumutumbok sa mga pag-aaring subdivision ng pamilya Villar.

Binabanggit ko ito upang bigyang diin na ang mga slogan ng mabuting pamamahala ay hindi dapat ituring na pangkalahatan o abstract. Lagi at lagi ay may tinutugunan itong partikular na layuning pulitikal. Hindi lamang bunsod ng mabuting kalooban ang pinapakalat na mensahe ng ating mga lider kundi may malaking kinalaman din ang pagsusulong ng mga pulitikal na interes.

Ngayon kapag naririnig o nababasa natin ang Daang Matuwid ay tinuturing na itong krusada o direktiba ng pamahalaan at nakalimutan na ang mga sirkumstansiya kung paano at bakit ito ang napiling panawagan.

Gayunpaman, kahit simplistiko, epektibo ang ‘Daang Matuwid’ upang tukuyin ang mali sa ating pamamahala. Hindi ba’t kadalasan ang mga kaso ng korupsiyon ay may kinalaman sa mga kalsada. Diosdado Macapagal Boulevard, SCTEX, mga gawang kalyeng sinisira upang lagyan ng semento o aspatlo, mga tulay na walang hanggan.

Paborito ng mga pulitiko ang paggawa ng kalsada. Visible ang proyekto at malaki ang kickback. Substandard kasi ang materyal na ginamit. Hindi nakapagtataka ang daming luxurious road, o lukso ng lukso.

May pulitika, at hindi lang ekonomiya, ang paggawa ng kalye. Bakit ang road network ay nakakonsentra sa Mega Manila? Bakit bansot ang sistemang transportasyon o walang railway o masiglang shipping transport industry?

Ang mga akademiko ay may mga kumplikadong kategorya kung paano binibigyang kahulugan ang mabuting pamamahala subalit para sa maraming tao, ang mabuting pamamahala ay nakikita sa kanilang dinadaanan araw-araw. Kaya malaki ang galit ng mga botante sa mga epal billboard, naglabas pa ng editorial ang Inquirer nang binuksan muli ang Avenida noong 2010, nagdiwang ang mga motorista nang sinara ang ilang u-turn slots ng MMDA, at higit sa lahat nang pinagbawal ang wang-wang sa kalye. Hindi ba’t pinupuri ng marami ang mga advisory ng pamahalaan kung nasaan ang trapik habang kasabay na binabatikos din ang mabigat na trapiko sa siyudad.

Literal ang pag-intindi ng marami sa diskurso ng ‘Daang Matuwid’. At nagalak ang marami. Subalit hindi nagtagal ay unti-unting nahubaran ang limitasyon ng diskursong ito; o kung paano ito pinapatupad ng pamahalaan.

Ang pulitikang hinamon ng ‘Daang Matuwid’ ay nagpatuloy sa administrasyon ni Pnoy. Nanatili ang modus operandi ng mga pork barrel operators. Nawala ang wangwang sa kalye subalit ang bakas ng bulok na pulitika at pamumulitika ay namamayagpag pa rin.

Nilapat ang slogang ‘Daang Matuwid’ sa ibang aspeto ng pamamahala at kahit mabuti ang hangarin, napatunayan nating hindi ito naging sapat upang baguhin ang mga pundamental na mali sa sistema.

Para sa mga sektor na binubulok ng korupsiyon, ang ‘Daang Matuwid’ ay tila naging kakatwa, motherhood na pahayag, at walang pinag-iba sa pulisiya ng mga nagdaang administrasyon.

Aaminin natin na may inobasyon ang kasalukuyang pamahalaan. Ito ay ang agresibo nitong paggamit ng lenggwahe ng IT at social media upang ibandila ang retorika ng transparency at bukas na pamamahala. Lahat ng pahayag, online agad. May tweet, may FB, may infographics ang mga isyung tinitindigan ng Palasyo. Bumabaha ng impormasyon, at ayon sa pamahalaan, ito ang susi sa mabuting pamamahala. Hindi ba’t nang sinisi ni Pnoy ang Tacloban LGU, ang naging batayan niya ay ang diumanong maagang abiso ng pambansang pamahalaan hinggil sa pagdating ng bagyong Yolanda?

Nasa panahon tayo ngayon na mabilis na nagiging mainstream ang paggamit ng social media tools sa lipunan. Alam ito ng pamahalaan kung kaya’t napakarami nitong communication and messaging experts. Subalit ang transparency at good governance ay hindi pwedeng ikahon sa paggawa ng website o pagdigitize ng mga dokumento.

Maniniwala ba tayo kung sasabihin ng pamahalaan noong 1950s at 1960s na sila ay bukas at tapat kasi lahat ng programa nito ay inuulat ng publikong TV, radyo, at dyaryo? Ganyan din ang magiging pagtingin ng mga Pilipino sa hinaharap kung tatanggapin natin ang argumento na transparent ang pamahalaan kasi may magandang disenyo ang website, interactive, at gumagamit ng maraming apps at social media tools?

Paano kung ang impormasyon, imbes na makapagbigay linaw, ay nakakadagdag sa kalituhan? Paano kung sadyang nagbubuhos ng sobrang impormasyon upang mabaling ang atensiyon? Pakikitirin ba natin ang interaksyon ng mamamayan at namumuno sa mga virtual na pamamaraan?

Hindi pa natatapos ang trahedyang Yolanda subalit marami na tayong aral na mapupulot mula dito. Basahin ninyo na lang si Yeb Sano kung ano ang epekto ng climate change sa mga maliliit na bansa tulad ng Pilipinas; si Peque Gallaga kung paano nagkulang ang pamahalaan ni Pnoy; at si Korina Sanchez kung paano nanatili ang government presence pagkatapos ng kalamidad.

Para sa akin, pinakita ni Yolanda ang maraming kahinaan ng sistema ng ating pamamahala: Bakit naging mabagal ang mobilisasyon ng rekurso ng pamahalaan? Dahil maraming kagamitan ay dito sa Mega Manila nakakonsentra. Dahil ang mga transportasyon ay pag-aari ng pribadong sektor. Dahil may bahid pulitika.

Bakit sa Maynila dinadala ang mga biktima, hindi sa Cebu? Dahil di pantay ang pag-unlad ng mga rehiyon. Ang mahirap dumadagsa sa Maynila dahil andito ang mga oportunidad. Sa isang iglap, nahubaran ang kakitiran ng mga programang tulad ng ‘Balik Probinsiya’.

Bago ang Yolanda, pinaniniwalaang pamantayan ng mabuting pamamahala ang trust ratings. Agad-agad naglaho ang bisa nito. At ang naging sukatan na ng marami ay kung paano umaksiyon o di-umaksiyon ang pamahalaan ni Pnoy.

Bago ang Yolanda, binabandila ang pagiging ‘rising tiger’ ng Pilipinas. Totoo naman ang impormasyon, mataas ang GDP, maraming investment, at bawat kanto ng Edsa ay may tinatayong condominium. Subalit ibang imahen ang ating nakita sa Samar at Leyte. Ganito pala sa ating bansa, may ‘kongkretong’ pag-unlad sa mga lungsod subalit nanatiling atrasado ang ating mga isla sa probinsiya.

Tama, mahalaga ang impormasyon sa pagsusulong ng pagbabago sa pamamahala. Subalit ang impormasyon hindi yan basta-basta sumusulpot. Pinoproseso, hinuhulma, pinapakete, bago ibigay sa madla. Lahat naman ng PDAF documents online, pero ang anomalya mahirap tukuyin. Kinakailangan pa ng mga whistleblower.

Ang tungkulin natin ay maging handa dito sa nagaganap na information warfare. Maging mapanuring citizen at netizen. Higit pa dito, ipaglaban ang transparency at bukas na pamamahala na hinuhubog dapat ng ating sama-samang pagkilos. Ibig sabihin, dapat People Power ang pamamaraan ng pagtutulak ng tamang pamamahala. Biguin ang pamumuno ng mga dinastiya, tapusin ang pamamayagpag ng elitistang demokrasya sa bansa, at ipaglaban ang isang tunay na makabuluhang pagbabago.

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Philippine Scholars Summit

By admin | December 2, 2013

Talumpating binigkas sa UST, Oktubre 24, 2013

Mahigit 20 milyon ang mag-aaral sa Pilipinas, mula kinder hanggang post-grad. Subalit hindi lahat nakakatapos ng pag-aaral. Mataas ang drop-out rate mula elementary hanggang kolehiyo. Sa kolehiyo, hindi lalagpas sa kalahating milyon ang nakakatapos taun-taon samantalang 4 milyon ang enrolment kada semestre. Sana ang grupong ito ay maging bahagi ng statistika ng mga mag-aaral na magtatapos sa kolehiyo.

Sa ating kasaysayan spesyal ang sektor ng edukasyon. Spesyal dahil hindi lahat nakakamit ito. Sa mahabang panahon, at kahit sa kasalukuyan, ang mataas na kalidad na edukasyon ay pribilehiyong pinagkakaloob sa mga pinagpalang indibidwal. Kapag sinasabing pulitikal ang edukasyon, tinutukoy nito ang makauring distribusyon ng karunungan sa lipunan. Gamit ang iba’t ibang arbitraryong pamantayan, dinidikta ng naghaharing kaayusan kung sinu-sino, saan, at kailan pag-aaralin ang mamamayan.

Noong mga huling dekada ng pananakop ng mga Kastila, anak ng mga ilustrado ang nagkaroon ng access sa edukayon. Mula sa hanay nito ay umusbong ang mga prominenteng propagandista na nanguna sa laban para sa reporma hanggang sa kalayaan ng ating bansa.

Masasabi natin na ang nakaraang siglo ay isang mahabang panahon ng paggigiit ng mamamayan upang kilalanin ng estado ang karapatan sa edukasyon. Tayo ay nagkaisip sa panahong mayroon nang unibersal na pagkilala na karapatan ang edukasyon. Dapat hindi natin makalimutan ang matagal at nagpapatuloy na laban upang ipagtanggol ang ating karapatan sa edukasyon. Sa ating Konstitusyon, 1987 lang tinukoy na dapat compulsory ang elementary at libre ang hayskul.

Sa totoo lang walang libreng edukasyon. Kahit libre ang tuition, kailangang kumain ng estudyante. Kailangan niyang bumili ng uniform o school supply. Kailangan ng pamasahe at paminsan-minsang paglalaro ng DOTA. Alam ito ng estado kaya naglalaan ito ng mga programa upang makapagbigay ng tulong pinansiyal sa mga piling kabataan. Nagtutukoy ito ng mga mag-aaral na maaaring idebelop bilang mga susunod na kawani at lider ng burukrasya.

Kilala natin ang Pensionados, mga Pilipinong pinag-aral ng pamahalaan sa Estados Unidos. Ngayon wala ng Pensionados subalit mayroon pa ring mga iskolar ang pamahalaan.

Habang bumulusok ang kalidad ng edukasyon sa bansa, naapektuhan din ang scholarship program ng pamahalaan. Pinakamainam na halimbawa ay ang scholarship o student assistance na binibigay sa pamamagitan ng pork barrel o PDAF. Ayon sa ilang mambabatas, kapag tinanggal daw ang PDAF ay hindi na makakapag-aral ang maraming kabataan. Paano daw ang mga scholar? Paano daw ang mahihirap?

Ang panawagan natin ay hindi naman sunugin ang pera kundi ilipat sa mga ahensiyang may tuwirang kinalaman sa pagbibigay ng serbisyo sa mamamayan. Bakit kailangang pumila sa opisina ni congressman o senador?

Sa totoo lang ang PDAF ay patunay na di pantay, di maayos, at di sistematiko ang distribusyon ng pera sa bansa. Hindi demokratiko ang pagbibigay ng tulong at serbisyo sa mamamayan. Kung may efficient na mekanismo ng pagkakaloob ng mga subsidyo sa tao, hindi na sana kailangan ng PDAF.

Ang PDAF ay isa pang patunay na may malaking mali sa ating scholarship program. Una, nakabatay ito sa political patronage. Scholar ka kapag kakampi ng pulitiko. Paano naman yung ibang matalino subalit mahirap, at higit sa lahat, walang koneksiyon sa pulitiko? Pangalawa, ginawang tingi-tingi ang pondo sa scholarship. Kadalasan ang binibigay sa bata ay mumo o barya na kasya lamang para sa ilang bahagdan ng tuition. Sa ibang bansa ang scholar ay nakakatanggap ng kumpletong tulong, kasama ang living allowance, may stipend pa. Pangatlo, napakaraming scholarship programs ng maraming ahensiya at kahit sa mga LGUs subalit walang koordinasyon ang mga ito; at higit sa lahat, walang malawakang pagbibigay ng impormasyon sa publiko kung paano maging kwalipikado dito.

Panahon na upang i-overhaul ang scholarship program sa bansa. Sa minimum, dapat alisin ang malaking impluwensiya ng pamumulitika sa distribusyon ng scholarship. Kahit saan at kahit kailan may bahid ng pulitika ang edukasyon subalit hindi makatwiran ang pagpapatuloy ng isang sistema na legal ang tuwirang pakikialam ng pulitiko kung sino ang dapat bigyan ng scholarship sa bansa. Isa pa, nagagamit ang pag-aaral ng kabataan upang nakawin o kamkamin ang pera ng bayan. Hindi ito katanggap-tanggap.

May scholarship dahil mataas ang ating pagpapahalaga sa edukasyon. Kinikilala natin na marami ang may talino, kasanayan, at determinasyon subalit walang sapat na yaman upang makapag-aral. Sa lipunang hindi pantay, hindi sapat ang sipag at tiyaga. Kailangan talagang makialam ang estado sa pamamagitan ng affirmative action upang makatulong sa inaapi. Ang scholarship ay binibigay dahil tinuturing nating public good ang edukasyon. Ibig sabihin, lahat nakikinabang kapag may pinag-aralan ang mamamayan. Ayon sa NSO noong 2006, aabot sa 65% ang mahirap sa mga hindi nakatuntong sa paaralan; 44% sa nakatapos sa elementary; 23% sa hayskul; at 2.3% lamang sa kolehiyo. Malinaw na may korelasyon ang pag-aaral at kahirapan. Isang mabisang sandata ang edukasyon upang labanan ang kahirapan.

Subalit mayroon pa ring mga Kristel Tejada na dahil sa sobrang kahirapan ay hindi nakamit ang pangarap na makatapos ng pag-aaral.

Ang edukasyon ay kinikilalang karapatan. Subalit para sa pamahalaan, hanggang basic education lang ang pwedeng ilibre. Ang kolehiyo daw ay pribilehiyo. Ayon sa kanila, indibidwal lang daw ang nakikinabang sa kolehiyo at hindi ang komunidad. Mas makatwiran daw kung ibubuhos ang ating suporta sa basic education. Wala akong pagtutol sa huling punto. Subalit may habol ako sa argumento na minimal lang ang ambag ng kolehiyo sa komunidad. Tayong lahat panalo kung pinag-aaral ang maraming kabataan sa kolehiyo. Aangat ang komunidad kung may kolehiyo na nagbibigay ng mas mataas na karunungan at kasanayan sa kabataan.

Marahil ang pagtingin na hindi nalulubos ang investment sa kolehiyo ay dahil sa pag-alis ng mga bagong graduate papuntang ibang bansa. Sa isang banda, dapat hikayatin ang mga iskolar na manatili sa bansa at mag-ambag sa pag-unlad ng mga komunidad. Subalit dapat tiyakin na may sapat ding oportunidad at karagdagang edukasyon para sa ating mga graduate.

May tatlong papel na pwedeng gampanan ang ating mga scholar:

Bilang scholar, bilang akademiko, pilosopo, siyentista. Magpakadalubhasa at mag-ambag ng dagdag karunungan. Magturo, magresearch, magpublish, magpatent.

Bilang scholar, leader. Public intellectual. Philosopher king. Tagapayo sa mga lider, consultant sa mga pampublikong proyekto. Kritiko ng mga pulisiya. Naghahain ng mga kongkretong ideya. Namumuno sa mga laban. Lumalahok sa halalan.

Bilang iskolar ng bayan, ng masa at mahirap. Nakikipamuhay sa batayang masa. Inaalam ang kalagayan at kasaysayan ng ating mga kababayan. Nagbibigay opinyon sa ikabubuti ng interes ng nakakarami at hindi lamang ng malalaking korporasyon. Inilalaan ang talino at pangalan upang ipagtanggol ang kapakanan ng ordinaryong mamamayan.

Sobra-sobra ang ating mga suliranin na dapat bigyan ng atensiyon. Hindi tayo mauubusan ng pagkakaabalahan. Ang kailangan natin ay mga scholar na buong panahong nagbibigay prayoridad sa mga isyung panlipunan.

Halimbawa: Distaster preparation, climate change, corruption, inequality, poverty, food security.

Walang ibang panahon upang kumilos kundi ngayon. Isipin natin kung ano ang ating ipapamana sa susunod na henerasyon.

Nakakalungkot at may kabataang nanalo sa kompetisyon subalit nakaw pala ang kanyang akda. May mga batang chief of staff ang ilang mambabatas subalit kasabwat pala sa nakawan. Matuto tayo sa aral ni Emilio Jacinto, ang batang ‘utak ng katipunan’:

“Ang buhay na hindi ginugugol sa isang malaki at banal na kadahilanan ay kahoy na walang lilim, kundi damong makamandag.

“Huwag mong sayangin ang panahon; ang yamang nawala’y mangyayaring magbalik; ngunit panahong nagdaan ay di na muli pang magdadaan.

Buhayin ang mapanlabang diwa ni Jacinto, Bonifacio, at iba pang bayani ng ating lahi.

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The Meaning of Yolanda

By admin | December 1, 2013

Written for Bulatlat

If there is a bigger calamity than super typhoon Yolanda (Haiyan), it must be the Philippine government which has been notoriously inept in the wake of the devastation wrought by the storm in the Visayas. But aside from deficiency in leadership, the slow response of the government also reflected the tragic state of the country’s political institutions and economy.

Yolanda actually exposed the vulnerabilities of an underdeveloped Philippine economy. Despite high GDP numbers in the past decade, Asia’s ‘rising tiger’ has remained an agrarian archipelago plagued by poverty, hunger, and extreme deprivation. The so-called phenomenal progress that the Philippines has attained was instantly invalidated by the wasteland villages in Samar and Leyte. If wealth is truly spreading in the islands as claimed by the government, it clearly has not yet reached the backward regions of the country, in particular the Pacific eastern corridor from Cagayan to Mindanao.

Then and now, economic development has been concentrated in ‘imperial Manila’. Public spending and investments are narrowly restricted in the premier urban region where politicians and their families live. It’s one of the dark legacies of the Spanish colonial era when the very few elite families in old Manila (Intramuros) were usurping the resources of the rural islands. The result of this inequitable distribution of wealth is the shameful disparity of living between Mega Manila and the vast countryside, which includes Eastern Visayas.

It took some time to begin the clearing operations in modern Tacloban because most of the country’s heavy equipment, transportation facilities, and rescue logistics are found in the National Capital Region. Indeed, there are trucks and other industrial equipment in Samar and Leyte but these are owned by private mining, energy and logging companies. Power and communication lines are also owned by private corporations. The government does not even have an alternate infrastructure to restore electricity and telecommunication services in the typhoon-affected towns. In addition, the transport sector is dominated by corporate interest. It’s truly pathetic to see the government begging for the goodwill of airlines, shipping firms, and bus owners in order to transport typhoon victims and relief goods.

Decades of intense privatization and the commercialization of utility industries have rendered the government inutile in times of crisis. For several days, there was zero government. Big Business groups have taken over some of the core functions of the state like guaranteeing the flow of information signals. What happened in Tacloban was a defacto government shutdown. The Ground Zero in Tacloban is a grim reminder that the blind worshiping of the dogmatic doctrine of privatization (and the supreme evil that goes by the name of neoliberalism) will lead to the rise of a failed state.

Exacerbating the problem is rampant corruption in the bureaucracy. The Malacanang largesse that comes in trickles is often hoarded by greedy and violent dynasties. Each year, legislators are given pork funds intended to develop the local infrastructure. Meanwhile, provinces and municipalities have a share in the Internal Revenue Allotment. What happened to these funds? Were they really utilized for real projects with real beneficiaries? Or were they redirected to private pockets through institutionalized looting?

There were too many casualties which could have been avoided if there were efficient disaster preparation drills and quick disaster response programs that should have been spearheaded by the national and local governments. There are laws that are supposed to mandate the mainstreaming of policies to address the harsh impact of climate change. There are environment laws that seek to reverse the degradation of our natural habitats. But it seems many of our officials did not appreciate the value of implementing these life saving laws and policies. Hopefully, our other leaders will take heed of these post-Yolanda lessons.

But Yolanda did not only give us the opportunity to find fault in our elected officials. More importantly, it allowed us to finally recognize the real state of affairs. For example, the high trust ratings which President BS Aquino often bragged about did not translate into genuine and equitable growth. It’s a useful indicator but it can never replace good governance and political will. Further, it’s time to rethink economic policies that would mean more withdrawal of the state from providing essential services to its citizens. The widespread looting in the typhoon-ravaged provinces should be seen as the natural consequence in a society where pecuniary individualism is glorified while the spirit of collectivism (bayanihan) is rejected and even demonized as an outmoded concept.

The desire to transcend this selfie attitude was echoed in the popular appeal directed at netizens to stop posting narcissist photos and statements in the social networks. The appeal was made out of respect for the dead and typhoon survivors in the Visayas. But the situation in the country and even in the storm-battered provinces was neither satisfactory nor humane even prior to the arrival of Yolanda. Storm or no storm, many of our people are condemned to subsistence living which makes some aspects of our tech-driven and information-crazy kind of living quite cruel and insensitive.

That being said, Yolanda is a catastrophic event but it can also lead to a cleansing process. After the search and rescue, we aggressively recover and rehabilitate our communities. We should focus on the renewables and allow ‘green living’ a chance to alter our lifestyles. We can draft a more progressive land zoning policy. We can integrate the principles of good governance in everyday politics. We can rebuild a more democratic society. In other words, Yolanda is forcing us to view politics and change from a new and hopefully more radical perspective.

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Arroyo, Aquino and the Left

By admin | November 27, 2013

Written for Bulatlat

1. Did the Left support Gloria Arroyo in 2001 and 2004? The Left was part of Edsa Dos uprising and support for Arroyo was incidental since she was at that time the Vice President who stood to benefit from Estrada’s ouster. In 2004, the Left didn’t openly endorse any presidential candidate.

It’s inaccurate to describe the Left as an ally of Arroyo. Even immediately after Edsa Dos, the Left continued to criticize the anti-poor and anti-people policies of the government. The Left viciously opposed Arroyo’s neoliberal economics (privatization, EPIRA), puppetry to the US government (Balikatan, War on Terror), and ruthless militarization in the countryside (Oplan Bantay Laya). In other words, the Left was already shouting anti-Arroyo slogans in public forums and in the streets even before it was not yet fashionable to heckle the former president.

So when the Arroyo counterinsurgency program Oplan Bantay Laya went into full swing, the Left became its main target. Most, if not all, of the 1,206 victims of extrajudicial killings, 206 victims of enforced disappearances, and 2,059 cases of illegal arrests and detention during the nine-year rule of Arroyo were suspected members and supporters of the legal and underground Left. Why would Arroyo kill her allies, if indeed the Left supported her?

The real allies of Arroyo are the stalwarts of the Liberal Party, which include President Noynoy Aquino who was appointed Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives in 2004.

2. Why is the Left opposing the programs of President Noynoy Aquino? The same reason why we refused to support the token reforms implemented by Arroyo during the early years of her presidency. The Left can never support a government which protects the interest of Big Business, the landlord class, and US imperialism at the expense of the working poor and the masses. Further, it’s impossible to declare absolute support for a government which has merely rehashed and expanded the deceptive programs (cash transfer, CARPER) of the Arroyo regime.

The fact that the Left continued to be a critic of Aquino even after the party of Senator Manny Villar has decided to join the administration lineup in the recent elections is a clear testament of the independence and consistency of the Left in upholding its avowed advocacies. It further proves that the Left can support a candidacy or a campaign in the mainstream political arena without compromising its principles.

But again, it’s quite wrong to argue that the Left is mindlessly opposing everything that Aquino is proposing or implementing. For example, the leftist bloc in Congress supported the impeachment cases against Ombudsman Merceditas Gutierrez and Chief Justice Renato Corona. We also voted in favor of the Reproductive Health bill.

3. Did the Left, in particular its pork barrel access, trigger the military unrest in the past decade? This is a simplistic and misleading assertion. It’s actually the first time that the Left is tagged as the culprit for provoking the rebellion in the military hierarchy. For the longest time, we were told and we knew for a fact that junior officers broke protocol because they were outraged by the corruption in the bureaucracy and election fraud masterminded by the Commander-in-Chief no less. Some of the restive members of the military even joined leftist forces in calling for the removal of Arroyo in Malacanang.

But it is true that the military top brass has strongly expressed objection to the implementation of public projects endorsed by the Left. However, what it triggered was not uprising in the barracks but terror in the countryside. What we measure every now and then is not our growing electoral base but the number of our comrades who have been disappeared or murdered. Lest we forget, it was leftist leaders and not opposition politicians who bore the blunt of Arroyo’s brutal machinations to remain in power.

I cannot really fathom the relevance of linking the pork barrel allocation of the Left and military unrest. There seemed to be no unusual activities in the military in 2010 and 2011 even though the Left was finally able to endorse public projects during this period.

4. Has the Left become irrelevant in the past three years? Is it in the wrong side of history? These are old accusations. Since the Marcos era, the Left was supposed to be a dying or dead movement. Remarkably, it has ‘died a thousand deaths.’ Despite the collapse of the Berlin Wall, the factions, and the failure to topple Arroyo, the Left has survived.

Politicians (like Enrile) always prefer to be close on the good side of history; but the Left is different. It is a social movement that seeks to create history. What its members aspire is not an appointment in bonus-giving agencies in the bureaucracy but the chance to restructure the social order. It is always ready to review its tactics. Two decades ago, it would be quite unthinkable for the Left to consider participation in electoral politics or even support direct legislation through a people’s initiative.

Those accusing the Left of irrelevance are not innocent bystanders of politics but ideological partisans of the ruling administration. The Left has representatives in Congress, its electoral base is growing, it has a nationwide organized constituency, it has sympathizers, supporters, and varying political influence in all sectors and in almost all islands of the country. How can the tangible and intangible strengths of this movement quickly vanish in the past three years? Everyone can criticize the political decisions of the Left but to declare it irrelevant is to reveal a rabid and perverted kind of devotion to the landlord president.

5. Did the Left reach a political dead end after the defeat of its senatorial candidates? A long, long time ago an academic made an infamous declaration that history has come to an end. He has since then revised his judgment.

In its long history, the Left achieved great political victories courtesy of the mass movement. What must be emphasized is that after deciding to field candidates in elections only 12 years ago, the Left has already garnered amazing electoral successes. Through its accumulated electoral experience and once the people’s movement gains more strength, it can perform better in the next elections. Or maybe not. Regardless of the results, the struggle must continue. Politics is after all more than just electoral or parliamentary politics.

There were many candidates from various political forces and different ‘shades of red’ who lost in the recent elections but curiously their defeat was not derided as a political dead end. Maybe because it would be too disrespectful to make that claim. Fortunately, the loss of Kapatiran candidates was not described by our mainstream pundits as a political dead end for the Christian cause. Looking back, it was a relief not to read any commentary which judged the loss of Winnie Monsod in the 2001 elections as the end of the road for the academe-corporate media agenda.

Let us be honest here. The Left is harshly and unfairly vilified because it has adamantly refused to “make peace with the new order” represented by the haciendero Aquino. In the eyes of the yellow ideologues, the Left is more than a nuisance; it is a threat and alternative that must be defeated and discredited. Hence, the vitriolic ranting of even the most sober analysts of the respectable members of the media.

6. How has the pork barrel issue altered the political landscape? It proved that corruption has persisted despite the two (or three) Edsa uprisings. It unmasked the populist posturing of Aquino who vowed in 2010 to finally end the scourge of corruption in the country. More importantly, it rendered visible the seething disgust felt by the masses against the corrupt system.

The issue highlighted that corruption is endemic in the system. For many activists, it validated the leftist agenda on why corruption or more precisely, bureaucrat capitalism is an evil in society that must be rooted out through a revolution.

The pork barrel is not an issue which is being exploited by the Left to attack Aquino or to seek a new ‘purpose in life’. On the contrary, it affirms that the Left has been correct all this time in calling for an overhaul of the system. The same system which has nothing original to offer anymore except to rebrand dynasties and revive failed programs.

All major political forces have agreed to finally abolish the pork barrel. But it is the Left, the national democratic Left, which has the most subversive solution on how best to transform the government of the rich into a genuine government of the people. And perhaps this is the reason why those who benefit from this unjust social order are aggressively trying to undermine and undercut the appeal of the radical Left.

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Lessons from the Haiyan Typhoon Tragedy

By admin | November 26, 2013

Written for The Diplomat

The Philippine government has already declared a state of national calamity in the wake of the devastation caused by super typhoon Haiyan (Yolanda) on several Visayas islands. More than 10,000 are feared dead after Haiyan, the strongest storm in the world this year, ravaged entire communities – especially the costal barangays (villages) facing the Pacific.

Visayas comprises several islands located in the central Philippines. Haiyan left a trail of destruction across the Visayas islands of Samar, Leyte, north Cebu, Negros and Panay. It also affected some parts of Romblon, Mindoro and Palawan. But it was the east Visayas provinces of Samar and Leyte, which are closest to the Pacific, that bore the brunt of Haiyan’s fury.

The Philippines is situated in the typhoon belt of the Asia-Pacific region, which means it gets battered by more than a dozen storms every year. Storms usually trigger floods, landslides and strong winds on the islands and many Filipinos prepared for these extreme elements when Haiyan was first reported by the weather bureau. But Haiyan was different. It proved to be a real super typhoon when it caused a tsunami-like storm surge that instantly killed thousands.

The storm surge is responsible for the massive destruction in Tacloban City, the capital of Leyte (and also the hometown of Rep. Imelda Marcos, wife of the late dictator Ferdinand Marcos). When Haiyan was about to make landfall, many sought refuge in sturdy facilities like the airport and gymnasium – but these were also laid to waste by the storm surge. A local official said that had they were advised to prepare for a tsunami, they could have chosen an evacuation center situated on higher ground.

Visayas power and communication lines were destroyed when Haiyan hit the region last Friday. It took almost a day for the rest of the Philippines, including capital Manila, to be informed about the huge damage left by Haiyan. After the partial restoration of communications in Tacloban, the country and the world were shocked by the images of devastation and misery in the city. Initial reports indicated that 90 percent of the province took a severe beating from the storm. The situation is said to be worse in other remote islands.

As of this writing, there are still many towns which couldn’t be reached because of ruined roads and absence of communication signals. But aerial surveillance by the military has confirmed fears that many villages were reduced to wasteland by the storm. Worse, medical services and relief goods could not be immediately provided to hungry and weary survivors.

The areas hit by Haiyan are among the poorest provinces in the Philippines. In fact, Eastern Visayas is the third poorest region in the country. Now it is a poor region rendered poorer by a typhoon; and the impoverished will likely become more impoverished than ever.

Rebuilding Tacloban and the rest of Visayas will prove to be a daunting task. Haiyan wreaked havoc at a time when the country is still recovering from a deadly earthquake which shook the island of Bohol (also in Visayas) just a few weeks ago. This is turning out to be a calamitous year for the Philippines despite the stellar growth of its economy.

The priority at the moment is to rescue more survivors and provide relief to disaster refugees. Thankfully, aid is pouring in from all over the world. Many Filipinos are also showing their solidarity by volunteering in the rehabilitation efforts. But this is not enough. It’s not sustainable to focus resources on post-disaster relief operations. There should be a comprehensive plan on how to prevent massive casualties every time a disaster strikes the islands.

Haiyan proved once more that the Philippines are extremely vulnerable to the harsh impact of climate change. But it also exposed the sorry state of the country’s infrastructure, chaotic land zoning system, pre-modern weather facilities, unreliable communication facilities, and inadequate disaster preparedness programs.

The reported breakdown of law and order in Tacloban is more or less due to the failure of the government to extend urgent aid to survivors. Apparently, there was no system or functioning mechanism on how to quickly respond to emergency situations.

Haiyan also highlighted the alarming deterioration of the country’s environment. For example, large-scale logging operations have depleted the watersheds which often cause massive flooding in the lowlands. Because of environment pollution, super storms like Haiyan can evolve into man-made disasters.

As for the Southeast Asian region, Haiyan should remind regional leaders to collectively address the impact of climate change. At a minimum, there should be regional coordination during disasters. When Haiyan left the Philippines, it headed straight off in the direction of Vietnam and China.

Samar and Leyte in US Military History

Written for The Diplomat

More than 6,000 American troops have been deployed in the typhoon-ravaged provinces of Samar and Leyte in central Philippines to assist in the rescue and relief efforts of the local government. In fact, Samar and Leyte are part of U.S. military history. In 1901, American soldiers stood accused of a murderous frenzy in the remote town of Balangiga in Samar. Many years later, in 1944, General Douglas MacArthur returned to the Philippines via Leyte to fight the Japanese invading army.

After learning about the deaths of American soldiers in Samar in 1901, the U.S. government directed its military officials in the Philippines to implement the “most stern measures to pacify Samar” and “to give the Filipinos ‘bayonet rule’ for years to come.” Brig. Gen. Jacob Smith immediately penned his infamous Circular No. 6, which contains the following instructions to his troops: “I want no prisoners” and “I wish you to kill and burn; and the more you burn and kill, the better it will please me.” He ordered his men to reduce Samar into a “howling wilderness” and to kill anyone 10 years old and above capable of bearing arms.

More than 2,000 Balangiga civilians died in the subsequent carnage. Smith was court martialled for his role in this atrocity and it marked the first time that an American officer stood trial for what we now call war crimes. However, the United States continues to refuse to return the church bells of Balangiga, which American soldiers took in 1901 as a war booty.

Fast forward to October 20, 1944. General Douglas MacArthur landed in Palo, Leyte to signal the return of American troops in Philippine soil; and more importantly, to expel the Japanese army that had invaded the country in 1941.

“People of the Philippines, I have returned! By the grace of Almighty God, our forces stand again on Philippine soil,” said MacArthur in a historic radio broadcast. The ensuing Battle of Leyte Gulf involved one of the world’s largest sea battles and the victory of the American forces proved decisive in ending Japanese rule in the Philippines and in Asia. Many Filipinos today continue to regard MacArthur as the “savior of the Philippines.”

In 1991, American troops left the country after the Philippine Senate rejected the bases treaty. That same year, American soldiers were forced to evacuate their base in Pampanga in central Luzon island because of the eruption of Mt. Pinatubo. Two decades later, and another devastating natural disaster has hit the country, this time bringing U.S. forces back to the islands in the Visayas.

When super typhoon Haiyan (Yolanda) struck Samar and Leyte on November 8, the U.S. was among the first countries in the world to offer assistance. Aside from sending cash donations, Washington dispatched its Japan-based military forces to assist in rescue operations, especially in the remote islands of the eastern Visayas region.

The USS George Washington arrived in the country last week with 5,000 sailors aboard. The U.S. also dispatched the USS Germantown and USS Ashland, amphibious warfare vessels that proved very helpful in transporting relief goods to far-flung villages of Samar and Leyte.

By last weekend, the U.S. military had already made 186 aircraft sorties, representing 480 flight hours, and had airlifted nearly 2,900 typhoon victims. Osprey and KC-130 aircraft had delivered 107,000 pounds of food, water and other urgent supplies to the local government.

Aside from the sailors aboard the aircraft carrier, there are more than 600 U.S. military personnel in the Philippines conducting relief services. About 1,000 Marines with the 31st Marine Expeditionary Unit are expected to arrive soon.

Many countries have dispatched troops, but it seems it is the U.S. military that is leading the ground operations. Journalist Terry Moran wrote about how an Israeli officer was instructed by a high-ranking Philippine official “to talk to the Americans” for the coordination in the relief missions

Analysts believe that the active participation of U.S. troops in the rebuilding of typhoon-damaged communities in the Philippines is both a goodwill measure and an effective military strategy at a time when the U.S. is pivoting towards the Asia-Pacific.

Some compare the mercy missions of the U.S. to MacArthur’s historic landing in Leyte. For others, the sight of foreign troops may bring back less pleasant memories. Either way, though, the U.S. is once again poised to make history in Samar and Leyte.

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Our year of living disastrously

By admin | November 19, 2013

Written for the CNN

The images of the devastation wrought by super typhoon Haiyan as it hit the Philippines the past two days have shocked people across the globe. But be prepared for even more heartbreaking images and stories of the storm’s aftermath once reporters and rescuers are finally able to reach remote coastal towns here like Samar and Leyte Provinces.

Haiyan, the strongest typhoon this year, caused a tsunami-like storm surge that almost completely wiped out facilities in Leyte Province, killing thousands in the process. Indeed, early police reports are already suggesting the number of dead could top 10,000.

The scenes in Tacloban City alone are heart-wrenching. Dead bodies are everywhere, dazed survivors are walking the streets, and parents are desperately looking for food and water. Some sought refuge in the airport, but this was also destroyed during the storm. Evacuation centers and public markets have been flooded. Even the mayor of Tacloban reportedly had to be rescued from his home. Power lines are down and could take a month to be restored. It seems particularly cruel that the already powerless here literally now don’t have power.

After surveying the ruins in Tacloban, a Cabinet official likened the flattened houses to scattered matchsticks. A journalist reported that he felt like he was inside a washing machine during the storm surge. One survivor likened the eerie streets of Tacloban to a scene in the Hollywood zombie flick World War Z.

Tacloban is an urban hub with modern communications and transportation facilities, which explains why the world was so quickly able to see the deadly impact of the storm. (It is also, incidentally, the hometown of Rep. Imelda Marcos, the wife of former Philippine dictator Ferdinand Marcos).

But Tacloban, the capital of Leyte, which together with Samar Province comprises the Eastern Visayas region, is also one of the country’s poorest regions, an area plagued by hunger, joblessness, and deprivation. Typhoon Haiyan has therefore been particularly devastating for this part of the world, and has dashed all hope that the region’s people could be lifted with the rising Philippine economy.

In fact, while the Philippine economy is one of the fastest growing in the Asia-Pacific – growing at 6.6 percent last year – extreme poverty is a continuing reality for many in this country, especially those living in the country’s rural eastern corridor and coastal barangays (villages).

These are difficult times for the Philippines. But sadly for many Filipinos, this is not so much the year of living dangerously as living disastrously. Conflict on the southern island of Mindanao has wreaked the livelihoods of people there, while Bohol and Cebu Provinces are still recovering from a powerful earthquake that struck the islands just last month. Several Luzon provinces near the capital of Manila, meanwhile, have already been reeling from agricultural losses caused by flash floods.

Of course the immediate objective now is search and rescue, and Filipinos will welcome the fact that during times of crises like this, other nations will no doubt respond by sending aid and humanitarian assistance. But once the relief provisions have been distributed, will there be enough left here after the storm to kick start the economy at the grassroots level? The reality is that the Philippines cannot expect to live on charity alone. International aid cannot sustain even a subsistence economy, like that of much of the region that has been worst hit, and so it is essential that Filipinos rebuild with sustainability in mind.

Building for sustainability should also mean the country’s resources and rehabilitation efforts should be utilized with climate proofing in mind, and economic policies should be designed to prevent Filipinos from being constant disaster refugees. It’s no secret that the country experiences extreme natural events year round. Situated in the Pacific “ring of fire,” the Philippine archipelago is dotted with numerous volcanoes and active fault lines, not to mention the multiple typhoons that hit each year, such as last year’s typhoon Bopha, the world’s deadliest disaster of 2012.

Sadly, each natural calamity has only further exposed the government’s inadequate disaster preparedness. Weather tracking facilities have been revealed as pre-modern or non-existent in some places, while infrastructure such as communications equipment is far too vulnerable, further undermining already inadequate emergency mechanisms. All this is exacerbated by the rapid deterioration of the country’s natural ecosystem.

The Haiyan tragedy has reminded Filipinos of their resiliency as a nation, something that is giving hope to survivors and other victims of natural disasters. But this legendary Filipino spirit should also be invoked in our campaign for good governance. Before Haiyan wreaked havoc in the country, Filipinos were outraged by an expose of corruption involving the siphoning of public funds, including disaster funds, by prominent politicians.

This latest tragedy should be a reminder that while disasters will strike no matter what we do, cleaner, more efficient governance can sometimes help stop disaster turning into catastrophe.

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Singapore’s ‘Tuition Industrial Complex’

By admin | November 5, 2013

Written for The Diplomat

Policymakers are debating the social impact of private tuition or tutoring classes which have proliferated in recent years. The numbers are simply staggering: More than 90 percent of primary students are enrolled in after-school tuition centers while parents spend an estimated $680 million annually on tutoring services. Soon, it will be a billion-dollar industry.

But aside from being a thriving sector, tuition has become Singapore’s ‘shadow education system’ that caters even to academically-gifted students. And the government is not quite happy with this development.

“Our education system is run on the basis that tuition is not necessary. Some parents believe they can give their children an added advantage by sending them to tuition classes, even though their children are doing reasonably well. We cannot stop them from doing so,” said Senior Minister of State for Education Indranee Rajah in a parliament session.

The rise of tuition led many to ask whether it is really beneficial to students in the long run. Does it enrich the learning of children or does it create a ‘mindset of dependency?’ Is it a good investment or a waste of resources?

In the past, tuition was reserved for students who were lagging behind in school. But today, it has become a compulsory service for almost all students – especially those who want to earn higher grades. For many parents, tuition is necessary to give their children a competitive edge in the school and many of them will continue to pay high fees as long as the test scores of their children keep on improving.

But the tuition craze could also affect Singapore’s education system, which ranks among the best in the world. Some parents are worried that schools might lose their best teachers to private tuition centers. The government may be correct to claim that there is a low resignation rate among teachers today; but as tuition continues to expand, how long can schools retain their most experienced teachers, those who might be lured by better career opportunities in the private sector?

There is also a concern about the impact of tuition on the formal learning process in schools. Do students pay more attention to classroom lessons or do they simply expect to be tutored after class? How do teachers adjust their teaching methods with the knowledge that most of their students are enrolled in tuition classes?

Singapore might soon face the prospect that all students are already taking tuition sessions. It could immediately lead to higher examination results and better academic performance of students which would reflect positively on Singaporean education in general. But this numeric achievement should be balanced by taking into consideration the overall development of students, including their health, attitude, and mental well-being.

In other words, public discussion should not simply focus on the economics of tuition and its pedagogic value. More importantly, the tuition debate should lead to deeper reflection on how Singapore nurtures its next generation.

Why Singapore Doesn’t Count the Poor

Written for The Diplomat

Singapore, one of the richest countries in the world, has 20 billionaires and 188,000 millionaires. But curiously, the government doesn’t know the exact number of its poor households. Maybe Kishore Mahbubani, a former diplomat, was correct when he wrote in 2001 that poverty has already been eradicated and that there were no longer “homeless, destitute or starving people” in Singapore. But this seems a bold claim to make in light of the recently documented hardships faced by many ordinary Singaporeans. Perhaps it’s more accurate to mention that the lack of poverty data is related to the government’s refusal to define the country’s poverty line.

Responding to a question in a parliament session, Minister for Social and Family Development Chan Chun Sing explained why the government is not inclined to follow the lead of Hong Kong, which recently defined the poverty threshold: “A poverty line does not fully reflect the severity and complexity of the issues faced by poor families, which could include ill health, lack of housing or weak family relationships. If we use a single poverty line to assess the family, we also risk a ‘cliff effect,’ where those below the poverty line receive all forms of assistance, while other genuinely needy citizens outside the poverty line are excluded.”

He added that developed countries like Canada and New Zealand have not adopted poverty lines in measuring their economies.

But the minister’s “cliff effect” argument was quickly debunked by many. For instance, writer Kirsten Han argued why setting the poverty line would not lead to the exclusion of other less deprived households.

“The existence of a poverty line does not mean that all focus should be directed towards those who fall below it. Once we see that poverty exists as a structural problem, more steps can be taken to address the distribution of resources and opportunities.”

Indeed, the poverty line can be a useful tool for the government in devising multiple programs to assist low-income households. More importantly, it will help validate the effectiveness of the government’s existing economic and social services for the poor.

But the strong reaction to the minister’s response reflects the sentiment among many Singaporeans that the government is not doing enough to address the growing gap between the rich and poor (let alone acknowledge it).

The issue of whether setting the poverty line is relevant for Singapore came out right after the Catholic group Caritas launched an initiative called Singaporeans Against Poverty, whose aim is to raise awareness about poverty and mobilize public support in breaking the cycle of poverty in Singapore. In particular, the campaign urges Singaporeans to be more sensitive about rising poverty despite the reported affluence in the country.

The group claimed that there are 105,000 families or 387,000 individuals whose monthly income is less than $1500. It added that in 2012, more than 100,000 Singaporeans and permanent residents earned less than $1,000 a month despite working full time. It also cited a 2008 survey which showed that a third of households living in one- and two-room flats have no income.

Setting a poverty line would not discredit the status of Singapore as a rich nation. No one can dispute its sterling achievements in building a world-class city that provides efficient services to its citizens and visitors. But poverty, however insignificant the number, is also a reality in modern and prosperous Singapore. And the government, which wants to define and count almost everything, including what constitutes unlawful assembly, can best tackle the problem of poverty by identifying the number of poor that deserve to receive urgent assistance.

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Information Fatigue

By admin | November 2, 2013

Written for Bulatlat

If journalism is history in a hurry, can we describe social media as the hurrying of history? Because of mobile Internet, events are ‘instantiated’ in our timelines and webpages. We constantly access the Internet not simply to read the mirror images of this morning’s newspapers or videos of last night’s news reports but to monitor the news as it happens. Watch livestream events, participate in crowdsourced reporting, information is delivered in realtime.

The immediate and obvious consequence of this phenomenon is information overload. When big data are reduced into 140 characters and creative graphics, they are easily exchanged in the cyberspace which allows everyone to consume and create information at the same time. We become both victims and aggressors in the digital warfare; specialists and spectators in the information superhighway.

The problem is different and even worse than excessive TV viewing because the latter can be easily solved by switching off the machine. But a smartphone is not only loaded with numerous must-have apps, its basic features – SMS and call – are considered as among the essentials of 21st century living. The power-off button is actually seldom used today. In other words, ‘the data will always get through’ even if our gadgets are on silent mode.

But few are complaining of information fatigue. In fact, the trend is in the direction of promoting greater online presence. Is visual stress a non-issue among the digital natives? Or perhaps many are still hypnotized by the allure of virtual communities. Maybe we are too engrossed, fascinated, and distracted by the neverending flow of data to notice how our seemingly mundane Internet activities are deeply affecting our senses. For example, are we really reading something when we go online or are we just simply absorbing the visuals that appear and fade in the multiple tabs of our browsers?

The good news is that Internet overexposure is partly addressed by netizen campaigns that seek to enhance and protect our online experience. Through these initiatives, there is still hope to make the Internet a better and safer place for everybody, especially the children. But responsible Internet usage is not enough.

The other essential task is to make the Internet more truly social. We should begin by acknowledging that the Internet, despite its democratic functions, also reinforces individualism and apathy in society. By bombarding us with too much (trivial) information, the Internet lulls us into inaction. For many people, the ability to consume and exchange information is equated with action. Experience is understood as the accumulation, storing, and spreading of information. We feel empowered just because we can freely access and manipulate information. Perhaps unconsciously, we use information to “anaesthetize the injuries of class, race, and sex” (Susan Sontag). As our social worlds deteriorate, we find solace in the information frenzy of our social networks.

The political goal is suddenly redirected to maintain open interactions in the cyberspace in order not to impede the intake and flow of information. The unintended effect is the narrowing of our concept of political engagement.

The Internet has ceaselessly provided us with useful tools that revolutionized communication and information sharing in the world. Information is suddenly made available for everybody. Everything can be fact-checked now in an instant. Solutions are already downloadable. But this is also the same reason why action seems inadequate and less forceful in the real world. Reversing the formulation made by media guru Marshall McLuhan when he described the legacy of typography in Western society, what we have today is a proliferation of tools that give us the power to react without acting. By leading us to think that political action is the same with information access, the Internet has become a glorified platform for non-involvement and detachment. Information swapping becomes the preferred form of political intervention.

Information overload is an appropriate term. It reminds us that what gets exchanged at dizzying speed in the cyberspace are simply information, which are mostly spam anyway. There is no such thing as truth overload or truth fatigue. Fact-checking through Google is different from the ‘truth procedure.’

Therefore, truth-seeking should be the norm in our everyday Internet activities. This approach would hopefully prevent us from getting distracted by the noise and clutter that pervade the Internet world. Restore politics in information, fight for truth and only truth in the Internet.

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Why Rallies Are Not Really Rallies in Manila and Phnom Penh

By admin | October 31, 2013

Written for The Diplomat, before the September 11 anti-pork EDSA event.

Since last month, Cambodians and Filipinos have been staging massive outdoor rallies in their respective capitals but curiously they are denying that these are protests.

After accusing the ruling Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) of manipulating the July 28 election results, the opposition Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP) organized an assembly on August 6, presumably to protest the election fraud. But party leaders clarified that the aim of the gathering at the Phnom Penh Freedom Park was simply to thank supporters and voters. Another outdoor “meeting” was called on August 26 to inform the people about their demand for the establishment of an independent committee to probe the recent elections.

Thousands of Cambodians attended these assemblies which somehow reflected the rising public dissatisfaction against the government of Prime Minister Hun Sen who has been in power for the past three decades.

To sustain the momentum of its campaign, the CNRP announced that its first official election protest will be held on September 7. But days before the scheduled rally, party leader Sam Rainsy surprised many supporters when he declared that the assembly will be a day of prayer and meditation for justice.

“What we are calling a non-violent and peaceful demonstration would have the spirit of a ceremony of contemplation and prayer throughout the country,” Rainsy said in a press conference. “We will preach and be gentle,” he added. He advised participants to bring candles, incense and lotus flowers.

To prove that it is seriously advocating nonviolence, the CNRP held a training session before the rally to teach participants how to react non-violently to police provocations and avoid the use of abusive and racist language.

“Because we are Khmer we have to have gentle expressions…we have to keep smiling,” explained CNRP vice president Kem Sokha.

The CNRP decision to hold a mass prayer instead of a traditional rally was probably intended to encourage more people to join the activities of the opposition. The party must be preparing for a long political battle for which it needs to develop a broad constituency that could challenge the strong machinery of the ruling CPP.

Opposition politician Mu Sochua argued why violent engagement won’t be effective today: “As for the change we want of the election results, it would take a violent confrontation and I personally think that we are not ready, nor willing to take that route. I believe that taking one step at a time to strengthen peoples’ self-confidence for more sustainable change…will help us take over power at 2018 elections.”

Aside from threatening to boycott the Parliament sessions, the CNRP has called for more rallies next week. But it is not yet certain whether the planned actions are really protest rallies or something else.

Meanwhile, in the Philippines thousands converged at Luneta Park in Manila on August 26 to denounce the rampant corruption in the government after a whistleblower revealed how politicians are systematically misappropriating funds. It was a gathering organized mainly by netizens and instead of calling it a rally, they described it as a “massive pocket picnic get together.”

The official Facebook page for the event even contained explicit reminders about the non-partisan character of the activity: “No group banners. No political colors. No speeches. Just all of us ordinary, tax-paying people showing government they answer to us. We need this outrage, anger to reach critical mass.”

During the scheduled assembly, the center of the park was exclusively designated for individuals not affiliated with any political groups. And instead of political speeches, participants listened to patriotic songs and occasional logistical announcements.

The next major anti-corruption event is scheduled for September 11 and this time it will be held at the historic Edsa Shrine, the site of People Power uprisings which led to the ouster of two presidents in 1986 and 2001. But again, the event is supposedly not a political rally but a prayer vigil against corruption. The powerful Catholic Church hierarchy is endorsing the activity.

The Facebook page for the event contains states: “No banners, placards, effigies or bullhorns. This is not a political rally. This is a prayer vigil.” Participants are also barred from bringing costumes and megaphones. But they are encouraged to bring trash bags to clean up the shrine after the vigil.

On September 13, protesters will return to Luneta Park for an assembly that will apparently take the form of a rock concert. There is also a gathering planned for September 21.

The series of “protests” reflects the continuing and rising outrage felt by many Filipinos about the plunder of people’s money by corrupt politicians. Despite the pledge of President Benigno Aquino III to abolish the legislative pork, angry citizens and netizens continue to call for the scrapping of all discretionary funds, including the presidential pork.

Perhaps the events were advertised as peaceful, fun and safe in order to attract a bigger crowd. The banning of political speeches and banners proves that the assemblies were not organized by the country’s opposition forces. It is important to note that opposition politicians are also implicated in the corruption scandal.

So far, the “non-rallies” in Phnom Penh and Manila have been effective in drawing more people and generating public interest. But participants must also acknowledge that despite their rejection of partisan political ideologies, their decision to join the citizen assemblies is itself a political act. And besides, how can we refrain from speaking and acting in clear political terms when we are fighting political evils like election fraud and corruption?

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