Across Rivers, Atop Mountains: A Constituency Unreachable via Internet

Written for Global Voices, The Bridge project

What are the duties of a party list legislator? Draft laws, participate in plenary debates, and yes, even climb mountains.

A lawmaker’s job is to articulate the demands of a constituency. Therefore, a lawmaker must regularly consult his people. In the context of a Third World agrarian archipelago like the Philippines, this means reaching out to villages living in remote hinterlands, small islands surrounded by active volcanoes, and even flooded river valleys.

Ideally, we could maximize Internet tools to connect the rural and the urban. Connectivity is increasing, but we cannot deny that a significant part of our population is still disconnected from wireless or even dial-up technologies.

Crowd-sourcing must be interpreted literally. In other words, citizens must still be physically gathered in an assembly where they can freely express their opinions. A lawmaker must sometimes cross hanging bridges, dirt roads and mountain trails to be present in these assemblies.

In the past four years, I had the privilege of attending numerous community meetings organized by students, farmers, fisherfolk, workers and indigenous peoples. I went to coastal barangays (villages), day care centers, reclamation sites, land reform zones and protest camps of striking workers. It was truly a marvelous experience to see the majestic islands of the Philippines; but it was also heartbreaking to witness the inhumanity of numbing poverty in both the countryside and Mega Manila.

Through my participation in these assemblies, I felt as if I was enrolled in massive, open offline courses on Philippine geography, social history, public administration and political science. They reveal what official government reports are excluding. They are testimonies of policy failures. At the same time, they provide a glimpse of grassroots democracy in action.

My most memorable non-official function was a trip I made to Sarangani in 2011. Located in the southernmost island of the country, Sarangani is famously represented in Congress by world boxing champion Manny Pacquiao. It’s a poor province, yet blessed with abundant resources. It’s situated in the country’s tuna capital region and parts of the province are said to contain one of the largest gold deposits in the world.

Perhaps because of intensified mining activities, there is a military occupation in many villages to secure mining operations. The immediate impact was the deployment of troops in upland villages that negatively affected the lives of B’laan tribal communities, including the schooling of children.

I was invited by a non-governmental organization to visit a school taken over by the military in the municipality of Malapatan and to help deliver medical and food supplies in the area. After traversing a ‘river highway’ for three hours, we arrived in the upland village. The village chief was close to tears when he told me that I was the first member of Congress and the highest official of the land who had visited their region.

Indeed, the location is so remote that it’s not even included in the map of the municipality. Another part of the village can only be reached after trekking for more than five hours.

I saw the dilapidated conditions of the school. I met the teachers who expressed their frustration about the absence of vital social services in the village. I got the chance to interact with B’laan students. Later, I learned from the provincial education authorities that the situation in Malapatan is almost the same in other upland towns of the province.

This exposure inspired me to be more aggressive in Congress in demanding more funds for provincial public schools. It reminded me that the fundamental solution in addressing the crisis of Philippine education is to provide the basics of primary schooling: more investments for teachers, infrastructure and student support. But beyond these demands, I realized too that education reforms would be rendered meaningless if not accompanied by concrete poverty eradication measures.

The world may be advancing thanks to the wonders of IT but there are local spaces whose need for connectivity is not directly related to the Internet or social media. Indeed, a request for Wi-Fi connection would be quite laughable in a waterless community.

My term in Congress has ended but I continue to think about the upland village I visited in Sarangani. As legislator and politician, I admit my failure to provide direct and sustained assistance to the village residents, especially the children. But as an activist, my work continues and I am happy that I am joined by friends and strangers in the continuing struggle to end inequality, injustice and oppression in the world.

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Beauty, Race, and Politics on the Pageant Circuit

Written for The Diplomat

Beauty queens Megan Young of the Philippines and Moe Set Wine of Myanmar soon found themselves facing issues of race and racism after winning the Miss World and Miss Myanmar competitions, respectively.

Moe Set Wine will represent Myanmar at the Miss Universe pageant after she was crowned Miss Myanmar early this month. It will be the first time in 52 years that Myanmar is sending a contestant to the annual event, which is seen by some as yet more proof of reform and transition in the country. In fact, observers noted that some performances in the program made reference to Myanmar’s internal conflict.

But less than a week after her victory, the 25-year-old beauty queen quickly drew controversy after reports surfaced that she is Chinese and not Burmese. She allegedly joined the Miss Chinese International contest in 2009 under the name Yang Xinrong. Further, she shocked many people when she attended a football event and was greeted by Nay Shwe Thway Aung, the grandson of the country’s former dictator Than Shwe.

After reading these reports, some Burmese netizens wanted Moe Set Wine to give up her crown. An online beauty pageant was even held to search for a new representative to the Miss Universe event. But the organizers of the Miss Myanmar contest insisted that Moe Set Wine is a Burmese citizen who has won the right to represent Myanmar in the Miss Universe competition.

In an interview after her win, Moe Set Wine emphasized that “beauty alone is not enough to become Miss Universe.” Indeed, her toughest challenge today is not to prove her beauty and intelligence but to convince her fellow Burmese that she is a genuine citizen of Myanmar.

Fortunately for Megan Young of the Philippines, no Filipinos questioned her citizenship when she bagged this year’s Miss World title in Indonesia. But curiously, some international reports highlighted the fact that she is half-American who was born and raised in the United States. There is also an unconfirmed appeal to credit Megan Young’s victory to both the Philippines and the United States.

But it was the Twitter rant of Singapore-based Devina DeDiva which grabbed global attention after she insulted Megan Young and Filipinos in general.

“Miss Philippines is Miss World? What a joke! I did not know those maids have anything else in them,” wrote DeDiva who has since then deleted the racist Twitter post.

She added that Filipinos are poor, uneducated, and “smelly from cleaning toilets.”

Not surprisingly, DeDiva instantly became reviled in the Philippines. One Filipino filed a criminal case against DeDiva in Singapore for her racist remarks. She was also fired from her job as an assistant teacher. DeDiva has reportedly apologized to Megan Young and Filipinos for her comments, but many Filipinos remain angry.

Megan Young’s victory is special to Filipinos because it made the Philippines the third country in the world after Brazil and Venezuela to win all four major beauty pageants: Miss Universe, Miss International, Miss Earth and Miss World. But racism, courtesy of DeDiva, almost ruined the celebration in the islands – which partly explains the vitriolic response of many Filipinos to DeDiva’s insulting posts.

Perhaps aside from promoting world peace and women’s empowerment, the Miss World winner can also advance the cause of racial harmony.

Harrison Ford and Rihanna: Environmental Crusaders?

Written for The Diplomat

Harrison Ford’s visit to Indonesia and Rihanna’s brief vacation in Thailand attracted not just the attention of their fans but also environmental advocates.

Ford arrived in Indonesia two weeks ago to make a documentary on climate change. His itinerary included a tour of the Tesso Nilo national park and high-profile interviews with the country’s Forestry Minister Zulkifli Hasan and President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.

But the Indiana Jones and Star Wars actor stirred controversy when Zulkifli accused him of rude behavior during their interview. Zulkifli complained that Ford didn’t give him enough time to prepare for the meeting. “The interview time was very limited. I was given a chance to make only one or two comments,” the minister said.

“I understand the American man just came here to see Tesso Nilo [a national park on the island of Sumatra] and wanted violators to be caught the same day,” he added. The minister was referring to Ford’s inquiry about the high rate of deforestation in the country.

Zulkifli’s complaint was echoed by a presidential special staffer on social affairs and disaster relief who described Ford’s behavior as “harassment against a state institution.” He even threatened that Ford could be deported because of the incident.

But public reaction seemed to be in favor of Ford. Many people thought he raised tough but pertinent questions about the effectiveness of the government’s environmental policies. Indeed, Ford was right on the mark when he asked about the failure of authorities to prosecute individuals and companies responsible for the forest fires that caused a deadly haze in the region a few months ago.

Fortunately, Ford was not deported and even managed to discuss the country’s forest situation with President Yudhoyono.

Meanwhile, in Thailand, a very different kind of star, pop singer Rihanna unintentionally exposed the continuing trade in protected wildlife in Thailand when she visited the island of Phuket last weekend.

Thai authorities were quickly alerted when Rihanna uploaded an Instagram selfie of a slow loris on her shoulder while touring Phuket’s Soi Bangla.

Perhaps Rihanna was not properly informed that the furry primate she was cuddling is a protected species. The loris is listed as a protected animal in the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora. Under the Thailand Wildlife Preservation and Protection Act, possession of the loris without a permit carries a penalty of 40,000 baht or up to four years’ imprisonment. A Loris Awareness Week was recently observed to educate the people about the need to protect the animal.

Despite these regulations, the loris continues to be peddled in Thailand’s resort islands, with police unable to apprehend individuals violating the law. Enter Rihanna.

Rihanna is just one of the many tourists who had been photographed holding a loris; but then again she is no ordinary tourist. Her Twitter account is followed by more than 31 million people. Her Instagram photo was “liked” by more than 250,000 subscribers. It’s simply impossible not to notice Rihanna’s selfie with the protected primate.

Thai police were clearly embarrassed by this unintended exposure. Naturally, animal welfare groups were outraged to learn that local authorities have been remiss in enforcing the laws that seek to protect the loris and other endangered species.

Immediately after Rihanna’s loris photo went viral, police launched a crackdown that led to the arrest of two men who were subsequently charged with illegal possession of the animal.

Ford and Rihanna have demonstrated once more how celebrities can help advance a particular advocacy. Ford has already sparked awareness and discussion about Indonesia’s fragile ecosystem and hopefully his documentary will provide an in-depth treatment of the environmental crisis in Indonesia. In the case of Rihanna, her seemingly innocent photos have forced Thai authorities to act. Perhaps in the future she might be recruited in the campaign for greater animal protection.

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Invisible violence

Written for Bulatlat

South Korea’s Tower Infinity will feature the world’s third highest observation deck. But the building’s main attraction cannot be seen, literally. Using an LED façade with optical cameras, the building will ‘disappear’ which would wake it the world’s first ‘invisible’ highrise. The trick works by displaying images of the building’s surroundings onto the LED screen.

This optical illusion is the key to understanding how structural violence wreaks havoc in our lives without being seen by anybody. Like Tower Infinity, it is there but it can’t be seen. It has vanished by mirroring and amplifying the other conditions of everyday life.

Structural violence is the supreme evil that cannot be named. It does not merely support the system of inequality and oppression; it is the system that every revolution seeks to dismantle.

When politicians hide their misdeeds, they use elaborate manipulations to distract our attention or redirect our gaze. But structural violence is different: it dissociates itself from the scene of the crime through a self-disappearing act. We feel and suffer its monstrous impact but we can’t easily identify it. Like the fallen angel in the movie City of Angels, he can feel the presence of angels but he can’t see them.

But victims of violence need to name their oppressors. They must condemn and punish the instigators of violence. Structural violence responds by highlighting the visible violent or aggressive acts of individuals, especially those who are rabidly trying to expose the pure evilness of the system.

Violence is the clash between activists and police in a rally and not the government decision to slash welfare funds. The barricades set up by villagers to prevent the entry of a demolition team provoked the subsequent violent dispersal of the protest; and not the sham land and housing reform policy of the state. Striking workers are causing the loss of jobs and not the neoliberal economic prescriptions of international finance institutions. Heckling is rude but not the president’s speech which justified the imposition of more austerity measures. Tribal warriors are economic saboteurs for resisting mining and logging activities in their ancestral domains; but not the middlemen and financiers of these resource extraction investments. Documenting street crimes justifies the proliferation of CCTV eyes despite issues of privacy and surveillance. Election laws are strictly enforced which lead to the arrest of flying voters and campaign supporters; but criminal masterminds of e-voting fraud remain unknown. Focus on city traffic woes while ignore issues of maldevelopment and uneven growth.

Those who are banging hard at the wall are deemed barbarians and violent. But we often forget that the wall itself is a form of violence and the decision to build it is perhaps the more violent act. Structural violence escapes blame by naming itself as an objective reality. It insists that the wall was there since time immemorial; it has no history because it represents the natural order of things. It cannot be demolished because it is contrary to natural law.

It promotes the thinking that human miseries can be eliminated if individuals will modify their behavior. Violence is caused by the immoral choices made by man. The system can be reformed through little individual acts of kindness and heroism.

These arguments become easier to accept and understand once structural violence and its essential discontents are made to disappear.

And because structural violence is already rendered invisible, it is now able to inflict more harm and suffering in the world without being tagged as the culprit. Meanwhile, the chattering and twittering classes are echoing the reasoning of politicians when they invoke the laws and legal orders of the land to bring down the visible agent provocateurs and other uncivilized forces of society. Tragic because many of these moral defenders of the law are patriotic citizens who refuse to recognize the heinous link of symbolic violence in society. For them, structural violence is a theory concocted by lawless elements to destroy the social harmony in the Republic. Theory is fun, but they require evidence that can be presented in the courts.

The great political task therefore is not simply to smash the system to smithereens but to render its mysterious and insidious operations visible. Before the permanent shutdown of governments, the first priority is to unmask the dirty history of structural violence. During crisis moments, the inner workings of the system are partly open for public scrutiny but these are only brief periods because new remedies are quickly applied which make structural violence seemingly nonexistent again. What we should do in the next period of upheaval is to follow the great lesson of history: Seize the moment!

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Suu Kyi Lectures Singapore on Materialism

Written for The Diplomat

Singapore received a stinging, albeit friendly criticism from Nobel Peace Laureate and Myanmar opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who reminded one of the world’s richest countries that there are greater goals to achieve in life than wealth.

Suu Kyi attended a leadership summit in Singapore where she discussed, among other things, the reforms her party is envisioning for Myanmar. But during the press forum Suu Kyi spoke her mind on Singapore’s impressive economic growth.

“One gets used to thinking of Singapore as a financial, a commercial city, where people are more intent on business and money than human relations,” said Suu Kyi in her opening remarks. “But I have to say that I was pleasantly surprised that there is a lot of human warmth going around this place.”

She was cautious in praising the efficiency of Singaporean institutions. For instance, she described Singapore’s education system as “workforce oriented.”

Suu Kyi added: “That made me think. What is work all about? What are human beings for? What are human lives about?”

She wanted Myanmar to “learn” from the Singapore model instead of “recreating” it. She said, “I want to learn a lot from the standards that Singapore has been able to achieve but I wonder whether we want something more for our country.”

Suu Kyi also urged Singapore to learn from the experience of Myanmar: “So I think perhaps Singapore could learn from us, a more relaxed way of life, perhaps warmer and closer relationships.”

Perhaps Suu Kyi has not yet forgotten that Singapore remained an active trading partner and friendly neighbor to Myanmar during the reign of the Junta. Singapore statesman Lee Kuan Yew even expressed more confidence in the Burmese Army as the only institution “keeping the country stable and preventing civil war.” He also doubted the ability of Suu Kyi “to govern if ever she came to power.”

Nevertheless, Suu Kyi’s remarks were welcomed by many Singaporeans. For writer Bertha Henson, it’s time for Singapore to do some “furious thinking and soul searching.”

She wrote: “Are we just a money-grubbing nation, efficiently churning out digits for the future workplace? Are we all about the Central Business District skyline? Is that really how other people see us? As calculative individuals who do not put much stock in human relationships?”

Blogger Xuyun reminded Singapore’s leaders to go beyond the GDP in measuring the quality of life: “Aung San Suu Kyi simply pricked the bubble of our materialistic minds, exposing our emptiness beyond that magnificent façade which we built our self-esteem on and from which defines our success. GDP) should not be pursued to the extent of reducing quality of life for the majority of the people in the process. And GDP alone does not define the spirit and the soul of a nation.”

Singapore is far ahead of Myanmar in almost every indicator of human and economic development, but Suu Kyi has a point when she pressed the Lion City to aim for a broader definition of progress and development.

Chin Peng: Hero or Criminal?

Written for The Diplomat

The death of Communist Malayan Party leader Chin Peng has revived the debate about his role in the modern history of Malaysia and Singapore.

Chin led the resistance against the Japanese occupation during the Second World War; and then subsequently, against the British colonial forces in the late 1940s and 1950s. As an independence fighter, he was often compared with Myanmar’s Aung San, Indonesia’s Sukarno and Vietnam’s Ho Chi Minh.

But his campaign to establish a communist state, which led to many years of civil war, also made him unpopular. He was accused of waging a brutal guerrilla war that killed thousands. After the defeat of his forces, he moved and operated near the Thailand-Malaysian border. He lived in exile in Thailand even after a peace agreement was finalized with the Malaysian government in 1989.

Malaysian officials have rejected the request to bring home Chin’s ashes, claiming he was not a Malaysian citizen. Moreover, they are worried that a memorial could be erected by Chin’s followers.

“We know that if his body or ashes are brought back, there will be some who will deify him as a warrior-hero or make a monument to him. This will further break the hearts of our veterans and their families on top of the cruelty of Chin Peng and the communists,” said Malaysia’s Home Minister Ahmad Zahid Hamidi.

Former Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad reiterated that Chin fought the British so that Malaysia can be converted into a satellite country of the Soviet Union. He added that the divisive leader didn’t want democracy for Malaysia.

Meanwhile, M Kulasegaran, a member of parliament from Ipoh Barat, suggested that Chin’s ashes should be returned home in recognition of his “valiant” struggle for independence and in deference to the terms of the peace accords which the government signed in 1989.

For opposition politician Tian Chua, Chin’s role in the region’s history should not be diminished. Tian said: “We have our evaluation of his role in the country even if we agree or disagree over his ideology. We must recognize that he was part of Malaysian history. He and his generation have shaped what we are today. And together with other leaders in Southeast Asia, they shaped the map of Southeast Asia.”

As expected, Malaysia didn’t send an official representative to Chin’s burial ceremony. But retired Thai generals and even a member of Thailand’s royal family managed to pay their last respects to the late communist leader.

Chin’s last letter to family and friends was read during his wake: “I wish to be remembered simply as a good man who could tell the world that he had dared to spend his entire life in pursuit of his own ideals to create a better world for his people. It is my conviction that the flames of social justice and humanity will never die.”

At the time of his death, Chin and his party no longer have any political influence in mainstream Malaysia. But perhaps his exhortation to the younger generation to continue the struggle for social justice is the threat that Malaysia’s ruling party wanted to suppress.

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Protests and Alternatives

Written for Bulatlat

Rallies are sometimes caricatured as noisy and irrelevant street spectacles. Dismissed as futile ranting of a mob obsessed and afflicted with negativity. They offer only problems not solutions. They are contrasted with other political acts that focus on providing so-called practical alternatives to everyday evils. A responsible protester is someone who does not hold placards or shout motherhood slogans; instead he writes letters and prefers polite conversations with authorities.

In the eyes of many intellectuals, rallies become legitimate if they have a government permit and if they give clear options on how to solve a particular problem.

But a rally is actually more than just politician-bashing, effigy-burning, and occasional clashing with the police. It is an essential democracy ritual organized to articulate a political vision.

Every protest has a demand, petition, and appeal. Embedded in the agenda is the naming of an alternative. For paranoid politicians, this is the threat that must be vanquished which explains their ruthlessness in dispersing rallies. The visible collectives must not be allowed to assert the superiority of new politics.

If complaints against the government dominate the message of most rallies, it simply means many people are outraged by the negligence of our leaders in addressing our social problems. But it doesn’t prove that rally participants are unconcerned with alternatives. In fact, we are compelled to act because we wanted to end our miseries by exposing the flaws of the current system.

If the proposed solution is not loudly echoed, it is probably because the priority at the moment is the exposition of an issue. If the primary task is to mobilize broader public support in opposing a specific policy, more attention will be given to this mandate. Sustain the momentum, simplify and clarify the message, and organize. But it doesn’t follow that activists are clueless about the alternatives. Usually, the ‘missing’ solution is already written in the manifesto or in the pamphlet. Not all solutions are presented in pompous legalese or confusing technical papers. Sometimes, the most reasonable answers to the most perplexing riddles of life are to be found in our ordinary conversations and interactions.

Activists attend rallies not only to denounce the superbads of the world but also to speak and defend the agenda of progressive politics. They are neither professional complainers nor fanatic anti-government propagandists. Instead, they must be recognized as sentimentalists and partisans of the democratic cause. Fiery speeches are not fueled by hatred but by the stubborn optimism in people power.

Rallies are unique grassroots events. They are rallies by the grassroots, for the grassroots, and of the grassroots. They are platforms where politics is practiced at its democratic purest. This is genuine political participation. Oppression is unmasked through the testimonies of the excluded. Proofs of misgovernance are highlighted. The naughty and nice of politics are named for what they really are. In other words, rallies provide the most effective massive open offline course on political education, and yes, even conscientization.

Rallies are subversive public gatherings because they disrupt the illusory harmony in mainstream society. Power relations are challenged, history is re-made, and the prospect of revolution is openly endorsed. The impact of rallies, big and small, is always immediate. They enhance the fighting capacity of the masses, they provoke the enemies to respond or retaliate, they create new truths and opinions, they agitate the social classes. By triggering instant reaction from many sectors in society, rallies have already generated a new set of issues to be deliberated that can help hasten the emergence of more political alternatives.

Rallies alter the configurations of the political landscape. New alternatives must be debated again. Partisan forces will again vie for dominance. Conservative restoration or radical revolution? Political struggle is a never-ending process. Rallies remind us that our situation is certainly not the “best of all possible worlds” and that building another world is what makes life more meaningful. Rallies are open invitations extended to everybody who is interested in change. Ideas, doctrines, banners, and placards are most welcome in rallies.

The streets cease to be dangerous when people ‘occupy’ the streets since public rage is redirected to serve the agenda of democracy. Power is briefly reclaimed in behalf of the powerless. The future is merged with the present. The political horizon is transformed. A rally gives a glimpse of the ultimate alternative to the existing system.

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Anti-Americanism, anyone?

Written for Bulatlat

I believe in America.

This is the famous opening line of the Hollywood film The Godfather. Incidentally, I share the same sentiment and I’d like to believe that most of my activist friends have a similar high regard for what America stands for. So why are we called anti-Americans?

First, America should not be reduced into the United States of America. We all know that USA is part of North America but there are also other countries in Central America and South America. Clearly, the geographical America is bigger than the 50 states of the USA.

But let us accept and adopt for the moment the convenient but wrong practice of misrepresenting USA for the whole America. Would I still say that I believe in America? The answer is yes.

I believe in America whose Declaration of Independence inspired countless anti-colonial movements in the world. I also believe in America which became the refuge of millions of immigrants who crossed the seas to escape wars and famines. I salute the brave Americans who fought slavery, racism, and Nazism. The world will be a less interesting place without America’s basketball games, corndogs, and user-friendly software apps.

Our so-called anti-Americanism is not a rejection of ‘truth, justice, and the American way of life’ but a celebration of these principles.

What we emphatically oppose is America’s brutal insistence that it has the natural right to impose its political, economic, and military hegemony on other nations. What we denounce is the American government every time it thinks and acts like a beastly machine. What we spread is the propaganda that America can combat global evils without undermining UN agreements and human rights.

If there are rallies in front of US embassies, they are often organized in response to a notorious or deadly policy of the US government. No activist group will hold a protest action just because many people were outraged by the twerking of Miley Cyrus. But a US-led drone attack which killed innocent civilians would probably inspire even non-activists to condemn the military aggression of the US.

‘Anti-Americanism’ is more than just a criticism of the misguided policies of the US government. It is also a plea for greater nationalism which is an effective response to defang the venomous bites of US meddling. When nations assert their sovereignty, US hegemony is weakened. This explains why non-American activists are consistently exhorting their leaders to be more patriotic and challenge the bullying antics of the US government.

It must be clarified that ‘anti-Americanism’ was never and is still never about the boycotting of ‘Made in America’ goods. When activists remind us to ‘Buy Local’, it is more likely motivated by the need to stimulate local industries than the desire to inflict hurt on American producers. Besides, the global assembly line production has made it almost impossible to distinguish which products are distinctly American. A boycott campaign is often associated with a consumer, labor, or environmental issue. Some activists are junking American burgers not because they dislike Uncle Sam but because of health concerns; or they could be demanding an end to the wage exploitation of workers in fastfood stores.

Criticizing America is not enough. One should build networks, reach out to other ‘anti-Americans’ in the world, and expose the murderous underside of American Supremacy. The natural allies in the struggle are the Americans themselves who are living inside the ‘belly of the beast’. Why? Because they also understand what it means to be oppressed by a police state and a scandalously elitist system. America’s terroristic policies are enforced even inside its borders.

The sins of American politicians are partly redeemed by the heroic efforts of ordinary Americans who are battling modern racism, slavery, and Fascism in their society. The most determined ‘anti-Americans’ are Americans who are opposed to unjust wars, finance speculation, and race discrimination. They are students who marched for civil liberties, workers who occupied Wall Street, and Facebookers who rejected the government’s draconian Internet laws.

It is inaccurate and unfair to claim that ‘anti-American’ protests in the world are fueled only by hate. Every protest is also an act of solidarity for all Americans who are working very hard to make the American Dream a genuine democratic reality.

‘Anti-Americanism’ is not the proper term when describing the global resistance movement that seeks to destroy the monstrous legacy of American exceptionalism. There is a name for what America has been doing to the world in the past century and it is called Imperialism. This makes us neither anti-Americans nor anti-USA. Proudly and militantly we raise the banner of the anti-imperialist movement.

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Thailand Opposition Behaving Badly

Written for The Diplomat

It seems Thailand’s opposition politicians are getting desperate.

Last month, 57 members of parliament belonging to the opposition Democrat Party were evicted from the session hall after they repeatedly protested the ruling of the presiding officer. When parliamentary police officers were called in to escort the MPs out, they forcibly resisted, with one seen grabbing the throat of a police officer.

When the incident occurred, the parliament was debating the proposed amendments to the constitution and the opposition wanted more time to ask questions.

Early this month, Democrat MP Chen Thaugsuban threw chairs inside the session to show his disgust over the ruling made by the deputy speaker. Chen was asking for an update about the clashes between the police and protesting rubber farmers in south Thailand but other MPs wanted to adjourn the session. Fortunately, no one was injured when Chen threw several chairs in the direction of the deputy speaker.

But what really surprised many people was the outburst of the usually cool and polite former Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva, who delivered a speech in which he called Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra a “stupid bitch”. Some newspapers translated the speech as “stupid woman” and “stupid lady.” But in any case, the “stupid” remark is offensive on its own.

Speaking at an event organized by the Democrat Party, Abhisit questioned Yingluck’s support for a new reality television show called Smart Lady Thailand.

Based on a translation made by Thai writer Saksith Saiyasombut, Abhisit reportedly said: “But I ask why do they do this project, why do they have to find a smart lady, why do they make a competition out of this? Because if they are looking for a stupid bitch, there would be no competition!”

Abhisit has since denied that he insulted Yingluck and Thai women in general, claiming his speech was taken out of context by many reporters.

Nevertheless, these controversial actions by the opposition have shocked supporters and disappointed many Thais. The parliament squabble could actually discourage voters from supporting campaigns initiated by the opposition. For veteran journalist Veera Prateepchaikul, the opposition and other public figures should learn from Abhisit’s mistake.

“(He) shot himself in the foot when he uttered an ill-considered remark a man of his stature is not supposed to make in public. Mr. Abhisit and other public figures should be careful when speaking in public, as their very own words could bounce back to bite them,” Veera wrote.

But what the opposition should also realize is that the aggressive behavior of some of its members has diverted the attention of the public away from the issues it is promoting.

The opposition’s concerns about the constitutional reforms proposed by the ruling Pheu Thai Party are legitimate. Their claim about the railroading of some legislative measures also seems accurate. Indeed, they have the right to demand more time for debates. It is only apt that the opposition should question the deployment of riot police near the parliament complex. The issues involved in the rubber protests also deserve to be adequately addressed.

But unfortunately, these concerns were overshadowed by screaming and violent MPs inside parliament.

Before delivering his infamous punchline, Abhisit was criticizing Yingluck’s numerous foreign trips. It was an appropriate criticism since Yingluck was in Europe at the time. But Abhisit lost his composure and went on to deliver his “stupid woman” (or “stupid bitch”) speech. So instead of responding to the accusations made by Abhisit that Yingluck is spending too much time in other countries, the ruling party hit back by demanding an apology from the opposition leader.

These are among the many social issues that could have effectively mobilized the Thai masses against the Yingluck government. Instead, the opposition continues to bungle its chances to seize the political initiative.

Deadly Accidents in Malaysia and Philippines Expose Weak Transport Systems

Written for The Diplomat

A bus accident in Malaysia that killed 37 people and a collision between a cargo ship and a passenger ship in the Philippines that left more than a hundred dead have raised troubling issues about road and maritime safety standards and enforcement in these two countries.

On August 21 an express bus crashed 60 meters down a ravine in Malaysia’s Genting Highlands, killing 37 people and injured 16 more. It was Malaysia’s deadliest road accident on record. Initial reports revealed that the bus company had already been placed on a blacklist with the Road Transport Department before the crash took place. Further, while the bus had a capacity of only 44 seats, it was transporting 53 passengers at the time of the crash.

The tragic accident prompted the Land Public Transport Commission to announce that it would soon implement a “Driver Information System” that will provide background information on public transport drivers.

Perhaps authorities should also review bus permits, which allowed up to 18 standing passengers. There’s also no harm in building wider and better roads at popular tourist spots like the Genting Highlands. Malaysia should also prepare its public transport system for greater ridership after it recently slashed fuel subsidies.

Meanwhile, more than one hundred passengers died in the Philippines on August 16 after MV Saint Thomas Aquinas of 2Go and Sulpicio Express Siete of Sulpicio Lines collided off the coast of Cebu province. More than 30 people are still missing. The passenger ship sank ten minutes after the impact near Cebu harbor.

If the name Sulpicio sounds familiar, it is because it is the same notorious company that owned and operated the ill-fated MV Dona Paz, the passenger ship that sank in 1987, killing more than 4,000 people. It was the worst peacetime maritime disaster in world history.

After five mishaps at sea, resulting in the deaths of more than 5,000 people, and after changing its name from Sulpicio Lines Inc to Philippine Span Asia Carrier Corp in 2009, the company surprisingly still has a license to operate today. But the recent disaster in Cebu could finally seal the firm’s fate after a petition was launched urging authorities to cancel its registration.

But before that, maritime authorities should explain why they allowed Sulpicio to continue operating despite its numerous pending cases.

To prevent similar accidents in the future, the Philippine Coast Guard in Cebu has suggested the installation of a modern traffic management system to control vessels traversing Cebu’s narrow waterways. The same equipment or traffic system should also be installed in the country’s busy ports.

Another problem caused by the disaster is the oil spill from the sunken ship which has now reached the shorelines of several coastal towns of Cebu, including popular beach resorts.

The bus crash in Genting and the ship collision in Cebu should force leaders in Malaysia and the Philippines to review and improve their respective public transport systems, especially the travel infrastructure outside Kuala Lumpur and Manila. These improvements are needed not only to boost their modernizing economies but also to prevent unnecessary deaths and injuries.

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Public space and resistance

Written for Bulatlat

When Third Word dictators are ousted, many people celebrate the emergence of a democratic space in society. After years of repression, there is suddenly a micro explosion of multiple freedoms in the streets, in schools, in workplaces, and in the press. Interestingly, it proves that public space is not inherently democratic. It is actually a site between competing political forces and most of the time it reflects the unequal power relations in society. People Power can undermine the hegemony of tyrants but this should be sustained by smashing the various instruments of oppression. Otherwise, the precious democratic space would be used by the surviving forces of the ruling class to revive their reactionary and conservative agenda.

When people complain about the shrinking public space, they are probably referring to the literal loss of the commons where citizens freely converge, share ideas, and practice politics. For a long time, the public space was a specter that has terrorized the elite. After all, kings and despots lost their power when everybody congregated in public to vent their rage and not when everybody played out their erotic fantasies in their private worlds. Afraid of its radical potential, the bourgeois state used brute force to tame the wild public space. But when direct military rule became untenable, the state adopted sophisticated forms of control.

Reclaiming the public space in the name of big business also meant the privatization of public lands. Public space became more valuable because of its profitability. Freedom parks became amusement parks, town squares were replaced by shopping malls, and protected habitats were suddenly turned into logging plantations. The principle of free access was junked in favor of corporate interests. To promote development, ancestral domains were ignored in favor of private property.

The project of emancipatory politics appeared to be more utopian than ever in an increasingly militarized and commodified public space. Promoting order and discipline seemed more realistic goals.

The concept of public space also refers to collective institutions essential in building a democratic community. But these nation-building institutions such as public schools and public hospitals are today replaced by privately-owned and profit-oriented institutions. Basic social services are already in the hands of profiteers whose concept of public space is clearly not guided by egalitarian principles.

Society became more segregated. The rich erected higher walls and electric fences as protection against their imagined enemies in the slums. The poor are allowed to socialize in the malls and they can access public spaces but only as consumers. They are citizens who are partly free to express and organize while Big Brother is watching through the ubiquitous CCTV and predator drones.

In the hands of the utilitarian bourgeoisie, the public space has become a dangerous and expensive place. No wonder there are high expectations that the Internet era would transform the cyberspace into a new frontier where democratic politics could thrive. Indeed, the world looks flat in the Internet world. The rich and the poor are finally mingling, albeit virtually. Perhaps the widespread online ranting against corrupt politicians and greedy banksters is a symptom of the repressed outrage that netizens cannot freely show in the real public spaces.

But sooner or later, we have to realize that the cyberspace is no different from the public space. It is neither neutral nor exempted from the laws of political economy. It exists not as a democratic space alternative but it can be maximized to generate powerful political actions. There are no democratic timelines as there are no democratic town plazas.

But we should not underestimate the hypnotic appeal of the cyberspace. E-mailing, petition signing, tweeting are already mundane online activities but for the owners of foreclosed houses or displaced workers, these are satisfying alternatives which they can perform instead of simply surrendering to the curse of an impotent rage. Networking and instant messaging can briefly empower a person who feels hopeless and alienated.

Online outrage has material basis in the real world. There should be no online heckling for online heckling’s sake. There is more than enough passion and rage circulating in the cyberspace and these powerful emotions have to spill over in the social networks of our real communities. In fact, some of the most impressive protest movements in recent years were ignited by social media activism such as the Arab Spring, Bersih reform in Malaysia, and Million People March in the Philippines.

The people, the grassroots, should never surrender the public space to the enemies of democracy. They should reject false icons of progress such as skycrapers, malls, and cubicles. They should assert ownership of our lands, water, air, our heritage and communities.

The battle for dominance in the public space continues. The ruling class controls the Pentagon, the Capitol Hill, and Wall Street. They are expanding their spheres of influence through military zoning, air strikes, gentrification, gerrymandering, and onerous global trade agreements.

But public resistance is also intensifying. The streets have been occupied, uprisings were launched in town squares, picnic protests were organized in parks, and an agrarian revolution has erupted in the countryside. In other words, democracy is still alive in the public space.

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More Religion, Less Science for Indonesian Students

Written for The Diplomat

Indonesia has recently pilot tested a new curriculum in over 6,000 schools which instantly drew controversy after it removed science, English, social sciences, and information technology (IT) as separate subjects in favor of Bahasa Indonesia, nationalism and religious studies.

The reduction of subject load is meant to give students more time to attend other educational activities. At the primary level, subjects were reduced from eleven to six. Meanwhile, junior high school students are now only taking ten courses instead of twelve.

It’s quite puzzling why Indonesia would de-prioritize science and IT at a time when it is aiming to improve the skills of its young workforce to sustain its modernizing economy. There is probably wisdom in having fewer subjects – this could enhance the learning experience of students. But to drop science from the curriculum at the primary level seems unwise.

Instead of receiving more science education, Indonesian students were given two additional hours of religious studies courses. Indonesia’s Education and Culture Minister Mohammad Nuh said that this is intended to fight terrorism.

“Terrorism is not triggered by long hours of lessons on religion,” he argued. “The growing acts of terrorism were basically due to incomplete religious education. Therefore, we need to add more hours for religious subjects.”

President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono hoped that the “tolerance-centered curriculum” would eliminate violence in schools. In other words, the new curriculum was conceptualized to instill the right attitude among the youth of Indonesia. It partially explains why at the senior high school level, students are now required to join the national scouting organization as an extracurricular activity.

Indeed, education is the proper defense against extremism. But rather than increase religious classes Indonesia would be wise to endorse a more secular form of education. Besides, there are other models to promote morality besides teaching more religious lessons to the youth.

There are other areas of education reform where Indonesia is on the right track. The new curriculum also includes new teaching methods and adopts the pedagogic framework of “integrated thematic concept,” through which a number of broad areas of knowledge are explored and integrated through a particular common theme.

Implementing this method of instruction in the classroom could tremendously boost the learning interactions between teachers and students. Unfortunately, the government hastily enforced these teaching innovations without giving adequate time for teacher training and textbook distribution. Naturally, it resulted in chaos and confusion in many schools across the country.

It’s not surprising that opposition is mounting against the new curriculum. Perhaps to appease critics, the government vowed to hold a “Curriculum Census” next month to assess the impact of the reforms. It also assured the public that more funds will be allotted for training teachers in preparation for the nationwide implementation of the new curriculum in 2015.

Indonesian teachers at the frontlines of the education sector should seize this opportunity to ask the government to seriously review the reforms; and in particular, demand that science should be restored as a priority subject.

They should also remind policymakers to be more careful in introducing education reforms given that the nation’s future is at stake. A detrimental reform, however minor, can permanently damage the innocent minds of millions of children. The impact of dropping science in favor of religion will be difficult to reverse.

Filipinos Say No to Pork in March Against Corruption

Written for The Diplomat

Hundreds of thousands of Filipinos gathered in Manila last Monday, August 26 to denounce the rampant corruption in the government. Thousands more voiced their outrage in public parks across the country and in many parts of the world. Interestingly, the Internet played a major role in coordinating the protests and it was netizens, and not the political opposition, who called for a public protest against corruption.

Protesters were demanding the scrapping of the pork barrel in the budgeting process after a whistleblower revealed that many politicians have been diverting their allotted funds to fake organizations, family-owned foundations, and ghost projects. Under the Priority Development Assistance Fund (PDAF), members of the House of Representatives are allotted 70 million pesos every year while Senators are given 200 million pesos. Public outrage soared in recent weeks, forcing President Benigno Aquino III to declare last week that he intends to abolish the PDAF, more popularly known as the pork barrel.

But in the same speech, Aquino hinted that the pork barrel might be revived when he said that his administration “will create a new mechanism to address the needs of your constituents and sectors, in a manner that is transparent, methodical, and rational, and not susceptible to abuse or corruption.”

Critics accused Aquino of misleading the public and demanded the total abolition of the pork barrel system instead of merely reforming it or assigning it a new name. They also called for the removal of the president’s discretionary funds which have already amounted to one trillion pesos, according to a former head of the national treasury Leonor Briones.

The rise of the anti-pork movement exposed the inadequate and weak initiatives of the Aquino government to combat the pervasive corruption in the country. Aquino won in 2010 on a platform of good governance and transparency. He also successfully pushed for the impeachment of the Supreme Court Chief Justice Renato Corona last year whom he accused of protecting former President Gloria Arroyo who is facing a plunder case and is under hospital arrest.

The pork barrel scam led many Filipinos to question the sincerity of Aquino’s anti-corruption crusade and rhetoric since it took the president more than three years before he announced a major review of the controversial program. He has also been quiet on the pork barrel abuses committed during his term. Further, he refused to do away with his “presidential pork” or even slash it to increase the funds for basic social services such as education, health, and housing.

It is hoped that the huge turn-out in last Monday’s protests will lead to the eventual overhaul of the country’s budgeting process. It is significant to note that at least 15 of 24 senators have already agreed to scrap the pork barrel.

The campaign should target other aspects of public finance where accountability is minimal or nonexistent. Vigilance is also essential to ensure that budget reforms are not merely palliative and that those who stole money or abused their power are appropriately punished.

Corruption cannot be removed without slaying the politics of patronage that fuels it and undermines democracy. The anti-pork campaign is a potentially radical political movement that could spark grassroots activism and invigorate other social forces needed to mount a broader and stronger challenge to the politics of corruption in the country.

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Politics of Helping

Written for Bulatlat

Aside from being sexual and social animals, we are also ‘helping’ beings. Giving aid to a neighbor in need is considered an ethical duty. Volunteering in charity houses, community shelters, and churches once in a while is equated with doing good. We honor individuals and groups whose mission is to extend assistance to poor families.

But we also ‘help’ if we give our very best in achieving the goals of our respective social groupings. A schoolteacher ‘helps’ by providing excellent education to students. A journalist ‘helps’ by reporting the truth. A restaurant owner ‘helps’ society by satisfying its hungry customers. We do not require a teacher to spend time in a drug rehabilitation center since we expect him to focus on his classroom lessons. A journalist who does not organize a relief drive is not accused of being unhelpful since his primary duty is to spread information.

In recent years, many groups have taken a more pro-active approach to ‘help’ the community. We have TV networks advertising their charity works in news programs, entertainment programs giving generous cash gifts, and businesses offering various free services such as medical check-ups, livelihood trainings, sports clinics, and greening initiatives. It seems it is no longer enough to excel in a chosen profession; a person must also participate in an outreach program. A group or business must give something back to the community by adopting the code of the ‘corporate social responsibility’.

The visible and direct kind of ‘helping’ naturally became so popular that even politicians have appropriated its language. We have cunning politicians announcing their disavowal of partisan politics in favor of the so-called service-oriented leadership. Instead of offering new politics, they gave ‘pork’ to constituents.

But when citizens expect ‘help’ from private groups, it reflects the failure of our welfare agencies. If there is an efficient and equal distribution of government-funded social services, there would be no need for widespread promotion of charity. The poor and unemployed should receive food stamps and other forms of aid from the government and not from TV hosts. Classrooms and school supplies should be provided by the state and not by private donors. Hospitalization expenses should be guaranteed by the Universal Health Care program and not by rich politicians.

But government funds were either pocketed by greedy politicians and their cohorts or diverted into non-welfare programs. Three decades of neoliberalism has resulted into privatized services, which make the lives of the poor more miserable. When the state withdrew from its traditional mandate of providing lifeline services to the community, the role was partly fulfilled by private groups and ambitious politicians.

As for politicians who prefer pork-related activities over political debates, they are guilty of distorting the meaning of politics. The great aim of politics is not to indulge in charity but to empower the citizens in a political community. The basic task is to challenge the unjust and unequal power relations; and then work to enhance greater political participation of the citizens. Giving scholarships to poor children is charity; denouncing budget cuts in state schools is politics. Mobilizing the youth to fight for greater education funds is political empowerment.

Politicians and political groups should not be judged by their charity initiatives but by their political actions or inactions. Otherwise, politics will be reduced into an act of charity, which would allow the old elite and other moneyed classes to dominate electoral politics.

Similarly, we should be able to distinguish the original purpose of a group and their incidental charitable activities. A media network that donates to flood victims deserves to be lauded but in the end its relevance to society is determined by its espousal of truthful information. Some business groups flaunt their non-profit activities to hide their unfair labor practices. Others want to pay less taxes.

‘Help’ should be more than just volunteerism. It is permanent volunteerism plus solidarity. A person can’t simply ‘help’ without questioning the present conditions that perpetuate the helplessness of individuals. When we act to ‘help’, we must remember that there are always victims who need our solidarity and oppressors who need to be punished. We smile and feel good when we interact with the victims but the most meaningful kind of ‘help’ is when we enjoin the victims to fight their oppressors

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