Mong Palatino

Blogging about the Philippines and the Asia-Pacific since 2004

About

@mongster is a Manila-based activist, former Philippine legislator, and blogger/analyst of Asia-Pacific affairs.

Written for The Diplomat

The Marcos and Duterte political families in the Philippines have been publicly criticizing each other over the past four months, threatening to further undermine the “unity government” headed by President Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr.

As the two dynasties maneuver for influence, an increasing number of Filipinos are outraged that these political clans are focused on gaining more power rather than doubling down on their work to address the urgent concerns of ordinary citizens.

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Political Rivals Trade Barbs Over Drug Issues

Written for The Diplomat

In the Philippines, the Duterte and Marcos political dynasties and their supporters are busy throwing mud at each other over who should be held accountable for the drug menace.

As politicians engage in partisan bickering, victims of the bloody “war on drugs” continue to clamor for justice. The intensifying rivalry ahead of the 2025 midterm election should not drown out the calls for truth, accountability, and justice.

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Book review of Jose Maria Sison’s On the Legal Democratic Mass Movement (Sison Reader Series Book 12). Published by Bulatlat

“The enemy is strong, yes. But we, too, are strong. If we unite—if those who have strength contribute strength, if those who have intellect contribute intellect…like the rain falling in torrents on a thousand raging rivers, we will sweep away all the filth of the ‘new society.’” – Alsang Bayan para sa Kalayaan at Demokrasya

Jose Maria Sison mentioned this in his narrative about the anti-Martial Law protest on September 30, 1977. Around 35,000 people bravely defied state goons in Manila to oppose the dictatorship.

Sison’s account of the massive protest is significant since it showed that the serious challenge to the notorious regime of Ferdinand Marcos emerged just a few years after the imposition of Martial Law. Indeed, there was an upsurge in protests after the assassination of opposition Senator Ninoy Aquino in 1983, but the resistance was already mobilizing tens of thousands in the streets during the first decade of the dictatorship.

It was a creative and militant demonstration of activism. Sison wrote about the street tactics used by the protesters to confuse authorities and evade the police dragnet. I was reminded of the 2019 protests in Hong Kong which gained global attention for embodying Bruce Lee’s ‘be like water’ philosophy. Sison’s description of the anti-Marcos protest also alluded to the power of the flowing water, but his example was “the rain falling in torrents on a thousand raging rivers”, which I think accurately captured the essence of Philippines’s national democratic movement from the countryside to the cities.

It remains a relevant formulation as it allows us to view our mass campaigns in the context of the continuing struggle for genuine social transformation.

Sison’s latest book contains numerous lessons about the urban mass movement, the history of student activism, the rise of the anti-dictatorship coalition, and the role of the Philippine mass movement in building a global anti-imperialist front.

For students of history, the book offers valuable and interesting information such as the success of activists in retrieving Marxist books and returning them to the UP Library system in the 1950s.

Sison also wrote about the big anti-fascist rallies in August and October of 1971 which mobilized up to 50,000 people. Again, this is an important account from a well-known anti-Marcos leader since the popular narrative is focused on the enduring legacy of the First Quarter Storm of 1970 and the Diliman Commune in 1971.

We need more testimonies and reports highlighting the lesser-known protests that contributed to the building of a formidable resistance to the dictatorship.

Sison’s teachings on the mass movement are based on his actual experience as a youth leader and political organizer. This book compiles his essential perspectives on strengthening the urban struggle. He emphasized that “mass actions are peaceful but militant, vigorous but nonviolent.” He repeated this point in 1995 when he wrote that “the urban-based democratic mass movement must be mainly legal and defensive in character even if verbally offensive, articulate and militant.”

He warned about the dangers of reformism which “reduces the people and their organizations to mere objects of periodic electioneering.” He further described it as “the systematic use of palliatives in order to preserve the fundamental interests of the exploiting classes.” He clarified in 2009 that “there is no error of reformism when there is no pontification that the struggle for reforms is the sole option of the people.”

He was in prison in 1985 when he gave this advice to fellow activists about the snap elections. “You may decide to extend direct support to the opposition presidential tandem which meet your criteria; or you may decide to extend only indirect support if you consider them undeserving of direct support.” He even encouraged the fielding of candidates. “You can join an electoral coalition not only because you directly or indirectly support the opposition presidential tandem, but also because you are interested in getting progressive candidates nominated and elected.” His message clearly didn’t advocate the boycotting of the historic elections contrary to what his detractors have been spreading to malign his political legacy.

The second part of the book reflects his virtual interactions with people’s organizations in his respected role as a veteran Filipino activist and Marxist revolutionary. His statements are familiar because they are often quoted in mainstream media and academic papers. Since the early 1960s up to the time of his death, his views have been solicited by those wanting to know more about the Philippine Left and the prospects of the global socialist movement. Readers will easily recognize that his writings represent the radical tradition of politics.

I read with interest his message during the 8th Congress of BAYAN in 2009 when he challenged the delegates to persevere. “From the struggle itself, you and the people learn how to solve problems, hurdle the obstacles, gain strength and advance.”

As I’m writing this, the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) announced the death of communist leaders Benito and Wilma Tiamzon, who were brutally tortured and killed by state forces. As expected, anti-Left ideologues ridiculed the CPP with some commentators describing the local communist movement as a spent force. I recalled what Sison wrote in 2013 when he responded to a loaded question about the supposed irrelevance of the underground national democratic struggle.

“The US and local exploiting classes would not be so much bothered about the people’s democratic revolution if this has lost its validity,” Sison said.

In 2019, the 80-year-old Sison summed up his legacy as a lifelong revolutionary. “My mission in life is already accomplished: which is to criticize the oppressive and exploitative semicolonial and semifeudal system and try to overthrow it in my lifetime. A strong foundation is already established for the younger generations to continue the revolutionary process.”

Sison and his peers have done more than enough in reviving and guiding the national liberation movement, and advancing the socialist cause. This book is a testament to his brilliance, patriotism, and outstanding contribution to the working-class movement. His writings will certainly guide the new generation of activists and revolutionaries in their world-building mission of struggling for a better future.

Written for The Diplomat

The year 2023 ended in the Philippines with several transport groups holding nationwide protests aimed at pressuring the government to reconsider its program that will lead to the phaseout of jeepneys.

The jeepneys were World War II surplus vehicles of the U.S. military before they were modified and used by Filipinos for transporting people and goods. Since then, jeepneys have become the country’s main mode of public transportation.

Indeed, the riding public is clamoring for a better transport system. But what the recent transport protests also revealed was the enduring popularity of jeepneys which remain accessible and affordable to many. It is a reminder to the Marcos government that it cannot simply redesign the roads of the future by removing the beloved and old reliable Philippine jeepneys.

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Philippines Hit by Flooding and Oil Spill Disasters

Written for The Diplomat

Massive flooding in the capital region and an oil spill disaster have wrought havoc in the Philippines, as officials underscored the debilitating effect of climate change and the need for sustained and comprehensive preparation at all levels of government.

Typhoon Gaemi, known locally as Carina, caused heavy rainfall in Metro Manila and nearby provinces which led to the worst flooding disaster in the nation’s biggest urban center since 2009. As of July 28, government data showed that a total of 1,228,904 families, or 4,514,896 persons, had been affected by the typhoon and subsequent flooding.

The twin disasters could also affect the trust rating of the country’s top two leaders. The president needs to convince the public that the 5,000 flood control projects worth billions of pesos were really completed and effective. As for Vice President Sara Duterte, she drew flak for going to Germany on a personal trip while a million of her constituents were displaced by floods.

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Sinulat para sa Bulatlat

Matapang na tinalakay ng dula ang usapin ng red-tagging at kung bakit ito banta sa malayang palitan ng diskurso sa lipunan. Bukod sa napapanahon, malinaw, at maingat na tinilad-tilad sa dula ang mga pangkalahatan at partikular na ginagawa ng red-tagging sa komunidad at sa mga biktima nito. Kung pamilyar ang naratibo at tema, ito ay dahil hango sa mga aktwal na insidente at pinayaman pa ng karanasan ng awtor at direktor na kilalang makabayang artista at bukod dito ay tinarget ng red-tagging ng mga troll ng estado.

Ilang henerasyon ng aktibista ang makkita ang kanilang sarili sa danas ng mga karakter mula sa paglaban ng mga Huk noong dekada singkwenta, ang pakikibaka laban sa Batas Militar, ang paglahok sa EDSA, at ang mahabang bangungot ng walang patid na paglabag sa karapatang pantao kahit pagkatapos mapabagsak ang diktadura.

Gagap ng mga kabataang karakter ang lugar nila sa agos ng kasaysayan at kung bakit matwid ang pumanig sa progresibong kilusan. Ang kahusayan ng dula ay ang pagbasag nito sa stereotype sa aktibistang tila laging galit kung magsalita at de-kahon ang gawi at aktitud. Iba-iba ang ugali at postura ng mga aktibista, hindi lahat ay nagtutuloy sa pagkilos, at tuwi-tuwinang binabagabag ng mga tanong tungkol sa mga tindig sa buhay.

Kaya ang pasya ng magkakaibigan na agad lumikas pagkatapos maredtag ay maaaring salamin ng kanilang pribilehiyo; at sa isang banda rin naman ay akmang tugon kung may pumipihit na sitwasyong panseguridad.

Pwedeng nakatulong ang “distansiya” mula sa lugar na kung saan sila pinag-initan upang maiproseso ang lahat ng nangyari at humugot ng mas tumpak na perspektiba. Tila kwentuhan at asaran lang ng barkada ang nagaganap subalit nakatulong ang pagpapahayag ng saloobin upang maramdaman ito ng bawat isa at makita nila kinalaunan kung paano at saan ipipihit ang takot dulot ng red-tagging tungo sa isang kapasyahan na magpatuloy.

May susing ambag ang presensya ng kapitan ng barangay upang higit na maunawaan ng magkakaibigan ang kawastuhan ng kanilang aktibismo, ang malisya ng red-tagging, at aral ng kasaysayan. Bitbit ng kapitan ang kaisipang pinalulunok ng estado sa publiko kahit ang salalayan nito ay pawang kasinungalingan at kontra sa adyenda ng pagbabago. Nagpaalala ito sa benepisyo ng kolektibo at malayang talakayan; at pinamalas na walang tinutuntungang matibay na batayan ang red-tagging at madali sana itong ibuyangyang kung hahayaan lang ang tao na ito ay hamunin.

Tinulay ng dula ang resolusyon ng mga personal na bagahe gamit ang konteksto ng politika at kasaysayan. Tinahi ang iba-ibang kaganapan sa bansa at ang ugnay ng mga ito sa rebolusyonaryong kilusan noon at hanggang ngayon. Sa isang iglap, napalitaw ang red-tagging bilang “bagong luma” na instrumento ng mapang-aping kapangyarihan upang maghasik ng lagim at patahimikin ang mga kritikal na boses. Ito ang espiritung binuhay at ginawang batas ng burukrasya upang ituring na krimen ang pumuna sa estado. Ang layunin ay manaig sa pamamagitan ng marahas na pagsupil sa mamamayang lumaban. Subalit kailanman ay hindi nagtagumpay ang ganitong klaseng pagbabaluktot sa katotohanan dahil ang mga nabuwal sa mahabang laban para sa kalayaan at demokrasya ay hindi kinalimutan ng mga sumunod na salinlahi ng mga rebolusyonaryo.

Kung minumulto tayo ng nakaraan ito ay dahil nagpapatuloy ang kawalan ng hustisya sa lipunan. Isa itong mabigat na pamana ng kasaysayan na nag-iiwan ng malupit na marka sa buhay ng mga tao. Ang karakter ni Rory ay kumakatawan sa trauma na dinanas ng mga naging saksi sa mga karumal-dumal na paglabag sa karapatang pantao. Nagpaalala ito na ang red-tagging, terror-tagging, o red-baiting noon ay sinusundan ng mga pisikal na atake at di-makataong karahasan; at lahat ito ay delubyong pumapatay sa diwa ng kaisahan sa komunidad habang nagpapalaganap ng kalituhan at takot hanggang kahit ang katinuan ng tao ay maapektuhan na rin.

Mapupuksa ang salot kung ito ay marubdob na hahamunin at bibiguin. Sa dula, inalay ang rebolusyonaryong tradisyon sa lipunan bilang sandigan ng tao para sa balon ng inspirasyon at katatagan. Kung kaya’t sa dulong bahagi ay makabuluhan na nagpugay sa mga martir at bayani na hinarap ang karahasan ng estado sa pamamagitan ng pagsulong ng pakikibaka para sa rebolusyonaryong pagbabago.

Akma na ang mga litrato at pangalan ng mga nagbuwis ng buhay ay naging bahagi ng produksyon; at ang ilang segundo na pinalitaw ito habang nasa harap ng LCD screen ang lolo at lola sa dula ay makapangyarihang pagsasalarawan ng ugnay ng nakaraan at kasalukuyan, at ang nagpapatuloy na laban para sa tunay na kalayaan at demokrasya.

Kapupulutan ng mayamang aral sa kasaysayan ang dula. Higit sa lahat, pinakita ang karaniwang mukha ng aktibista at hindi ang aktibistang ginawang demonyo sa propaganda ng mga pasista. Dahil sa pandemya, natutunan natin ang silbi ng quarantine. Hindi ba’t noong lockdown ay napakarami nating inisip, ginawa, at kung ano-ano pa habang tayo ay nakakulong sa loob ng ating mga tahanan? Ganun din sa ‘quarantine’ kapag kailangang tumabi habang ‘mainit’ ang sitwasyong pampulitika. Hahanap ng matutuluyan, kasama ang mga pinagkakatiwalaan, mag-uusap, magdedebate, at maglalaro ng kung ano ang mahahagilap sa bahay: Scrabble, Chess, Word Factory, at oo, kahit Spirit of the Glass.

Written for IFEX

Internet restrictions, AI-driven disinformation, and mass arrests have intensified ahead of major elections across Asia. These attacks undermine freedom of expression at a time when elections are supposed to restore or strengthen democratic rule and counter authoritarianism in the region.

A key takeaway from Asia’s election experience is the need to revisit existing media laws being weaponised to justify censorship and judicial tyranny. These were clearly designed not to boost democracy and empower citizens, but to deter dissent and punish free speech. Furthermore, measures aimed at ensuring the safety of journalists, especially during heightened moments of election-related uncertainty, must be adopted. Access to online information and services is essential to help voters make informed decisions and facilitate robust conversations between the electorate and public officials. New challenges have emerged, such as election interference and the aggressive use of AI by candidates, which has led to proposals for stricter regulations. Regulations require sustained and genuine public consultations; we have learned this from how previous disruptions were addressed. Our solutions need to enhance the independence of media, expand civic space, and inspire greater public vigilance to defend democracy.

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Written for The Diplomat

Former Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte has been attending “prayer rallies” in opposition to the charter change (ChaCha) planned by the government of President Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr.

On January 28, Duterte and his family joined a “prayer rally” in Davao. He attended a similar event in Cebu on February 25 and in Manila on March 12. Ironically, Duterte is leading the public to “pray” against ChaCha since he once remarked that God is “stupid” and even insulted the Catholic pope. He also promoted ChaCha when he was president.

Duterte may have valid reasons for opposing ChaCha, but his “prayer rallies” reflect his failure to garner broad support from various political forces. For civil society groups and opposition forces, Duterte lacks the credibility to lead the anti-ChaCha movement since he needs to be made accountable for the various crimes and abuses committed during his administration.

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Philippine Broadcast Regulator Suspends TV Show of Former President Duterte

Written for The Diplomat

A Philippine regulatory board has suspended former President Rodrigo Duterte’s TV show, reflecting a deepening discord within the ruling coalition. Supporters of the former president insist that the move is a violation of press freedom, but human rights advocates assert that those who make death threats on live TV should be held accountable.

Duterte will be off the air for two weeks, and the network hosting his show could face bigger sanctions. It may be a brief setback for the former president, but he can find other ways to broadcast his messages. As for the MTRCB decision and the spirited debates that followed it, Duterte’s camp must realize by now that it has lost solid backing from the ruling coalition. More importantly, the forces previously targeted by the former president’s verbal attacks are now availing all opportunities to pursue accountability and justice.

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Written for The Diplomat

A report by British advocacy group Global Witness highlighted the continuing attacks against environmental defenders in the Philippines.

Its latest report documented 16 killings in Asia in 2022, 11 of which took place in the Philippines. Since 2012, the Philippines has been listed by the group as the worst place in Asia for land and environmental defenders, with 281 people killed. The group further noted that a significant number of the victims were advocates against destructive large-scale mining operations.

President Marcos has not commented on the issue which is consistent with his silence on issues related to human rights. He never mentioned the human rights record of his administration in his recent State of the Nation address. Ironically, Marcos has called for global action to fight climate injustice. He should at least lead by example by taking concrete steps to enhance the country’s readiness to face the harsh impact of climate change. This includes reversing harmful and destructive projects which are mostly sponsored by prominent tycoons, and also providing protection to environmentalists who help ensure that communities are empowered and organized to sustain a cleaner and greener future.

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Philippines Suspends New Travel Rules Amid Public Outcry

Written for The Diplomat

The Philippine government suspended its revised travel guidelines for Filipinos going abroad after legislators, business groups, travel agencies, and migrants described the new requirements as “coercive, restrictive, and redundant.”

Labor group Migrante reminded authorities to focus on the more essential aspects of the anti-trafficking campaign. “The government should go after human traffickers, and not their victims. It can only counter human trafficking effectively if it starts creating decent jobs at home – and stop its intensification of the country’s labor export program,” the group said in a statement.

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Written for The Diplomat

The recently concluded Trilateral Summit of the United States, Japan, and the Philippines saw the unveiling of the Luzon Corridor, an economic scheme that is intended to spur economic partnerships among the three countries. Located south of Taiwan, Luzon is the Philippines’ biggest island with five regions including Metro Manila, the country’s capital region and major urban center.

Luzon has witnessed some of the most brutal acts of colonial conquest and war over the past century. Will the Luzon Corridor be any different by ushering in an era of peace and stability in this designated zone of growth and development?

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Rodrigo Duterte’s ‘Gentleman’s Agreement’ with China Under Scrutiny

Written for The Diplomat

Former Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte allegedly made a “gentleman’s agreement” with the Chinese government for handling tensions in the South China Sea.

It is unlikely that the Senate will summon Duterte and compel him to divulge his “gentleman’s agreement” with China. Besides, the agreement has been superseded by the new approach adopted by the Marcos government, which involves strengthening the country’s security partnership with the United States government.

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October 2023: Elusive justice: Combatting election disinformation and impunity; journalists freed in China and Afghanistan. As the world prepares to mark another International Day to End Impunity for Crimes Against Journalists, on 2 November, the fight against impunity continues in the Philippines and Pakistan. Cheng Lei returns home to Australia, Mortaza Behboudi walks free in Afghanistan, and we share initiatives by IFEX members featuring the impact of AI, combatting election disinformation, and resisting the use of repressive laws against artists and writers. Read more

November 2023: A massive data breach, a TikTok ban, a mass crackdown, and ‘overpolicing free speech’. Killing with impunity in the Philippines, India’s biggest data breach, Nepal bans TikTok, mass crackdown in Bangladesh, and new initiatives in Pakistan address gendered disinformation and cyber harassment. Read more

Written for The Diplomat

The clamor against the power of political clans in the Philippines has been revived, after the Supreme Court uploaded a copy of the petition seeking an order to compel Congress to pass a law banning political dynasties.

In the meantime, Philippine politics remains largely under the sway of political dynasties who are already maneuvering for power and influence ahead of the midterm election next year.

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What the Senate Coup Reveals About Philippine Politics

Written for The Diplomat

The Philippine Senate has a new leadership after Senate President Juan Miguel Zubiri quit his post to give way to new Senate President Francis Escudero. Reports alleged that Zubiri lost his position after he opposed the proposal to amend the 1987 Constitution through a People’s Initiative backed by members of the House of Representatives headed by Speaker Martin Romualdez, who is a first cousin of President Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr. Zubiri also reportedly lost the support of Marcos allies after he allowed a Senate probe on a leaked document naming the president as among the suspected drug users being monitored by government agencies.

The new Senate leadership faces several challenges ahead of the 2025 midterm elections but its biggest test is to prove its independence from Malacañang. It has yet to make a clearer position on the issue of amending the Constitution. It should use the session break until July to consult with various stakeholders and come up with a new agenda focused on addressing the people’s urgent concerns and demands such as higher wages, stable jobs, better livelihoods, and faster delivery of adequate social services.

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