Why the peace talks ended

By admin | November 17, 2023

Review of ‘The Quest for Peace: The GRP-NDFP Peace Negotiations’ by Raymund B. Villanueva. Published by Bulatlat

Rodrigo Duterte promised peace and federalism but he ended his term without achieving both. He unilaterally scuttled the peace negotiations with the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) and abandoned the idea of turning the Philippines into a federal state.

There were high hopes of negotiating a political settlement with the CPP after the elections in 2016 but this quickly vanished in less than a year as Duterte unleashed his all-out war policy against the communist movement.

The book chronicles the revival of the peace process at the start of the Duterte administration, the four rounds of talks, the aborted fifth round, and the abrupt collapse of the negotiations even if the panelists and mediators expressed their willingness to go further to deliver a successful final peace agreement.

Both mainstream and independent media covered the talks but the latter sustained the news coverage especially during the period when the formal talks were suspended. News reports often relied on what the parties of both sides of the conflict wanted to share with little space for the perspectives of observers and other stakeholders of the peace constituency. Thus, the importance of getting news and information that educates the public about the prospect of the peace process, the particular agenda of each round of talks, and the necessary interventions of concerned citizens who had been vigilantly observing the negotiations.

The news articles in this book written by the current chairperson of Altermidya and published by independent multimedia platform Kodao provide readers with comprehensive insight about the talks.

The author has direct access to negotiators which proved useful in validating reports amid the spread of disinformation and even state-sponsored fabrication during the negotiations.

There are limitations to what a news format can convey but this also makes the book a valuable reference for scholars and peace advocates. An archive of stories that can guide researchers in fact-checking the claims of both the Duterte government and the National Democratic Front (NDF). The book is a printed Wikipedia of the peace process during the first year of the Duterte administration.

It is common to read reports parroting the point of view of Duterte propagandists about the alleged insincerity of the NDF without even attempting to offer balanced coverage.

But Raymund Villanueva’s dispatches are fair. His grasp of the history of the peace process is reflected in the reports that highlight the key points of landmark peace agreements. He quotes government negotiators and the peace spoilers in the Duterte Cabinet, but he also makes sure readers are provided with a proper context and rejoinder from the NDF side.

Soon, the terminated peace process will be reduced to a simplified narrative offered by both parties and their supporters.

We need books like this that can temper our biases and allow us to better understand the process that started with “guarded optimism” but ended with the government resuming its scorched earth policy against the CPP and NDF.

The book will remind us that Duterte released several peace consultants and that the Joint Monitoring Committee for the implementation of the Comprehensive Agreement on Respect for Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law was convened, but at one point he has gone “berserk” with his barest minimum condition for the signing of a bilateral ceasefire. The CPP called Duterte a “double-speaking thug” which is quite an accurate description for the unremorseful authoritarian leader.

NDF leaders were accused of being dogmatic and devious but they extended goodwill gestures such as hinting support for the proposed federalism and the adoption of Comprehensive Agreement on Social and Economic Reforms (CASER) to fulfill the development aims contained in the government’s Ambisyon 2040 program.

The NDF identified not just the continuing incarceration of activists but also the brutal “tokhang” (the bloody campaign against the illegal drugs) as a stumbling block in the continuation of the peace process.

Despite these challenges, negotiators found ingenious ways to keep the process alive. Norway’s diplomats praised negotiators for being “solution-oriented”. Indeed, the demand for a bilateral ceasefire was not ignored since it was linked to the signing of Comprehensive Agreement on Socio-Economic Right (CASER). Negotiations for CASER also moved forward as both parties have agreed to support free land distribution and irrigation.

But these gains did not matter to Duterte and the hawks in his Cabinet who only wanted the capitulation of the CPP and NDF. They would also not appreciate the migrants who met the negotiators in Rome, the religious delegation who prayed for the success of the talks, and the peace assemblies attended by tens of thousands across the country. These voices did not matter to Duterte who later imposed Martial Law in Mindanao.

The book quotes a Catholic nun who reminded both parties that those who are most affected by social inequalities should have the strongest voice in the negotiations. It is an appeal worth remembering as we consider the possibility of resuming the peace process under the government of Ferdinand Marcos Jr.

Villanueva, who is also a poet, captured the sense of desperation among those who yearned for peace with these words. “Dawn has broken here, but the sun, hidden behind a gloomy sky, has yet to make its presence felt.”

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Internet governance should be a concern of all

By admin | November 8, 2023

Published by Newsbytes.ph

As the Internet becomes more pervasive in society, we become less interested in knowing who manages this “network of networks”. We assume that it is a permanent feature of modern living like electricity or tap water as we take advantage of its seemingly limitless potential in improving our lives.

Information about its technical administration is demanded only when it stops working, and this is often limited to dealing with local providers and government regulators. But most of the time, we surf cyberspace without being aware of the “invisible Internet” that encompasses the whole world.

So, who governs the global Internet? No one. No single entity, company, or central authority has total control over the World Wide Web. It is open, decentralized, distributed, and interconnected because the stakeholders who collaborated to painstakingly build the physical and digital infrastructures of the Web had consistently advocated to preserve this design.

What gets discussed more often is the regulation of the Internet fueled mainly by the arbitrary actions of paranoid authorities who wanted to police the social media activities of their citizens.

There are varying levels of censorship, but we take comfort in the fact that netizens have learned to circumvent repressive rules aside from forming networks and safe spaces dedicated to countering digital despots.

Equally important is the matter of managing the Internet, which involves the allocation of numbered resources such as IP addresses, unique identifiers, and domain names. There is less spotlight on this mainly because people assume that technical issues are best left in the hands of academics, experts, and scientists. This perspective ignores the evolution of the Internet from being a research platform for a select few into a web of networks dedicated to serving the information needs of humanity.

The Internet has long ceased to be an esoteric academic project as it became a hugely popular space and network open for public use over the past three and a half decades. The pioneer developers worked hard with various institutions to set the codes and standards that made data sharing possible and turned the Internet into a functioning global open network.

Because of this, the management of the Internet became a global responsibility as well. It also means that its future will be decided by stakeholders who manage and use it. Therefore, it is up to us if the Internet will remain an open platform that enables us to lead better lives.

We certainly cannot allow narrow-minded bureaucrats to redesign the Internet and transform it into a virtual panopticon. Even as we acknowledge the role of commercialization in popularizing the Internet, it is also dangerous to equate the work of profit-seeking developers and tech giants with harmless innovation.

Technological solutions are neither good nor bad but they have real-life consequences as they get entangled with socio-political realities of the world. Internet-mediated disruption is being invoked by governments to seek tighter controls and more rigid laws.

Fragmenting the Internet is being done in the name of upholding social norms and public order. The “splInternet” is a specter that bedevils us even if this is the unintended result of some of our actions in response to the polarizing impact of our online activities.

As we become more overwhelmed with a fast-changing fragile world, we need to forcefully reject false solutions, whether articulated by tyrants or tycoons, that ultimately aim to undermine the open nature of the Internet.

Instead, we should defend the role of stakeholders in deliberating what needs to be addressed on matters relating to the Internet. It is a reminder that despite the perception that only geeks are interested in developing the protocols of the Internet, its management is actually relevant to all who use it.

This requires the constant promotion of the right of ALL stakeholders to have a voice in designing the Internet. At the Asia-Pacific School of Internet Governance and the Asia-Pacific Region Internet Governance Forum held recently in Singapore, I learned that the precise name for this process and approach is called “multistakeholderism”.

Applied to our particular context, it necessitates a continuous dialogue between stakeholders that include the national (e.g. DICT, NTC, DepEd, Congress) and local governments (LGUs), telcos, the technical community, academe, civil society, and Internet users. This is not an easy undertaking as it may involve acrimonious debates on complex and extremely sensitive issues.

Tension may arise due to conflicting interests, and some might attempt to dominate the process which could derail the supposedly free exchange of ideas. This is not a far-fetched scenario given the disappointing record of the government on how it consults the public on key policy proposals. But our resolve to fight for a better and inclusive Internet must be stronger. Stakeholders should remain firm and uphold the open and bottom-up approach.

Internet governance is seldom mentioned in digital literacy programs and online media training sessions which is unfortunate since every netizen can benefit from being informed about the collaborative origins of the Internet, the democratic legacy of the multistakeholder model, and the provocative but empowering idea that everyone has the right to be heard about what kind of Internet is needed in our world.

Mong Palatino is an activist, blogger, and former legislator. He is one of the fellows of the 2022 Asia-Pacific Region Internet Governance Forum held in Singapore

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Solidarity, action, and remembering: The fight against impunity in Asia

By admin | November 1, 2023

Impunity persists across Asia, as states fail to provide adequate protection to journalists.

This was the common message of Asia-based civil society groups that marked the International Day to End Impunity (IDEI) for Crimes Against Journalists on 2 November by highlighting the efforts of so many stakeholders to counter attacks against the media and hold the perpetrators of violence accountable.

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Marcos Adopts New Philippine Government Branding

By admin | October 29, 2023

Written for The Diplomat

Philippine President Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr. ended his second State of the Nation address on Monday by declaring that the country’s situation is “sound and improving” as he heralds the rise of “Bagong Pilipinas” (New Philippines).

This was a reference to the new branding adopted by the Marcos government as part of its communications strategy.

Marcos’ “Bagong Pilipinas” instantly stirred suspicions not just because of the recent flops in agency rebranding but all the more so because it resembles the “Bagong Lipunan” (New Society) slogan of the Martial Law regime of his father and namesake who ruled the country for two decades until his ouster through People Power in 1986.

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Philippines’ New Tourism Ad Draws Flak

Written for The Diplomat

The Philippines has a new tourism slogan – one that quickly became controversial after it was exposed that a video ad promoting the rebrand contains stock photos of exotic destinations from other countries.

Tourism Secretary Christina Garcia Frasco led the launch of the new slogan “Love the Philippines,” describing it as the country’s “love letter to the world.”

Marcos spoke during the launch of the tourism rebrand a few days after he vowed to fight disinformation and declared that “fake news has no place in modern society.” It is ironic that he preached about the value of truth right before the release of a tourism promotion video with plagiarized content. Marcos will soon deliver his second state of the nation address as he marks his first year in office, and his critics might cite the tourism ad scandal to highlight the weaknesses of his governance. It certainly doesn’t look good that the president, whose family is accused of acquiring ill-gotten wealth during the Martial Law era, has endorsed a campaign tainted with “stolen” content from other countries.

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Mga panganib ng mandatory SIM card registration

By admin | October 18, 2023

Sinulat para sa Pinoy Weekly

Sa kabila ng pandemya at krisis sa ekonomiya, ang unang batas na pinirmahan ng administrasyon ni Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr. ay ang Mandatory SIM Card Registration Act. Wala ito sa kanyang adyenda noong kampanya; hindi rin ito nabanggit sa kanyang proklamasyon at kahit noong State of the Nation Address. Marami ang kanyang sinasabing prayoridad ngunit mas matimbang ang naging aksyon. Pahiwatig ito kung paano mamumuno si Marcos.

Mahalagang balikan ang maikling kasaysayan kung paano ito naging batas. Una itong naging batas sa gobyerno ni dating Pangulong Rodrigo Duterte. Pinawalang-bisa sa kalagitnaan ng halalan dahil may agam-agam daw siya sa implikasyon nito sa karapatan ng mga indibidwal. Kakatuwa para sa utak ng Tokhang na gamitin ang argumentong ito. Kaduda-duda rin dahil nakapakete ang panukala sa pagpasa sa Anti-Terrorism Act.

Tinitingnan ng mga awtoridad ang SIM Card Registration bilang panlaban sa mga krimeng gamit ang cellphone. Solusyon daw ito upang masawata ang mga call at texting scam. Hindi kumbinsido o kaya’y hindi batid ng mga mambabatas na walang korelasyon ang SIM Card Registration at pagbaba ng krimen, batay sa karanasan ng maraming bansa. Manipestasyon ito ng bulag nilang pagkiling sa teknolohiya upang itama ang mali sa lipunan. Simplistiko ang kanilang suri sa krimen na tila depekto ito na maaaring ayusin sa pamamagitan ng paglapat ng isang burukratikong regulasyon. Hindi nila makita o ayaw nilang kilalanin ang ugnay ng mga krimen gamit ang cellphone sa mas malawakang mga salik o penomenon sa lipunan. Sa madaling salita, sapat na sa kanila ang solusyong magbibigay sa kanila ng kontrol sa datos ng mga indibidwal imbes na ugatin ang sanhi ng mga problemang kaakibat sa malaganap na paggamit ng cellphone sa bansa.

Kahit hindi nila layon, at sa kabila ng kanilang hangaring lutasin ang mga krimen, ang bagong batas ay maaaring maging dahilan pa upang tumindi ang nakawan ng mga cellphone, ID, at rehistradong SIM Card. Hindi malayong magkaroon ng ‘black market’ para sa mga ito na gagamitin ng mga kriminal upang mangbiktima nang mas marami.

Bago ito, unang malaking suliranin ang “disenfranchisement” ng ilang milyong Pilipino kung hindi nila marehistro ang kanilang mga SIM Card. Automatic ang deactivation ng mga hindi rehistrado. Seryosong usapin ito dahil hindi naman lahat ay may ID mula sa pamahalaan o kaya ay may access sa internet upang magrehistro. Alam dapat ng mga mambabatas ang mababang internet penetration rate sa bansa. Napatunayan ito noong sinarado ang mga paaralan at umasa sa online distance learning ang mga mag-aaral. Marami ang naapektuhan ang pag-aaral dahil sa mabagal ang koneksyon o kaya’y walang access sa internet.

Binigay sa mga kompanya ng telekomunikasyon o ‘telco’ ang responsibilidad ng pagrehistro. Ibig sabihin, sila ang magdedesisyon kung tatanggapin ang ID ng may-ari ng cellphone at kung paano ang alituntunin ng pagrehistro sa internet. Ang transaksiyon ay sa pagitan ng isang indibidwal at ng mga pribadong entitad. Hindi ito natatapos sa pagrehistro dahil bawat palit ng SIM Card at telepono ay kailangang ulitin ang proseso. Kapag namatay ang isang rehistrado, dapat iulat ito ng kanyang kaanak kundi ay magiging ‘ghost’ cellphone user siya na magtutuloy ang buhay sa virtual na mundo.

Wala raw itong dagdag gastos sa tao. Subalit walang katiyakan na ang bibilhing security software at iba pang kagamitan ng mga telco sa pangangalap ng datos ay hindi ipapasa sa cellphone user sa hinaharap sa pamamagitan ng mga tagong bayarin.

Kung hindi makasunod o lumahok ang cellphone user sa proseso ng pangangasiwaan ng telco, kagyat ang parusa na SIM Card deactivation. Inaasahang apektado ang ilang milyong cellphone user. Hindi ito biro. Sa isang iglap, puputulan ng komunikasyon ang mga pamilya na may kaanak sa malayong lugar. Mapapatid ang ugnay ng maliliit na online seller sa mamimili. Ipagkakait ang impormasyon at balita sa mga tao. Pormula ito ng kaguluhan, kalituhan, at pagkawatak-watak sa lipunan.

Sa kabilang banda, biglang nagkaroon ng pambansang database ang mga institusyon na naglalaman ng sensitibong impormasyon ng mga tao. Gagamitin daw pangontra sa krimen subalit puwedeng nakawin, bilhin, at manipulahin ng mga may masasamang balak. Hindi lang hacker ang puwedeng gumawa nito kundi mga tao o grupo na may rekurso para sa ganitong operasyon. Kabilang dito ang estado. Hindi malayong posibilidad kung sisilipin ang rekord ng pamahalaan kung paano ang burukrasya ay ginawang makinaryang surveillance. Unang tatargetin ang mga kritiko ng pamahalaan.

Banta kung gayon sa privacy ng tao. Banta sa datos ng tao at kung saan ito nakatago. Dahil alam ng tao na ang kanyang totoong pangalan at iba pang impormasyon ay hawak ng kung sino man at maaring mapasakamay ng mga nasa kapangyarihan, magdadalawang isip siya sa gagawin niyang aktibidad sa cellphone. Ang iniisip ng mga awtoridad ay mga kriminal o phone scammers lang ang magbabago ng gawi. Hindi nila kayang unawain ang chilling effect sa tao. Sa halip na malayang magpahayag, magpipigil ang marami sa takot na maparusahan o pag-initan ng gobyerno.

Wala silang pagkilala kung ano ang halaga ng anonymity sa isang demokrasya. Kailangan ito ng media upang protektahan ang kanilang informant. Kailangan ito ng mga whistleblower. Kailangan ito ng karaniwang mamamayan upang magsalita at tumindig nang walang takot na sila ay gagantihan o babantaan.

Pagkatapos ng SIM Card Registration ano ang kasunod? Sa balita, may mga panukalang gawing krimen ang paglathala ng ‘fake news’ at may nais ibalik ang kontrobersyal na social media registration. Mga batas na magpaparusa sa mga netizen sa halip na unahin kung ano ang kanilang mga panawagan: mabilis at abot-kayang internet, pagtanggol sa digital rights, media at digital literacy, pagtigil sa cyber attacks at surveillance ng mga puwersang may ugnay sa estado.

Nasa likod ng paghain ng mga mapanupil na panukala ay takot sa tao. Gusto daw nilang habulin ang mga kriminal subalit ang ayaw aminin ay nais nilang supilin ang palabang boses ng mamamayan gamit ang cellphone at internet. Sa huli, nakasalalay sa atin kung paano hahamunin at bibiguin ang sistematikong planong kontrolin ang impormasyon sa bansa.

Si Mong Palatino ay isa sa mga mambabatas na bumoto labansa Anti-Cybercrime Law noong 2012. Awtor siya ng librong “IT Is Out There: Politics and Digital Resistance in the Philippines’.

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The naughty and nice of 2020

By admin | October 3, 2023

Published by the Philippine Daily Inquirer

This has been a terrible year because of the pandemic, but there are people who made the lives of Filipinos more miserable.

The “naughtiest” is President Duterte, whose incoherent late-night speeches did nothing to ease our worries. His militarist mindset proved ineffective and counter-productive in dealing with the health crisis, aside from enabling anti-communist generals, red-taggers, and Cabinet secretaries who gifted us with “motorcycle barrier” and “dolomite” solutions.

The police were the notorious “pasaway,” led by a “mañanita” general, while many continued to be accused of killing “nanlaban” drug suspects. The police must explain the surge in extrajudicial killings despite the imposition of strict lockdown measures in most barangays.

It is infuriating that supposedly independent institutions like Congress and the courts were complicit in allowing the Duterte administration to undermine our civil liberties. We remember how Congress voted to reject ABS-CBN’s franchise, the slow action and tone-deaf response of the Supreme Court regarding the petition for the release of elderly and pregnant political prisoners, and the controversial issuance of search warrants by a Quezon City judge which the police used to arbitrarily conduct raids and detain activists.

Thieves grabbed headlines throughout the year, from the “pastillas” scam to the systemic corruption in PhilHealth.

But we survived the disastrous year of 2020, thanks to the heroism of our health workers, relief volunteers, and government personnel serving on the front lines. We salute all those who continue to provide for our basic needs, which also kept the economy afloat. We thank the media for standing their ground amid the nonstop assault on press freedom. We recognize the role of human rights defenders in challenging impunity.

Our biggest tragedy of the year was the death of Baby River Nasino. We continue to cry for justice, and we will greet the new year with a resolve to fight harder for her and other innocent victims of state violence.

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Mining, Oil Spill, Military Bases Threaten Philippine Islands

By admin | September 24, 2023

Written for The Diplomat

In February, residents of Sibuyan Island in the Philippines’ Romblon province protested against a mining exploration activity by forming a “people’s barricade.” This was followed by another barricade in Brooke’s Point in the southern part of Palawan province, which was also organized by community-based groups to protest an ongoing mining operation.

The month of February ended with the sinking of a ship carrying 800,000 liters of industrial fuel that caused a devastating oil spill in Mindoro Island and parts of Western Visayas.

President Marcos called for climate justice when he addressed global leaders in November last year in Cairo. His appeal should embolden his government to pursue policies and programs that will reverse the deterioration of the environment. The first quarter of the year has provided us with a glimpse of key environmental issues and challenges that could potentially spark a broader people’s movement for the protection of the country’s patrimony and precious resources.

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Local Leaders Question Expanded US Military Presence in the Philippines

Written for The Diplomat

Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos Jr.’s decision to expand the coverage of the Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement (EDCA) is being opposed by some local leaders. They led prayer rallies against the building of new U.S. military facilities in the country.

Under the original EDCA, signed in 2014, the U.S. military can access five locations in the Philippines where it can store equipment, transport supplies, and undertake other logistics for war exercises and disaster response.

The Marcos government should carefully explain the extent of EDCA and convince the public that it favors the country’s long-term interest. The anti-dictatorship movement that ousted the president’s father in 1986 sustained the clamor for the rejection of the U.S. bases treaty in 1991. There could be a revival of the nationalist campaign against foreign military bases as Marcos pivots closer to the United States through the expanded EDCA.

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Human Rights Day 2020 crackdown sa Metro Manila

By admin | September 16, 2023

Basahin sa page ng Bayan Metro Manila

Sa gitna ng komemorasyon ng Pandaigdigang Araw ng Karapatang Pantao noong Disyembre 10, binalahura ng mga kawani ng gobyerno sa pangunguna ng Department of Interior and Local Government (DILG), Philippine National Police (PNP) at Criminal Investigation and Detection Group (CIDG) ang komemorasyon na ito nang iligal na arestuhin ang anim na trade union organizer at isang journalist sa kani-kanilang bahay at tinutuluyan.

Tinaniman ng baril at granada at inaresto si Romina Astudillo, Deputy Secretary-General ng Kilusang Mayo Uno-Metro Manila; Mark Ryan Cruz, Regional Executive Committee ng KMU Metro Manila at Jaymie Gregorio Jr., Regional Council member ng KMU-Metro Manila. Kabilang din sa mga ni-raid ay ang tinutuluyan naman ni Dennise Velasco, Defend Jobs Philippines; Joel Demate ng Solidarity of Labor Rights and Welfare (SOLAR); Rodrigo Esparago ng Sandigang Manggagawa sa Quezon City (SMQC) at ang mamamahayag na si Lady Ann Salem, communication officer ng International Association of Women in Radio and Television.

Sa bisa ng search warrant na dala ng mga kapulisan na may pirma ni Judge Cecilyn Burgos Villavert sila ay ni – raid sa magkakaparehong oras bago pa man pumutok ang araw.

Nakakagalit ang pangyayari. Maliban sa pagbabalahura sa karapatang pantao ang pitong nahuli ay binansagan ng PNP na mga gun runner; pero hindi nila binanggit na mga aktibista ang kanilang mga hinuli. Pilit ikinukubli ng PNP ang katotohanan na mga kritiko ng gobyerno ang kanilang hinuli.

Sa kumpas ng National Task Force to End Local Communism and Armed Conflict (NTF ELCAC) at pangunguna ni National Capital Region PNP Chief na si Debold Sinas, matatandaan na hindi lamang sila ang kauna – unahang mga nahuli na nakabase sa Metro Manila. Patunay dito sina Cora Agovida, Michael Bartolome, Ram Carlo Bautista, Alma Moran at Reina Mae Nasino na iligal ding inaresto, tinaniman ng mga baril at granada at ginawan ng mga gawa – gawang kaso.

Hindi kailanman naging krimen ang pag – oorganisa ng mga manggagawa.

Hindi kailanman naging krimen ang maging mamamahayag.

Hindi kriminal at lalong hindi terorista ang pitong iligal na inaresto. Sila ay mga mamamayan at aktibista na umaapaw ang pagmamahal para sa kapw, naglilingkod sa bayan at masang anakpawis.

Patuloy natin na kondenahin si Duterte sa kanyang pagkakasala sa mamamayang lumalaban!

Irehistro natin ang ating mga galit sa kalsada upang singilin ang administrasyong Duterte, PNP, CIDG at NTF ELCAC.

Palayain ang HR Day 7!
Palayain si Romina Astudillo!
Palayain si Lady Ann Salem!
Palayain si Mark Ryan Cruz!
Palayain si Jaymie Gregorio Jr.!
Palayain si Dennise Velasco!
Palayain si Rodrigo Esparago!
Palayain si Joel Demate!

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IFEX Asia brief: October and November 2022

By admin | September 2, 2023

‘Environment of fear’, court convictions across Asia, and a new mandate for China’s Xi Jinping. Pakistani journalists attacked in and out of the country, 100 days of media freedom decline in the Philippines, court convictions and harassment across the region, and the human rights implication of Xi Jinping’s re-election as China’s supreme leader. Read more…

Spontaneous protests, countering hate speech, and mass release of prisoners. Anti-lockdown protesters are demanding freedom and democracy in China. #SayNoToHateSpeech campaign challenged racist and sexist election narratives in Malaysia. Journalists attacked and arrested for asking tough questions during press conferences. Mass release of prisoners in Myanmar. Read more…

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The Philippines’ Basic Education Crisis

By admin | August 24, 2023

Written for The Diplomat

Several recent studies have pointed out the alarming deterioration of the quality of learning in the Philippines, but this was officially confirmed in the basic education report delivered by Vice President Sara Duterte on January 30. Duterte is concurrently serving as secretary to the Department of Education.

Addressing stakeholders with President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. in attendance, Duterte highlighted the key issues that plague the country’s basic education system before announcing her department’s agenda for reform.

ACT reminded officials to prove their political will in reversing the decline of Philippine education. “The call to reforming education should not be a grandstanding cry but a sincere pledge to rectify the mistakes and shortcomings of the past and the present,” it said.

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Philippines Undertakes Major Review of School Curriculum

Written for The Diplomat

Several initiatives could lead to an overhaul of the Philippine education sector under the government of President Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr. First, legislators have already convened the Second Congressional Commission on Education (Edcom), which set a three-year timetable to evaluate the impact of the legal reforms implemented in 1991. Second, the Department of Education (DepEd) is already reviewing and revising the K to 12 curriculum, which it describes as congested. And third, the Senate is already deliberating the reimposition of the mandatory Reserve Officers Training Corps (ROTC) program in colleges.

Indeed, the Philippines’ education crisis has worsened during the pandemic and both teachers and learners are still slowly catching up because of the extended school closure imposed by the previous administration. It will take years before the learning benefits of reforms become evident. The government must prioritize subsidies for the education sector. In the meantime, stakeholders must be actively engaged in the ongoing review of the curriculum instead of merely allowing the process to be dominated by politicians.

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