There and Back Again

By admin | June 9, 2013

The House of Representatives honored its own members last June 5 by distributing medals, plaques, and other mementos to first, second, and third termers of the 15th Congress. It was the most disgusting selfie moment of the year. What could be a more ghastly way of wasting taxpayers’ money than staging a superfluous pomp for so-called public servants which included the perennial absentee and non-performing legislators?

Even worse, the plenary body quickly and casually approved several bills and resolutions of national significance on its last session day which denied members and the public the opportunity to review these measures. This last minute omnibus approval of pending measures was caused by the failure of Congress to properly finish its legislative work before the start of the campaign period last February.

This is our House of Representatives – an institution incapable of concluding its primary function (apologies to the hardworking secretariat and staff) and a body of bloated egos which adjourned its third regular session by rewarding its lazy members.

It is the same Congress which supposedly holds the ‘power of the purse’ but unwilling to ‘steal’ even a centavo from Malacanang and realign it to social welfare agencies. Instead, it keeps intact the Palace budget loaded with corruptionable projects as long as pork is delivered in the districts.

Many of its members are unnecessarily harsh to civil service officials during committee hearings but they refuse to be critical against the President and his mafia in the Liberal Party. They pitifully cling to the party in power like parasites. Look how fast they dumped Gloria Arroyo in 2010.

The president and his budget chief, and not the speaker, are the overlords who control the votes of Congress members. This was most evident during the RH voting last December. The tragedy in the RH saga was not the embarrassing loss of the Catholic hierarchy but the unprincipled behavior of members who mysteriously disappeared in the plenary during the crucial hour of voting. It seems the fanatic anti-RH advocates were ‘persuaded’ not to vote in order not to antagonize the president.

Interestingly, the RH debate also exposed the state of mind of our legislators. Some speeches in favor or against the RH were quite tragicomic, pathetic even. How can we forget shocking open liners like ‘this is a matter of principle’ or ‘this is a conscience vote’? Did they just admit publicly that it’s the first time they voted according to principle and conscience?

Unfortunately, it was a revelation which didn’t sound new to the public. It seems legislators really have low reputations.

But can we blame the public for thinking that legislators are ‘superbads’ if what they often see is the imeldific lifestyle of politicians? Instead of receiving support, the poor are dismissed by arrogant public servants during non-election years. Morality is not seriously used as criteria in elections which allowed recidivists and low life rich criminals (plunderers and rapists) to occupy high positions in government.

But despite their negative image and sloppy performance, members of Congress continue to think highly of themselves. They exaggerate the impact of their trivial proposals while remaining blind to the real situation of their constituents. For instance, if they merely want to change a street name, they would laughably offer it as some kind of solution to a community problem. If they upgrade the status of a school, they want the community to memorialize this ministerial gesture in perpetuity.

They are part of a lawmaking body but prefer to act like executive officials distributing goodies to constituents.

Congress is actually an oversized democratic trapping. It claims to be the House of People bringing together district and partylist representatives under one roof in Batasan Hills, which is symbolically close to Payatas dumpsite. But in truth, it is the House of Lords – jueteng lords, drug lords, warlords, and landlords. It is the House of Multimillionaires and closet billionaires. It is male-dominated and hopelessly conservative. It is a bastion of elitism, sexism, parochialism, feudalism, and nepotism.

It gives creepy serious attention to the role it plays in the annual ceremonial event called the State of the Nation Address. The event, according to political analysts, represents unity in the country since members of the three branches of government are gathered in Batasan to hear the president’s report to the people. But it is a sham unity. Unity that lasts for only a few hours. After SONA, it’s back to normal for Philippine politics characterized by vicious infighting in the bureaucracy, petty squabbles among dynasts, the mad scramble to hoard the treasury, and the vindictive response of the nefarious ruling clique towards those who are opposed to its hegemony. The SONA gives us a glimpse of the nether world beyond the ‘gates of hell’.

Having said that, Batasan Hills is still a better workplace compared to the cramped complex of the Senate and other government centers. It has an exclusive lounge for members offering unli food and drinks; and attendance in the plenary is required for only a few minutes.

Obviously, Congress is a place to meet 50 shades of greying politicians who can be really friendly, jolly, and witty. It’s a semi-retirement hangout for veteran trapos whose life stories have also defined the political era of many provinces.

But Congress is not the place to revolutionize Philippine politics. It’s even a bad exposure to OJT wannabes. Try delivering a speech in a hall with 200 empty seats and desks. Participate in legislative debates regarding proposed laws that were already pre-determined by the Palace, foreign think tanks, and corporate lobbyists. Seriously focus on legislation while your colleagues are seriously focused on PDAF. Vote in favor of reform (Corona impeachment) only to confirm later that it’s part of a sinister Palace ploy to monopolize political power.

If Congress remains bankrupt, what option is left to our people desirous for change, revolutionary change? Where can our people place their trust, their present and future? If Congress can only delay the birthing of the new, what is to be done?

Fortunately, there exists a superior political alternative. My surreal descent into the bowels of the reactionary Congress has allowed me to further appreciate the power, the purity, the nobility of this alternative.

It is truly democratic – where the masses are participating and leading with great enthusiasm. Its agenda is defined by the people who have immersed themselves in the heat of the struggle. It is both a name and event which toppled tyrants, dictators and oppressive governments. It is about history and the making of history.

It is where I met humble men and women of remarkable intellect, idealism, and vigor. Kind and brave souls. Activists, Warriors, Comrades. Friends. My wife, my children. My family. My home.

What is this superior political alternative?

The Mass Movement. The People’s Movement.

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The Politics of Numerology

By admin | May 29, 2013

Written for The Diplomat

Numbers are important in explaining political issues and interpreting election results but they are rarely used to identify a person’s political affiliation, much less a person’s religion. In Southeast Asia, however, where numerology has retained its appeal among the masses, numbers are increasingly being used by politicians and religious leaders in support of a particular cause, ideology, or candidacy.

In Burma, the use of numbers as religious symbols has led to some disastrous consequences. Since last year, the 969 symbol was adopted by some Buddhist monks and quickly became the symbol for a fringe pro-Buddhist movement, which urges Buddhists to only shop at Buddhist-owned stores and avoid fraternizing – marrying, hiring or selling to – the nation’s Muslim minority. Unfortunately, the divisive movement sparked an intense anti-Muslim hate campaign that led in some cases to sectarian violence.

This is really tragic considering the “969” symbol was originally intended to promote peace. The numerological significance of the figure comes from the Buddhist tradition in which the Three Jewels (Tiratana) are made up of 24 attributes: nine special attributes of the Lord Buddha, six core Buddhist teachings, and the nine attributes of monkhood.

Its main proponent is the controversial Buddhist monk Ashin Wirathu (aka “Burmese bin Laden”), who has been accused of spreading anti-Muslim propaganda under the guise of protecting Buddhism.

Stickers, flags, CDs, and other paraphernalia bearing the 969 symbol are being sold throughout Burma. Further, consumers are urged to buy only at market stalls that have the 969 symbol. The aim is clearly to drive out Muslim vendors and traders who are unfairly being blamed by many Buddhists for secretly aiming to dominate the local economy. Muslims compose about four percent of Burma’s population.

This extreme form of Buddhist nationalism sees Islam as the enemy to be vanquished. In yet another numerological twist, the 969 movement is suspicious of the 786 symbol, used by Muslims in South Asia. Some believe that 786 cryptically points to a Muslim conspiracy to achieve world domination in the 21st century, since 7+8+6 add up to 21. However, this is a misreading of the symbol since 786 refers to the Quranic phrase “In the name of Allah, the Most Gracious, the Ever Merciful” whose numeric values add up to 786. In fact, Burma Muslims have long used the symbol to identify halal restaurants.

Perhaps Muslim merchants’ practice of putting the 786 symbol inside their shops infuriated many Buddhists who responded by supporting the 969 campaign.

Since last year, riots between Buddhists and Muslims have erupted in many parts of Burma, displacing more than 150,000 people. In total, estimates place the number of internally displaced persons in the country at 450,000. Directly or indirectly, supporters of the 969 and 786 campaigns have blood on their hands for distorting the peaceful doctrines of their respective religions and for inciting their followers to commit violence.

Unfortunately, Burma is not the only nation in the region plagued by politically incendiary numbers. But unlike in Burma, such numbers have not yet resulted in widespread violence.

In Malaysia, the number 505 with black background, or “Black 505”, has become a symbol of protest against the massive electoral fraud allegedly carried out by the ruling Barisan Nasional coalition in the country’s May 5 general election.

In the past week, thousands gathered in Kuala Lumpur and other major cities to protest the election results. Protesters used the 505 symbol to draw more people to the movement. A growing number of Malaysian internet users are also adopting the symbol on social networks to show their support for the cause.

And speaking of elections, the Philippines recently conducted its midterm polls, which saw positive results for candidates linked to the administration in power. Since 2010, election candidates have been using campaign posters and other election materials that bear their pictures, names, parties, political slogans, and – yet again – numbers on the election ballot.

Because of poll automation, voters need to remember not just the names but also the numbers of candidates on the official ballot. The result is the printing of election posters prominently displaying both crucial bits of data. Some may find it odd and confusing that politicians are asking voters to pledge their support for a number.

Indeed, numbers often overwhelm us. Benign by themselves, if they are co-opted for political or religious purposes – as seen in Southeast Asia – they can create more difficult, if not puzzling equations.

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Malaysia’s Election “Tsunami”

By admin | May 28, 2013

Written for The Diplomat

The word “tsunami” became politically controversial in the aftermath of Malaysia’s 13th General Election on May 5, which saw the ruling Barisan Nasional (BN) receiving a fresh mandate to lead the country, albeit with reduced votes and fewer parliamentary seats. BN has ruled Malaysia since the 1950s, making it one of the longest-running elected party coalitions in the world.

The word “tsunami” is being used to refer to the wave-like surge in votes coming from the urban areas of Peninsular Malaysia in favor of the opposition Pakatan Rakyat (PR) coalition, which almost toppled the BN majority. In fact, PR won 51 percent of the popular votes but due to distortion in the distribution of parliamentary constituencies, it only got 89 seats, to the BN’s 133.

Prime Minister Najib Razak sparked the controversy when he attributed the loss of several BN candidates to last-minute support given by Chinese voters to opposition candidates. He called it the “Chinese tsunami”. Election analysts have debunked this assertion.

While it is true that many Chinese are dismayed by some BN-led government policies, in particular the affirmative programs that gave preferential treatment to Malay citizens, their numbers are actually not significant enough to affect voting results. What really hit Najib’s administration was an urban tsunami, in which a swelling of votes for the opposition came from the nation’s multi-ethnic urban areas.

These votes reflect the declining popularity of Najib’s administration among urban professionals and young voters. Significantly, these voters comprise the demographic in Peninsular Malaysia who are very vocal, both offline and especially online, about public issues like corruption, good governance, human rights, election fraud and media freedom.

Making matters worse, Najib made the “Chinese Tsunami” remark while also calling for national unity and reconciliation. How can he now appear to be sincere? Beyond damaging his own support base, the comment could inflame race-based political sentiments, creating yet more divisions in multiracial Malaysia.

But Najib is plagued by a bigger problem. The opposition has refused to accept the voting results. On May 8, PR organized a protest near Kuala Lumpur that was attended by more than 60,000 people. Opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim vowed to hold more rallies in other parts of the country to prove that the popular sentiment in Malaysia is that of disgust with the fraud and other voting irregularities allegedly committed by BN and its supporters.

“I want to show Najib this is not a Chinese battle, this is not a Malay battle,” Anwar said before the crowd of 60,000. “We will go to every corner of this country to show we have the support of Malaysians.”

If this were an ordinary election, it would be easy to dismiss PR as an arrogant party refusing to concede defeat. But election watchdogs, scholars, and many in Malaysia share the suspicion that the recent election may have been less than fair and clean. Even the United States government has advised Malaysia to probe the alleged irregularities.

If BN truly intends to remedy the matter, it must immediately undertake electoral reforms. Otherwise, public discontent might unleash a backlash that the BN-led government cannot handle. Last year BN survived the Bersih (Clean) election reform rallies, Malaysia’s answer to the Arab Spring movement. But can it withstand the “Malaysian tsunami”?

Philippine Midterm Polls Give Preview of 2016 Presidential Race

Written for The Diplomat

Filipinos will go back to the polls on May 13, 2013 when the nation will hold its midterm national and local elections. In terms of numbers, there are 52 million voters out of a population of 92 million. They will be voting to fill 18,000 elective positions, including 12 senators, 229 district members of the House of Representatives and 80 provincial governors.

At the national level, the 12 senators who will be elected or re-elected will gain instant electoral advantage if ever they decide to run for president or vice president in the 2016 elections. Bearing in mind that the last three presidents, including the incumbent, were senators first, incumbent senators are aggressively competing for the top ranking in the senate race. In other words, this year’s senatorial election is a preview of the 2016 presidential election. This explains the attempted power grab underway by major parties in Congress, especially in the nation’s local government units.

In addition to serving as a preview of the next presidential race, midterm polls are often used to gauge the public approval rating of the incumbent administration. So far, administration candidates are doing well in surveys, reflecting the continuing popularity of President Benigno “Noynoy” Aquino III. In fact, the ruling Liberal Party has named its senate slate as “Team PNoy” (President Noynoy) in the hopes of winning votes from the president’s supporters.

The high public trust rating of Aquino is attributed to the reforms he has implemented since assuming the presidency in 2010. Perhaps the absence of a strong opposition bloc has also boosted Aquino’s popularity. Vice President Jejomar Binay, who comes from a different party and acts as the titular leader of the United Opposition (UNO), has chosen to be a quiet collaborator in the Aquino government.

Further, the opposition senate slate is not united by a clear political platform and their proposed policy reforms merely echo the programs offered by the administration. In short, the choice of voters is limited to officially sanctioned administration candidates and other candidates belonging to minority parties who are not necessarily opposed to the programs of the ruling coalition.

The lack of alternative candidates in the elections has frustrated many people and led to the rise of a citizen movement opposed to the dominance of political dynasties in Philippine politics. This year’s election is perhaps the first in Philippine history when politicians are being forced to defend the practice of enlisting members of the same clan to run for various political positions.

In the senate race alone, candidates include the nephew of the president, the daughter of the vice president, the son of the senate president, and the brother of an incumbent senator. Political dynasties are still expected to win big this year but at least there is a nascent political movement that is beginning to challenge the oligarchic control and feudal nature of Philippine politics.

One issue that emerged during the campaign period that deserves to be seriously addressed even after elections is the credibility of the automated election system. For the second time, the Philippines are conducting elections using an automated system, but there are growing concerns about the accuracy and reliability of the voting machines procured by the Commission on Elections. It didn’t help that the agency has refused to allow a third-party source code review of the software that will be used in the counting of election results.

On a positive note, compared to 2010 this year’s elections have featured less political intrigue and, bickering among candidates, and fewer fiery speeches. Be that as it may, next week’s voting results will determine the country’s political landscape in the next few years and will give a glimpse of what to expect in the 2016 presidential race.

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Leftists and Politicians

By admin | May 18, 2013

Viewed from the outside, the reactionary state apparatus appears to be a brutal and beastly machine. Viewed from the inside, this juggernaut looks enigmatic. Seductively enigmatic. Nevertheless, it remains a ferocious stinking monster. Its hypnotic stink, however, is camouflaged by trappings, rituals, symbols, and other elegant deodorizers which distort the gaze of everybody, including the beast slayers. A leftist who joins electoral politics is exposed to this nether world. Indeed, he is most vulnerable inside the ‘belly of the beast.’

It seems inevitable that a leftist is stripped of his warrior aura the moment he decides to join the ‘hunger games’ of the bourgeoisie. A street fighter in the battle arena of parliamentary politics. He will be seen as an eccentric spouting strange words and alien phrases. A moralist whose political ego will awkwardly collide with the laughable and pathetic vanity of the decadent class.

A leftist who becomes a politician is actually a pitiful individual, a crippled political creature. But he can escape the curse of compromise by stubbornly clinging to his beliefs; and more importantly, by strengthening his organizational link with the grassroots. In other words, he must remain an activist in both theory and practice.

Possessing a progressive (reformist) worldview is not enough. Without the backing and counsel of the mass movement, a leftist trapped in the bureaucratic maze (and haze) might erroneously equate his verbal jousting in the parliament with real political power. He might see no other platform to build the political edifice of the Cause other than the state machinery. In the end, he will embrace the legitimacy of the political apparatus whose foundation is based on the ruthless exploitation and manipulation of the poor. Tragically, he mutates into a rabid apologist of the ruling clique. He falls for the fleeting allure of illusory power and its overrated perks and porks. He joins the reactionary master in rejecting the alternative appeal and threat of the mass movement.

It must be emphasized that a leftist who finds himself in the inside of mainstream politics will always remain an outsider. He is inside the big circle but outside the loop. He is a somebody to many but a nobody to them. Equals under the law but unequals in so many levels. There is a mutual feeling of distrust and abhorrence. Everyday niceties prevail but the loathing remains. After some time, the leftist must escape the glorified squalor or he becomes numb with all the wheeling and dealing, horse trading, cheap bargaining, and unprincipled exchange of unpleasantries that surround him. He may be fascinated with his proximity to surreal politics but he is still offended by its perversity. The macabre parliament is no place for the squeamish.

So what can a leftist whose party is not in power accomplish in the bureaucracy? Well, nothing much. He can insert some really good reforms here and there but measured against the great political objective of societal change, his work is miniscule compared to the Parliament of the Streets and People Power. It is only through politics proper that a political institution is best judged and not by exaggerating some meaningless numbers, self-rated performance reviews, and paid tributes.

Naturally, a leftist has a concrete agenda to offer which reactionaries often dismiss as nothing more but foolish and dangerous fantasies. Some would insist that this agenda can be successfully integrated in the mainstream hierarchy by diluting its content and by exhibiting good manners in presenting them. This is the risk and dilemma that leftists often encounter. What exactly is the threshold of acceptable compromise, if ever such a thing exists? How can dissidence continue without being scandalous in the eyes of the opinion-making classes?

The presence of leftists in mainstream politics is often highlighted to prove the changing dynamics of Philippine democracy. Others go too far by arguing that the traditional elite is actually amenable to a power sharing scheme with the non-elite. Leftists must respond by being more aggressive in fulfilling their mission order which is to expose the bankruptcy of electoral politics and the rotten core of the exploitative social order on one hand, and spread the message of revolution on the other.

While politicians inflate their egos and pockets, leftists are focused on deepening their understanding of the state apparatus. The weak points are rendered visible to all, the deceptive parts are unmasked, the power players and their surrogates are identified, the magic of the behemoth is demystified and declassified. Soon, the hacking will commence. We are the source code review of the coming deconstruction of the order of things.

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Southeast Asia’s Twittering Heads of State

By admin | May 12, 2013

Written for The Diplomat

“Hello, people of Indonesia. I have joined Twitter to exchange greetings, views and inspirations. Nice to meet you.”

With these 140 characters, Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, or SBY as he is known, joined the Twittersphere on April 13. After two weeks of tweeting, SBY has gained more than 1.7 million followers and cemented his status as the most popular Southeast Asian leader, at least in terms of the number of Twitter followers.

SBY, whose term will end next year, seems to be enhancing his social media presence. Early this month, his government launched the @IstanaRakyat Twitter account to document his official activities. Aside from Twitter, Indonesians can send SMS messages direct to SBY. And for the old fashioned, SBY accepts letters via snail mail to P.O. Box 9949.

SBY’s initial tweets referenced the Boston bombing and political reforms in Aceh. Interestingly, he also tweeted summaries of the main points of his speech at the Nanyang Technological University in Singapore about the achievements and priorities of his administration. He claimed that his leadership inaugurated a “transformational decade” which made Indonesia’s trillion dollar economy the largest in Southeast Asia.

He also tweeted his advice to Arab Spring countries: “Muslims in Indonesia are comfortable with democracy and modernity. This may well offer valuable lessons to Arab Spring countries.”

SBY is not the first Indonesian politician to capitalize on social media tools in an attempt to influence public opinion, but his entry into the world of Twitter affirmed the growing significance of the Internet in Indonesian politics.

If SBY wanted some pointers on how to effectively leverage Twitter, he could turn to Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak, who has been actively using the ubiquitous microblogging site since 2008. Malaysia has two million Twitter users and Najib is the most popular personality of the lot, with more than 1.5 million followers.

Najib does not simply post his thoughts on domestic issues; he also interacts with Malaysian netizens. He once used Twitter to invite his followers to watch a live broadcast of his favorite football team. And when Korean singer Psy of “Gangnam Style” fame performed in Malaysia, Najib clarified on Twitter that no government funds were used in the public event. He has also hosted several meetups and other offline events with his Twitter followers.

Najib even described the May 5 General Elections as Malaysia’s “first social media elections.” Unlike in the previous 2008 election, Najib’s party has been aggressively reaching out to communities in cyberspace to campaign.

If Najib needed some tips on how to use social media to score a victory at the polls, he can ask Philippine President Benigno “Noynoy” Aquino, who boosted his chances by mobilizing online voters in the 2010 presidential elections. After winning the elections, Aquino maintained his high social media profile and now has more than 1.4 million Twitter followers. For good measure, Aquino also keeps several Twitter and Facebook accounts.

In one instance in September 2010, Aquino directly answered a Facebook critic who criticized the president’s supposed inefficiency and some of his cabinet choices. In his reply, Aquino pointed to progress and asked for more time before judging the results.

While SBY, Najib and Aquino have been relatively adept with social media, the transition to Twitter was not so smooth for Thai Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra, who was forced to delete her Twitter account in 2011 after it was hacked and used to send a number of tweets that were critical of the Thai government.

Overall, Southeast Asian leaders have made good use of Twitter and other social media tools to communicate directly with their citizens. Of course, Twitter will not instantly raise public approval ratings, but it can give leaders a tech-savvy image, which could raise their appeal with the younger population. The upcoming elections in Malaysia could offer another case in point.

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Kabataan Partylist: The Next Generation

By admin | May 8, 2013

Before Kabataan Partylist, there were 17 youth groups which tried (but ultimately failed) to clinch representation in Congress through the partylist system. What is the ‘source code’ of our success?

Kabataan was founded by the country’s leading youth organizations: National Union of Students (established in 1957), College Editors Guild (established in 1931 which makes it the country’s oldest existing student group), League of Filipino Students (frontrunner in the successful campaign to revive student organizations during Martial Law), Anakbayan (‘Abolish ROTC’ lead convener), Student Christian Movement, and Karatula.

These groups have nationwide presence, broad constituencies, and a sterling record of fighting for student and youth rights.

The founding leaders of Kabataan were mostly student activists of the 1990s whose political consciousness was shaped by the ideological debates within the Left. They were joined by our generation who actively participated in the historic Edsa Dos event. The decision to join the partylist race was partly inspired by the phenomenal victory of Bayan Muna in 2001.

Kabataan (Anak ng Bayan) garnered 212,000 votes; or short of 40,000 votes to reach the 2 percent winning threshold. If the current formula in determining the winners in the partylist election were used in 2004, Kabataan would have secured a seat in the 13th Congress.

After the 2004 polls, Kabataan leaders were ‘veterans’ of the anti-Estrada movement who were already by that time greatly disappointed and angered by the mutation of erstwhile ally Gloria Arroyo into a ferocious political monster. Meanwhile, its younger members were becoming the most determined oppositionists and dissentients to the Arroyo government which was re-elected into power with questionable mandate.

When the ‘Hello Garci’ scandal was exposed in 2005, Kabataan and its network became an active voice and presence in the ‘Oust Gloria’ and ‘Katotohanan’ rallies. During the 2007 elections, Kabataan was already known as an anti-administration or Opposition partylist group.

Kabataan’s victory in 2009 was a milestone in the youth and student movement. For the first time in the country’s history, an elected youth representative is sitting in Congress. After years of defining and articulating the youth agenda in schools, communities, and in the streets, Kabataan was given the opportunity to bring this fight inside Congress.

The first decade of the 21st century was a period of intense and creative experimentation on how to tap and unleash youthful idealism and patriotism. Online activism and volunteerism became popular among the educated youth. Kabataan made some useful contributions by showing how to kickstart a cybercampaign or promote volunteerism (especially during disaster relief operations). Furthermore, Kabataan was consistent in reminding the youth that change and nation-building require long-term commitment, engagement, and even sacrifice.

Despite being denied of its right to serve a full term in the 14th Congress, Kabataan went on to receive almost half a million votes in the 2010 elections and was given a seat in the 15th Congress. The election victory was achieved even with scarce resources, the proliferation of partylist groups (187 groups competed in 2010), the red-baiting and harassment of the army, and the relative inexperience of our campaign coordinators (composed mainly of teenagers, college students, and individuals in their early 20s).

In 2010, Kabataan was still seen as an anti-Arroyo partylist group. But the rise of Noynoy Aquino also inspired our members to warn against deceptive populism, pseudo reformism, and landlord conservatism.

We dedicated our victory to members and supporters who became victims of extrajudicial killings and other state-sponsored violence during the Arroyo regime.

As youth representative, Kabataan pushed for the legislation of its core youth agenda. But more than this, it sought to disprove the accusation that young leaders can be easily co-opted by the corrupt bureaucracy.

Since last year, Kabataan has entered into a transition phase when it elected new officers and nominees who will lead the group in the 2013 elections and beyond. This is a new generation of Kabataan leaders and members – all of them became politically active after 2001 since they were too young during the Edsa Dos years. In other words, their political activism was influenced by the ‘war on terror’, the global financial crisis, and the ‘Gloria Resign’ campaign in the past decade. Meanwhile, its younger members are part of a generation whose exposure to progressive politics, unfortunately, is limited to the feel-good reformism of Obama and Noynoy.

Through its campaign paraphernalias, Kabataan has announced that it intends to ‘level-up’ the engagement of the youth in parliamentary politics, and Philippine politics in general. The challenge is to maintain its legislative work while participating in bolder campaigns to restructure the flaws of the country’s political economy.

It has to be wary against the rising bureaucratization of youth politics in the country. Or the tendency of some youth formations to simply demand some token membership in some minor agency of the state or its local satellites.

It has to be battle ready in the information warfare. The challenge is to continuously attract youth involvement at a time when everybody is always distracted or hypnotized by the dizzying freeflow of realtime data. Fortunately, Kabataan can simply review its tactics in calibrating online/offline activism and elevate it into theory.

The Aquino government is a master of truth manipulation. It can easily twist or spin an issue to improve its public image. The next three years is crucial to once and for all unmask its evil core.

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The Kingdoms of Southeast Asia

By admin | May 5, 2013

Written for The Diplomat

Southeast Asia has four monarchies, each with its own unique traits. Brunei is an absolute monarchy, while Thailand, Malaysia, and Cambodia have the constitutional form. The history of these monarchies, including their future prospects, is discussed in the March 2013 issue of the Kyoto Review of Southeast Asia. The essays in the volume give a fascinating overview of how these monarchies survived colonialism and the transition towards democracy.

In Brunei, Sultan Hassanal Bolkiah has been the absolute ruler since 1984. Professor Naimah Talib argues that the Sultan successfully wields centralized authority by promoting the ideology of Melayu Islam Beraja or Malay Islamic Monarchy. To accommodate the rising middle class, the Sultan welcomed educated elites into his government. To further strengthen his legitimacy, he used the country’s oil revenues (accounting for 70 percent of its GDP) to implement generous welfare programs which allow Bruneians to enjoy one of Asia’s highest standards of living. What’s more, there is no personal income tax in Brunei.

Constitutional amendments were introduced in 2004 to pave the way for so-called democratic reforms, but they only gave the Sultan greater powers. A Legislative Council was formed, but its members were all appointed by the Sultan.

Meanwhile, Cambodia’s past half century was dominated by one figure, Khmer King Norodom Sihanouk. He was King for two terms and abdicated twice. Throughout Cambodia’s tumultuous modern history, he served as head of state, premier, and even became a guerrilla leader who fought for his country’s independence. There was no Cambodian monarchy from 1970 to 1993, but Sihanouk became King again and continued to be a well-liked figure until his death last October.

According to Professor Charnvit Kasetsiri, Sihanouk was the first King in Cambodian history who made direct contact with his subjects, which probably explains his enduring popularity among the masses. monarchy in the 21st century.Sihanouk’s charisma could benefit his son, King Norodom Sihamoni, and ensure the continuity of the Cambodian

Malaysia’s monarchy is the least known in Southeast Asia, but it’s unique for having a system of elective monarchy. The current Yang di-Pertuan Agong (Head of State) is Abdul Halim, the Sultan of Kedah. Malaysians have been engaged in a lively public discussion about the monarchy’s role in modern times. Many have also criticized the lavish lifestyle of the royal families and scandals involving some in their midst.

For Professor Ahmad Fauzi Abdul Hamid, reviving the image of Malaysia’s monarchy might be possible through Tengku Faris Petra or Sultan Muhammad V of Kelantan, who is also Malaysia’s Deputy Yang di-Pertuan Agong: Fauzi wrote: “Being comparatively young and hailing from a state long ruled by the opposition, Sultan Muhammad V injected vigor into the monarchy with his simple lifestyle, humility, friendly disposition and avoidance of controversies which had beleaguered the Kelantan royal household.”

In Thailand’s case, aside from being the most popular political figure in the nation, King Bhumibol Adulyadej is also the longest-reigning living monarch in the world. But Professor David Streckfuss thinks the Thai monarchy is “at its all time low in terms of both popularity and legitimacy” and the next monarch will inherit a “debilitated and factionalized institution with no clear path on which to continue.”

What contributed to the weakening of the Thai monarchy? Streckfuss gives three core reasons for the decline. For one, he thinks that building a personality cult around the King is not good for the throne. “The more successfully the King as a person and his good works are portrayed, the weaker the monarchy as an institution becomes,” he wrote.

A second reason could be that some political activities, such as supporting coups and protests by some members of the Royal Family and the powerful Privy Council of Thailand have tainted the image of the monarchy as being neutral or existing above politics. Lastly, the excessive use of the lese majeste law, often described as the world’s harshest anti-royal insult regulation, has eroded the legitimacy of the monarchy in the eyes of many educated Thais.

These essays demonstrate the scholarly and political interest inherent in the four remaining monarchies of Southeast Asia, which survived the great upheavals of the 20th century. It remains to be seen if these institutions will play a prominent role in shaping the future of their societies, and whether they will coexist with greater democracy and transparency.

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Somchai, Jonas, Sombath

By admin | May 2, 2013

Written for The Diplomat

Thai human rights lawyer Somchai Neelapaijit went missing on March 12, 2004. Filipino activist Jonas Burgos was last seen on April 28, 2007. Lao development economist and educator Sombath Somphone disappeared on December 15, 2012.

The search for these missing activists has become a campaign for human rights promotion, not only in their respective countries but across Southeast Asia. Their names have become synonymous with the fight against enforced disappearances, kidnapping, torture, and other human rights atrocities, often carried out with apparent impunity.

At the time of his disappearance, then 53-year-old Somchai was handling cases in southern Thailand, a region ravaged by infighting between government troops and Muslim separatist rebels. Somchai was pursuing a case against police officers accused of torture when he mysteriously disappeared in Bangkok.

Jonas, the son of Philippine press freedom fighter Joe Burgos, was connected with a left-leaning peasant group when he was abducted by suspected state agents in a Quezon City shopping mall. There were witnesses who testified in the court that Jonas shouted ‘Aktibista ako!’ (I’m an activist!) while he was being dragged out of the mall.

Sombath is a popular NGO leader whose work with the Participatory Development Training Centre in Laos earned him the 2005 Ramon Magsaysay Award, known as Asia’s Nobel Prize, for community leadership. Sombath’s disappearance was captured on CCTV footage, which shows Sombath being stopped by police and then abducted by unidentified men. Sombath’s abduction is believed to be related to his advocacy for the protection of land rights for ordinary villagers.

All three cases highlight the inability of their respective governments to protect the human rights of their citizens, especially activists and civil society members who criticize politicians and public authorities. In particular, they expose the perpetration of kidnapping and abduction by state forces as unofficial policies or instruments used to silence dissidents, despite the fact that all governments in the region have embraced the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

Angkhana Neelapaijit, Somchai’s wife, has expressed disappointment that Thailand’s Department of Special Investigation has not made any progress at all with the case almost a decade after her husband was abducted. Meanwhile, Sombath’s wife Ng Shui Meng called the Association of Southeast Asian Nations a “toothless” agency for its failure to enforce regional agreements on human rights and democratic governance. Like Angkhana and Shui Meng, Edita Burgos, the mother of Jonas, was also discouraged by her government’s apparently insincere pledge to help find her missing son when a ranking military officer suspected of involvement in the abduction was promoted to a higher rank last December.

Perhaps the families and supporters of Somchai, Jonas, and Sombath are motivated by the support they continue to receive from people around the world. In March, even United States Secretary of State John Kerry asked the Laos government to release more information about Sombath’s case. Further, Edita Burgos asked the Philippine Supreme Court to reopen her son’s case after she received new documentary evidence identifying the abductors of Jonas as an intelligence unit of the 7th Infantry Division of the Philippine Army and the 56th Infantry Battalion.

The continuing search for Somchai, Jonas, and Sombath is also an ongoing campaign for greater human rights protection in Thailand, the Philippines, and Laos. The campaign has created public awareness that human rights legislation must be backed with political will and commitment in order to effectively prevent more human rights abuses.

In the case of the Philippines, this means that the signing of the landmark Anti-Enforced or Involuntary Disappearance Act of 2012 last December must be followed up with substantial action and procedural reform. Only by taking these concrete steps can the new administration prove that human rights violations are no longer tolerated.

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New Politics

By admin | April 24, 2013

Politics is about man’s infinite search for the most effective way of organizing societies. It mirrors the imperfections of man and thus it remains an unfinished project, an incomplete thesis. But it stands for a greater ideal. Through politics, man can conquer nature and become the god master of the world. The political man is the beast with a purpose, the animal with spirit, the subject who becomes a militant agent of History.

If politics is infinite, it means that there are always new ways of doing politics. A successful political formula has to be continually tested, challenged, and reformulated – if it must remain relevant. New politics is actually a misnomer since politics proper is about the invention of truths, the unveiling of the Idea, the birthing of the new.

Unfortunately, politics today is reduced into electoral politics. It has become synonymous with the stench of parliamentary politics despite the brave efforts to link it with the idea of democracy. Worse, political practice is no longer about rupturing with the old since it merely advocates the repetition of past events, the pathetic romanticization of conservative values.

Modern political practice has been codified already. There exists an unofficial (and unspoken) rule book which identifies the politically-correct or formulaic way of doing things. The professional, the amateurish, and the lumpen are united in enforcing this code. It is the code of the lazy and satisfied, the guardians of the eternal present, and those who refuse to think the new.

The political situation is dangerous for those who offer original thoughts. They are condemned for deviating from tradition. Dismissed for ignoring mainstream ethics. Ridiculed for experimenting with bold ideas, practices, and utopian dreams.

Innovation is welcomed as long as it conforms with the rules established by the great powers in society. Change is encouraged but it must not disrupt the core of the system. Radical agenda is tolerated if it’s advocated through polite and civilized means. Everyone is free to be eccentric and unique but follow the rules and behave, or else!

Achieving inner peace is the only acceptable and most endorsed form of revolutionary act. Collectivism, in theory and practice, is demonized as standard examples of bad politics.

What is to be done? There are textbook definitions of responsible citizenship. But beyond good citizenship is the duty to restore the original disruptive power of politics. Defiance of the rules that perpetuate the illusory appearance of the status quo. The willingness, the stubbornness to create new rules and new ways of doing things. The openness to ‘abnormal’ and taboo perspectives and practices.

The readiness to march with friends and especially strangers in the road less travelled. To risk everything, to make the supreme sacrifice in order to reach the destination. The journey towards the unknown guided only by the egalitarian promise of new politics. Man as political animal is a dreamer. Dream the dream.

Related articles:

Politics in the time of Unli
Hourglass politics
Radicalism, reformism
Impossible reformism

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Deadly Nationalisms

By admin | April 23, 2013

Nationalism was the powerful and revolutionary idea which inspired and mobilized the people of colonized countries in Southeast Asia to fight for their political independence after World War II. Then, post-colonial governments invoked it to unify their nations against real or imagined foreign aggressors.

In the era of globalization, nationalism became appealing once more for people who wanted to preserve their local identity and culture, especially in developing nations with governments that are suspicious of the Western promotion of the Washington Consensus.

On the whole, nationalism is useful and even necessary to stabilize the hegemony of nation-states. But its unifying power could also turn deadly if allowed to mutate into xenophobia, creating race-based prejudices, ethnic hatred, and religious conflict.

Today, there seems to be a surge of this deadly brand of nationalism across Southeast Asia.

Burma is embroiled in conflict as riots between Buddhists and Muslims flared up anew in the towns of Meikhtila, Minhla, Moenyo and Latpadan. More than 40 people have already been killed in the two weeks of conflict, while shops, houses, and places of worship have been burned to the ground.

President Thein Sein blamed the violence on religious extremists “who exploit the noble teachings of religions and tried to plant hatred among people of different faiths for their own self-interest.”

Buddhism is a state religion in Burma. Meanwhile, Muslims comprise about four percent of the country’s population.

What is most unfortunate in the Meikhtila riot is that it was a mere private dispute in a market which turned ugly and became a bloody riot in a town where Buddhists, Muslims, and people of other faiths have historically lived peacefully as neighbors.

The civilian government must immediately investigate the possibilities that someone or some groups deliberately instigated some of the recent violence in Burma. It should also probe its police and army officers who are suspected of being involved in the riots, as reported by Tomas Quintana, UN special envoy on human rights in Burma.

Francis Wade speculates the riots could also reflect the disturbing rise of anti-Muslim sentiment in Burma. Likewise, dissident scholar Maung Zarni warned against “genocidal Buddhist racism” whose proponents “have chosen to pursue a destructive nationalism that is rooted in the fear of losing property, land, and racial and religious purity.”

While religious nationalism is stoking the flames of violence in Burma, the issue of national identity has triggered a divisive debate in Singapore. The Singaporean government’s population strategy published in January mentioned the protection of a so-called “Singapore Core” as it continues to accept more foreign workers and immigrants to reverse the country’s shrinking and aging population.

Many Singaporeans rejected the proposal to increase the number of foreigners and demanded that Singapore remain a country of Singaporeans. More and more Singaporeans are blaming the influx of foreigners for rising prices, worsening traffic, and difficulty finding jobs. Fortunately, the heated debates on the meaning of Singaporean identity and citizenship has not escalated – at least for now

The motivation to define an authentic citizen is not limited to Singapore. In 2006, researchers from the Chulalongkorn and Mahidol Universities in Bangkok claimed that they have already identified the Thai gene sequence – the so called “true Thai” DNA. Moreover, the Filipino genome project was revived in February, eliciting discussions on Filipino race and ethnicity. While the scientific basis of these initiatives is benign, the results can easily be appropriated by ultra-nationalists to bolster racist agendas.

Meanwhile, Malaysia has allegedly stolen Indonesia’s cultural heritage, provoking nationalist outrage on the part of the latter. While Indonesia and Malaysia have good relations as neighbors, they often clash over the ownership of certain cultural icons. In 2009, Indonesia accused Malaysia of stealing Balinese dance. Last year, an Indonesian education official claimed that Malaysia has misappropriated seven Indonesian cultural products as part of its national heritage.

Territorial wars are natural triggers for nationalist propaganda, as seen in the way that the Cambodia-Thailand border dispute in Preah Vihear sparked an intense ultra-nationalist hate campaign in both countries. Meanwhile, the self-proclaimed Sultan of Sulu wanted to reclaim Sabah for the benefit of the Philippines, but the Malaysian government insists that Sabah will remain part of Malaysia forever.

written for The Diplomat

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